{"title":"全球伦理与国际话语权 / Global Ethics and International Discourse Power","authors":"Yingchun Sun","doi":"10.5278/jcir.v6i2.2807","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/jcir.v6i2.2807","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70987188","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-01-01DOI: 10.5278/ojs.jcir.v0i0.2261
Alexandre Cesar Cunha Leite, Xing Li
{"title":"China and Brazil at BRICS: “Same Bed, Different Dreams?”","authors":"Alexandre Cesar Cunha Leite, Xing Li","doi":"10.5278/ojs.jcir.v0i0.2261","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/ojs.jcir.v0i0.2261","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70987022","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The rise of China is the most typical example of the rise of non-Western powers in international society. International order is the order among the sovereign states, and the world order includes international order, domestic order, and transnational order, but at the core of the world order is the international order. Western countries have dominated the international and world orders since the Westphalian peace conference, and the US has been the dominant country in the so-called liberal international order since the end of the World War II. The rise of China and the other non-Western powers is one of the driving forces of the evolution of the international order and world order in the twenty-first century.
{"title":"中国崛起、国际秩序与世界秩序 / China’s Rise, International Order, and the World Order","authors":"Xiaoming Zhang","doi":"10.5278/JCIR.V6I2.2806","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/JCIR.V6I2.2806","url":null,"abstract":"The rise of China is the most typical example of the rise of non-Western powers in international society. International order is the order among the sovereign states, and the world order includes international order, domestic order, and transnational order, but at the core of the world order is the international order. Western countries have dominated the international and world orders since the Westphalian peace conference, and the US has been the dominant country in the so-called liberal international order since the end of the World War II. The rise of China and the other non-Western powers is one of the driving forces of the evolution of the international order and world order in the twenty-first century.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70987141","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The “China” challenge as transnational challenge: implications for contemporary U.S.-China relations","authors":"Chengxin Pan","doi":"10.5278/jcir.v6i2.2808","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/jcir.v6i2.2808","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70987240","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-06-29DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V5I1.1915
Anke Berndzen
This article examines the function and role of the "Asia-Pacific Dream" (including the FTAAP) in China's foreign policy strategy by analysing the speech in which Xi Jinping promoted this dream, and creating a link between China's push for regional economic integration, soft power strategy and "universal values". While China is promoting this concept and the FTAAP to increase its influence in the region, the U.S. have also been rebalancing to Asia through different means, such as its push for the TPP. These two free trade agreements (FTA), though not mutually exclusive, are considered to be directed against each other, indicating a struggle for influence in the region, and also seem to entail an ideological agenda. As both the "Asia-Pacific Dream" and the U.S. "pivot to Asia" are connected to major FTA's, this paper argues that the motives for promoting these FTAs go far beyond economic interests; the research suggests that they are used to increase soft power in the region as well as to influence the discourse on "universal values".
{"title":"The \"Asia-Pacific Dream\": Is China Using Economic Integration Initiatives as Ideological Weapons? – On The Link Between Free Trade Agreements, Soft Power and \"Universal Values\"","authors":"Anke Berndzen","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V5I1.1915","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V5I1.1915","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the function and role of the \"Asia-Pacific Dream\" (including the FTAAP) in China's foreign policy strategy by analysing the speech in which Xi Jinping promoted this dream, and creating a link between China's push for regional economic integration, soft power strategy and \"universal values\". While China is promoting this concept and the FTAAP to increase its influence in the region, the U.S. have also been rebalancing to Asia through different means, such as its push for the TPP. These two free trade agreements (FTA), though not mutually exclusive, are considered to be directed against each other, indicating a struggle for influence in the region, and also seem to entail an ideological agenda. As both the \"Asia-Pacific Dream\" and the U.S. \"pivot to Asia\" are connected to major FTA's, this paper argues that the motives for promoting these FTAs go far beyond economic interests; the research suggests that they are used to increase soft power in the region as well as to influence the discourse on \"universal values\".","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47149524","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-06-29DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V5I1.1916
Diego Leiva
Sino-Latin American relations experienced an extraordinary "intensification process" throughout the first sixteen years of the 21st century. The present article analyses Sino-Latin American relations in the 21st century and proposes three major ideas. First, Sino-Latin American relations experienced an inflection point in 2001, which initiated an unprecedented process that intensified the relationship. Second, since the inflection point in 2001, the relationship established its foundations by transiting through an economic phase between 2001 and 2008, and a soft power phase between 2008 and 2013. Finally, since Xi Jinping took office in 2013, Sino-Latin American relations might be entering a comprehensive new phase that goes beyond trade and soft power, including the political and military-strategic dimensions. The article will be structured as follows: 1) it provides an overview of Sino-Latin American relations in the 21st century; 2) then it describes how the foundations of the relationship were established in its first two phases; 3) finally, this article provides a proposal of a new phase of Sino-Latin American relations since 2013.
{"title":"Xi Jinping and The Sino - Latin American Relations in The 21st Century: Facing The Beginning of A New Phase?","authors":"Diego Leiva","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V5I1.1916","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V5I1.1916","url":null,"abstract":"Sino-Latin American relations experienced an extraordinary \"intensification process\" throughout the first sixteen years of the 21st century. The present article analyses Sino-Latin American relations in the 21st century and proposes three major ideas. First, Sino-Latin American relations experienced an inflection point in 2001, which initiated an unprecedented process that intensified the relationship. Second, since the inflection point in 2001, the relationship established its foundations by transiting through an economic phase between 2001 and 2008, and a soft power phase between 2008 and 2013. Finally, since Xi Jinping took office in 2013, Sino-Latin American relations might be entering a comprehensive new phase that goes beyond trade and soft power, including the political and military-strategic dimensions. The article will be structured as follows: 1) it provides an overview of Sino-Latin American relations in the 21st century; 2) then it describes how the foundations of the relationship were established in its first two phases; 3) finally, this article provides a proposal of a new phase of Sino-Latin American relations since 2013.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41674484","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-06-29DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V5I1.1917
W. Zank
In this article, I explore the development and character of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) and its compatibility with China's OBOR initiative. The genesis of the EEU is placed in the context of Russia's attempts to fill its "Monroe Doctrine" with substance, i.e. to claim the post-Soviet space as a zone of exclusive Russian influence. Russia's "Monroe Doctrine" was primarily formulated against the EU, its enlargement and its "European Neighbourhood Policy" (ENP) which offers privileged relations also to countries in the post-Soviet space. The logic of the Russian "Monroe Doctrine" works, however, against all countries trying to establish closer ties with former Soviet republics, China included. In 2013, President Putin presented the EEU as a predominantly political project, shortly after the Chinese President had launched the OBOR initiative; all twelve states in the post-Soviet space were invited to participate. However, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine opted for an association agreement with the EU, a move to which Russia responded by the annexation of Crimea and starting an insurgency in Eastern Ukraine. In 2015, the EEU officially started with the participation of only five countries: Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Russia. It implied the extension of the rather high Russian tariffs to the whole EEU, a move which had negative effects on Chinese transactions with the region. This, however, could not impede a rise of the Chinese presence in Central Asia. In its present form, the EEU is not compatible with the OBOR initiative. A free-trade agreement between China and the EEU could make it compatible, but this is not a realistic perspective for the near future. The EEU seems to be an unstable construction, with many basic rules and norms being unclear, and many tensions and conflicts among its members.
{"title":"The Eurasian Economic Union: A Brittle Roadblock on China's \"One Belt - One Road\": A Liberal Perspective","authors":"W. Zank","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V5I1.1917","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V5I1.1917","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, I explore the development and character of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) and its compatibility with China's OBOR initiative. The genesis of the EEU is placed in the context of Russia's attempts to fill its \"Monroe Doctrine\" with substance, i.e. to claim the post-Soviet space as a zone of exclusive Russian influence. Russia's \"Monroe Doctrine\" was primarily formulated against the EU, its enlargement and its \"European Neighbourhood Policy\" (ENP) which offers privileged relations also to countries in the post-Soviet space. The logic of the Russian \"Monroe Doctrine\" works, however, against all countries trying to establish closer ties with former Soviet republics, China included. In 2013, President Putin presented the EEU as a predominantly political project, shortly after the Chinese President had launched the OBOR initiative; all twelve states in the post-Soviet space were invited to participate. However, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine opted for an association agreement with the EU, a move to which Russia responded by the annexation of Crimea and starting an insurgency in Eastern Ukraine. In 2015, the EEU officially started with the participation of only five countries: Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Russia. It implied the extension of the rather high Russian tariffs to the whole EEU, a move which had negative effects on Chinese transactions with the region. This, however, could not impede a rise of the Chinese presence in Central Asia. In its present form, the EEU is not compatible with the OBOR initiative. A free-trade agreement between China and the EEU could make it compatible, but this is not a realistic perspective for the near future. The EEU seems to be an unstable construction, with many basic rules and norms being unclear, and many tensions and conflicts among its members.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47891162","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V5I2.2094
Liang Bo, Pang Jiayuan
长期以来，西欧各国的分离主义问题并未得到根本解决，尤其是21世纪以来发生的苏格兰独立公投和加泰罗尼亚独立公投等均受到了全世界的关注。除了既有的历史因由外，现阶段其所在国家经济动荡应是主要原因，而国家的治理能力、国家认同及政权的合法性等因素对民族分离主义治理有很强的制约作用。 Separatist issues have not been fully resolved for a long time in Western European countries. In the 21st century, the independence referendums in Scotland and Catalonia have attracted worldwide attention. Besides the existing historical reasons, the economic turbulence in the respective countries is the main driving-force, and factors such as state governance capacity, national identity and the legitimacy of the government also curb the governance of ethnic separatism.
长期以来，西欧各国的分离主义问题并未得到根本解决，尤其是21世纪以来发生的苏格兰独立公投和加泰罗尼亚独立公投等均受到了全世界的关注。除了既有的历史因由外，现阶段其所在国家经济动荡应是主要原因，而国家的治理能力、国家认同及政权的合法性等因素对民族分离主义治理有很强的制约作用。 Separatist issues have not been fully resolved for a long time in Western European countries. In the 21st century, the independence referendums in Scotland and Catalonia have attracted worldwide attention. Besides the existing historical reasons, the economic turbulence in the respective countries is the main driving-force, and factors such as state governance capacity, national identity and the legitimacy of the government also curb the governance of ethnic separatism.
{"title":"当代西欧民族分离主义问题治理的国内因素影响 / The Influence of Domestic Factors on the Governance of Ethnic Separatism in Contemporary Western Europe","authors":"Liang Bo, Pang Jiayuan","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V5I2.2094","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V5I2.2094","url":null,"abstract":"长期以来，西欧各国的分离主义问题并未得到根本解决，尤其是21世纪以来发生的苏格兰独立公投和加泰罗尼亚独立公投等均受到了全世界的关注。除了既有的历史因由外，现阶段其所在国家经济动荡应是主要原因，而国家的治理能力、国家认同及政权的合法性等因素对民族分离主义治理有很强的制约作用。 Separatist issues have not been fully resolved for a long time in Western European countries. In the 21st century, the independence referendums in Scotland and Catalonia have attracted worldwide attention. Besides the existing historical reasons, the economic turbulence in the respective countries is the main driving-force, and factors such as state governance capacity, national identity and the legitimacy of the government also curb the governance of ethnic separatism.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70990053","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.5278/ojs.jcir.v5i2.2098
Liu Yi
2017年9月召开的金砖国家领导人厦门峰会致力于进一步深化金砖合作与全球治理的联动关系，推动合作治理机制建设。与会各国倡导共同、综合、合作、可持续的合作治理观念，支持通过相互间对话、协商与和平的方式解决分歧；以宏观经济协调与结构性改革为基础，推进合作治理方式创新。作为金砖合作关键支持者与引领者，中国将金砖机制作为当代外交创新发展的重要路径，致力于协同改进全球治理态势，应对全球挑战、深化新兴国家合作、推进全球治理关系的机制化变革。 The BRICS Summit in Xiamen in September 2017 was committed to enhancing the role of the BRICS cooperation in global governance, and promoting the construction of cooperative mechanism on governance. The participating countries advocated common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security. They supported the resolution of differences through mutual dialogue in a consultative and peaceful manner. They vowed to promote the innovation of cooperative governance based on macroeconomic coordination and structural reforms. As a key supporter and forerunner of the BRICS, China has made the BRICS mechanism an important path for contemporary diplomatic innovation and development. China is committed to improving the global trend of global governance in a collaborative way, addressing global challenges, deepening cooperation with emerging countries and promoting institutional changes in global governance.
2017年9月召开的金砖国家领导人厦门峰会致力于进一步深化金砖合作与全球治理的联动关系，推动合作治理机制建设。与会各国倡导共同、综合、合作、可持续的合作治理观念，支持通过相互间对话、协商与和平的方式解决分歧；以宏观经济协调与结构性改革为基础，推进合作治理方式创新。作为金砖合作关键支持者与引领者，中国将金砖机制作为当代外交创新发展的重要路径，致力于协同改进全球治理态势，应对全球挑战、深化新兴国家合作、推进全球治理关系的机制化变革。 The BRICS Summit in Xiamen in September 2017 was committed to enhancing the role of the BRICS cooperation in global governance, and promoting the construction of cooperative mechanism on governance. The participating countries advocated common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security. They supported the resolution of differences through mutual dialogue in a consultative and peaceful manner. They vowed to promote the innovation of cooperative governance based on macroeconomic coordination and structural reforms. As a key supporter and forerunner of the BRICS, China has made the BRICS mechanism an important path for contemporary diplomatic innovation and development. China is committed to improving the global trend of global governance in a collaborative way, addressing global challenges, deepening cooperation with emerging countries and promoting institutional changes in global governance.
{"title":"共同体战略与金砖合作治理的中国含义 / The Meaning of Common Community Strategy and the BRICS Cooperative Governance for China","authors":"Liu Yi","doi":"10.5278/ojs.jcir.v5i2.2098","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/ojs.jcir.v5i2.2098","url":null,"abstract":"2017年9月召开的金砖国家领导人厦门峰会致力于进一步深化金砖合作与全球治理的联动关系，推动合作治理机制建设。与会各国倡导共同、综合、合作、可持续的合作治理观念，支持通过相互间对话、协商与和平的方式解决分歧；以宏观经济协调与结构性改革为基础，推进合作治理方式创新。作为金砖合作关键支持者与引领者，中国将金砖机制作为当代外交创新发展的重要路径，致力于协同改进全球治理态势，应对全球挑战、深化新兴国家合作、推进全球治理关系的机制化变革。 The BRICS Summit in Xiamen in September 2017 was committed to enhancing the role of the BRICS cooperation in global governance, and promoting the construction of cooperative mechanism on governance. The participating countries advocated common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security. They supported the resolution of differences through mutual dialogue in a consultative and peaceful manner. They vowed to promote the innovation of cooperative governance based on macroeconomic coordination and structural reforms. As a key supporter and forerunner of the BRICS, China has made the BRICS mechanism an important path for contemporary diplomatic innovation and development. China is committed to improving the global trend of global governance in a collaborative way, addressing global challenges, deepening cooperation with emerging countries and promoting institutional changes in global governance.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70990461","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.5278/ojs.jcir.v5i2.2095
Lin Limin, Cheng Yake
{"title":"试析“六方会谈”各方在朝核问题上的地缘政治博弈 / An Analysis of the Geopolitical Game among the Parties of the \"Six Party Talks\" on the DPRK Nuclear Issue","authors":"Lin Limin, Cheng Yake","doi":"10.5278/ojs.jcir.v5i2.2095","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/ojs.jcir.v5i2.2095","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70990104","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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