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COVID-19, wall building, and the effects on Migrant Protection Protocols by the Trump administration: the spectacle of the worsening human rights disaster on the Mexico-U.S. border 2019冠状病毒病、修建隔离墙以及特朗普政府对移民保护协议的影响:美墨两国人权灾难日益恶化的景象。边境
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-04-02 DOI: 10.1080/10841806.2020.1750212
T. Garrett
Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic has repercussions well beyond the confines of borders. National border policies can thwart international efforts to combat the spread of infectious diseases. These problems are especially relevant for the United States with the spectacle of President Trump’s “big, beautiful border wall” used as leverage to maintain political and economic power domestically and globally while confronting the coronavirus pandemic. The focus of this paper is the implementation of Trump’s Zero Tolerance Policy, Migrant Protection Protocols, and the Asylum Cooperation Agreement, all aimed primarily at migrants and refugees, the homo sacer, from Central America to prevent entrance into the U.S. using the border security apparatus. These policies have adverse consequences for people dwelling throughout the hemisphere, particularly borderlanders, as the COVID-19 pandemic spreads into the Americas.
2019冠状病毒病大流行的影响远远超出了国界。国家边境政策可能会阻碍国际社会抗击传染病传播的努力。这些问题对美国来说尤其重要,因为特朗普总统的“巨大而美丽的边境墙”被用作在应对冠状病毒大流行的同时,在国内和全球维持政治和经济实力的杠杆。本文的重点是特朗普的零容忍政策,移民保护协议和庇护合作协议的实施,所有这些都主要针对来自中美洲的移民和难民,即“homo sacer”,以防止使用边境安全机构进入美国。随着COVID-19大流行蔓延到美洲,这些政策对居住在整个西半球的人们,特别是边境居民产生了不利影响。
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引用次数: 36
Does Gender Matter? Using Social Equity, Diversity, and Bureaucratic Representation to Examine Police–Pedestrian Encounters in Seattle, Washington 性别重要吗?使用社会公平、多样性和官僚代表性来研究华盛顿西雅图的警察-行人遭遇
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-04-02 DOI: 10.1080/10841806.2019.1659049
Joshua Chanin, Reynaldo T. Rojo-Mendoza
This article considers the extent to which the gender of police officers affects the likelihood that a pedestrian will be frisked following a Terry stop. Theories of social equity, organizational diversity, and representative bureaucracy are used to develop several testable hypotheses. Results suggest that the presence of female police officers correlate with lower levels of racial and ethnic disparity in the distribution of frisks conducted by police in the City of Seattle. Further, our analysis suggests that stops initiated by female reporting officers reduce male–female disparities on the probability of being frisked. Results are discussed in terms of both theory and practice.
这篇文章考虑了警察的性别在多大程度上影响行人在Terry停车后被搜身的可能性。社会公平、组织多样性和代议制官僚的理论被用来发展几个可检验的假设。结果表明,在西雅图市,女警察的存在与警察搜身的种族和民族差异程度较低有关。此外,我们的分析表明,由女性报告人员发起的拦截减少了男性和女性在被搜身概率上的差异。结果从理论和实践两个方面进行了讨论。
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引用次数: 2
“Backwards and in High Heels”*: The Invisibility and Underrepresentation of Femme(inist) Administrative Labor in Academia “落后与高跟鞋”*:女性行政劳动在学术界的隐形与代表性不足
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-04-02 DOI: 10.1080/10841806.2019.1659045
Shereen Inayatulla, H. Robinson
This article examines the ways in which embodiments of femme within administrative academic settings intervene in dominant discourses that (incorrectly) frame us as being “in service” of male-identified colleagues, supervisors, and institutionalized heteropatriarchies. We posit femme as an important and complex counternarrative to the heterocentric, cissexist, and masculinist discourses that are ubiquitous within academic administration in both historical and present-day contexts. Additionally, we consider femme as a site of resistance to feminized discourses of nurturance and of (re)productivity. In this collaborative project, we study the labor involved in administering an English Department and a Writing Program at a four-year public college, interrogating, through autoethnographic reflections and analyses, the ways in which this service labor often falls to/gets thrust upon those of us who identify as femme faculty members. Our article illustrates how we resist the imposition of care work and assert our own agency while conducting administrative work on our own, femme, terms. We offer a list of usable interventions to common, predictable, yet sometimes disorienting situations, and although we do not advance these responses as easy conclusions to problematic interactions, we consider how this list might aid femme administrators in managing quotidian, misguided, at times hostile scenarios. Our work calls allies and comrades to identify systemic asymmetries and generate collaborative solutions within a paradigm of affirmation: One that places a commitment to “femme witnessing” at its center.
这篇文章探讨了女性在行政学术环境中的具体体现如何干预主导话语,这些话语(错误地)将我们框定为“为”男性认同的同事、主管和制度化的异家长关系服务。我们认为,女性是一种重要而复杂的反叙事,与在历史和当今背景下普遍存在于学术管理中的异中心、共生和男性主义话语相反。此外,我们认为女性是抵抗女性化的养育和(再)生产力话语的场所。在这个合作项目中,我们研究了在一所四年制公立大学管理英语系和写作项目所涉及的劳动力,通过民族志反思和分析,质疑这种服务性劳动力往往会以何种方式落到我们这些女性教师身上。我们的文章阐述了我们如何抵制护理工作的强加,并在按照我们自己的女性条件进行行政工作的同时,维护我们自己的代理权。我们提供了一份针对常见、可预测但有时令人迷失方向的情况的可用干预措施清单,尽管我们没有将这些回应作为有问题互动的简单结论,但我们考虑了这份清单如何帮助女性管理员管理日常、误导、有时是敌对的场景。我们的工作呼吁盟友和同志们识别系统性不对称,并在肯定的范式中制定合作解决方案:以“女性见证”为中心的范式。
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引用次数: 3
Administering Biology: How “Bathroom Bills” Criminalize and Stigmatize Trans and Gender Nonconforming People in Public Space 管理生物学:“浴室账单”如何将公共空间中不符合性别和跨性别的人定罪和污名化
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-04-02 DOI: 10.1080/10841806.2019.1659048
Zein Murib
Public administration scholarship pertaining to transgender individuals focuses on the implementation of nondiscrimination policies, particularly with respect to employment (Colvin 2007, 2008; Elias 2017). This literature contributes greatly to our understanding of how to maintain open and accessible workplaces for transgender people; however, the effects of the recent politicization of public restroom access for transgender people, such as North Carolina’s HB 2, has yet to receive the same attention. This article argues that the recent surge of “bathroom bills” introduced across various states and localities makes opportunities for transgender and gender nonconforming people to successfully and safely inhabit public space impossible, and uses quantitative and qualitative analysis to illustrate the consequences of these policies. Focusing on seventy-one bills introduced between 2014 and 2018, this article shows that efforts to restrict bathroom access took two forms: first, legalizing discrimination against transgender and gender nonconforming people in public and second, making trans or gender nonconforming embodiment a criminal act. The article concludes with recommendations from architecture, city planning, and Trans Studies scholarship for public administration scholars and practitioners to consider as they continue to design and implement policies to address the unique needs of transgender individuals.
与跨性别者相关的公共管理奖学金侧重于非歧视政策的实施,特别是在就业方面(Colvin 2007, 2008;伊莱亚斯2017)。这些文献有助于我们理解如何为跨性别者保持开放和无障碍的工作场所;然而,最近跨性别者使用公共厕所的政治化影响,如北卡罗来纳州的HB 2,尚未得到同样的关注。本文认为,最近各州和地方引入的“厕所法案”激增,使跨性别和性别不符合规定的人无法成功安全地居住在公共空间,并使用定量和定性分析来说明这些政策的后果。本文重点分析了2014年至2018年期间出台的71项法案,发现限制厕所使用的努力有两种形式:一是将公共场所歧视跨性别者和性别不符合者合法化,二是将跨性别或性别不符合者的体现定为犯罪行为。文章最后提出了来自建筑、城市规划和跨性别研究学者的建议,供公共管理学者和从业者在继续设计和实施政策以解决跨性别个体的独特需求时考虑。
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引用次数: 20
A Third Option: Understanding and Assessing Non-binary Gender Policies in the United States 第三种选择:理解和评估美国的非二元性别政策
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-04-02 DOI: 10.1080/10841806.2019.1659046
Nicole M. Elias, R. Colvin
Our fundamental understandings and treatments of gender and gender identity within the United States are evolving. Recently, a few countries and several U.S. states have moved away from the binary categories of male and female to include a non-binary gender option for official state documents. This third, gender-neutral option, is usually represented as “X” where “M” for male and “F” for female traditionally appeared. The purpose of this study is twofold; first, to utilize Iris Marion Young’s theory of oppression to help contextualize the historical oppression of non-binary gender identity recognition by the State, and second, to analyze recent efforts by U.S. states to include non-binary gender categories. Using Young’s theory for normative explanation along with the Open Society Foundations’ (OSF) practical recommendations, we present a simple administrative framework for comparing proposed, adopted, and enacted non-binary gender policies across the United States. Tying each OSF best practice to one of Young’s faces of oppression, we are able to assess each law or policies’ effectiveness in dismantling the oppressive binary constructs of society.
我们在美国对性别和性别认同的基本理解和处理方式正在演变。最近,一些国家和美国几个州已经放弃了男性和女性的二元分类,在官方国家文件中加入了非二元性别选项。第三种是中性选项,通常表示为“X”,其中“M”代表男性,“F”代表女性。这项研究的目的是双重的;首先,利用Iris Marion Young的压迫理论,帮助将国家承认非二元性别认同的历史压迫置于情境中,其次,分析美国各州最近将非二元性类别纳入其中的努力。利用杨的理论进行规范性解释,并结合开放社会基金会(OSF)的实践建议,我们提出了一个简单的行政框架,用于比较美国各地提出、通过和颁布的非二元性别政策。将每一个OSF的最佳实践与杨的一个压迫面孔联系起来,我们能够评估每一项法律或政策在拆除压迫性的二元社会结构方面的有效性。
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引用次数: 13
Special Issue on Gender Identity and Expression and Sexual Orientation (LGBTQ+) in the Public and Nonprofit Contexts 公共和非营利背景下的性别认同、表达和性取向(LGBTQ+)特刊
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-04-02 DOI: 10.1080/10841806.2019.1659051
R. Colvin
When I was a graduate student, in the early 2000s, a well-meaning senior faculty member urged me not to write a dissertation related to “gay rights.” He convinced me that a dissertation on environmental policy would be more marketable and that I would have more outlets for my research. I struggled for almost a year to develop a prospectus on environmental policy. Luckily, another faculty member—who had read my previous work on lesbian and gay employment discrimination—volunteered to lead my committee. Eventually, I completed an LGBT policy-focused dissertation, joining a handful of other public administration scholars focused on this area of research. Fast-forward twenty years, and the state of sexual orientation and gender identity and expression research has blossomed. Today, we have numerous scholars advancing our body of knowledge about a wide range of public administration and policy issues that were previously thought to be beyond the scope of the field. This is best evidenced through this special issue on sexual orientation and gender identity and expression. The original charge for this special issue was to bring a theoretical and contextual understanding to the observable changes in public administration—and society more broadly—as related to sexual minorities. The authors in this symposium exceeded expectations by advancing theoretical and practical knowledge on contemporary issues as well as starting dialogs about issues on the horizon of public administration and policy. It is an honor to present six peer-reviewed articles that focus on various aspects of public administration and LGBTQI communities, including: women, queer identity and expression, nonbinary gender status, and of course, sexual orientation. The first three articles in the symposium relate to institutions (i.e., the police and the academy), the second three articles critically analyze broader laws and policies. In addition to the theoretical lens underpinning each article, another emergent connector is intersectionality. Scholars in the field recognize that sexual identities can only be understood in the context
21世纪初,当我还是一名研究生时,一位好心的资深教员劝我不要写与“同性恋权利”相关的论文。他让我相信,一篇关于环境政策的论文会更有市场,我的研究也会有更多的出路。我花了将近一年的时间起草一份环境政策说明书。幸运的是,另一位老师——他读过我以前关于男女同性恋就业歧视的著作——自愿领导我的委员会。最后,我完成了一篇以LGBT政策为重点的论文,加入了其他几位专注于这一研究领域的公共管理学者的行列。二十年来,性取向和性别认同及表达的研究如火如荼。今天,我们有许多学者在广泛的公共行政和政策问题上推进我们的知识体系,这些问题以前被认为超出了该领域的范围。这一点在这期关于性取向和性别认同与表达的特刊上得到了最好的证明。这期特刊最初的目的是为公共行政——以及更广泛的社会——与性少数群体相关的可观察到的变化提供理论和背景理解。本次研讨会的作者超出了人们的预期,他们推进了关于当代问题的理论和实践知识,并开始了关于公共行政和政策领域问题的对话。很荣幸为大家呈现六篇同行评议的文章,它们关注公共管理和LGBTQI社区的各个方面,包括:女性、酷儿身份和表达、非二元性别地位,当然还有性取向。研讨会的前三篇文章涉及机构(即警察和学院),后三篇文章批判性地分析了更广泛的法律和政策。除了支撑每篇文章的理论视角之外,另一个新兴的连接点是交叉性。该领域的学者认识到,性别身份只能在语境中理解
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引用次数: 3
Editor’s introduction: Our public service manifesto during pandemic 编者简介:大流行期间我们的公共服务宣言
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-04-02 DOI: 10.1080/10841806.2020.1752593
Staci M. Zavattaro, S. McCandless
Abstract In this Editor's Introduction, we write during the COVID-19 pandemic response this manifesto for public service.
在这篇编者导言中,我们在应对COVID-19大流行期间撰写了这份公共服务宣言。
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引用次数: 13
Mass casualty event scenarios and political shifts: 2020 election outcomes and the U.S. COVID-19 pandemic 大规模伤亡事件情景和政治转变:2020年大选结果和美国COVID-19大流行
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-04-02 DOI: 10.1080/10841806.2020.1752978
A. Johnson, Wendi Pollock, Beth M. Rauhaus
Abstract COVID-19 models indicate a mass casualty event may potentially occur in the United States. Among numerous social and economic changes, the potential to reshape the political landscape exists. The theoretical perspective of politics-administration dichotomy is used to examine the rhetoric, power, and authority of public health messages during the pandemic. This study considers political shifts using state-level data on population, historical voter turnout, and projected COVID-19 cases number coupled with national-level data on voter participation by age group and COVID-19 fatality rates. Developing a formula to calculate these data, we project the extent to which the number of voters from each party could diminish. The analysis shows the potential for significant political changes due to the disproportionate loss of older voters in key swing states in the months leading to the 2020 presidential election.
摘要新冠肺炎模型表明,美国可能发生大规模伤亡事件。在众多的社会和经济变革中,存在着重塑政治格局的潜力。政治-行政二分法的理论视角被用来考察疫情期间公共卫生信息的修辞、权力和权威。这项研究利用国家一级的人口数据、历史选民投票率和预计的新冠肺炎病例数,以及按年龄组和新冠肺炎死亡率划分的选民参与率数据,考虑政治变化。通过开发一个计算这些数据的公式,我们预测了每个政党的选民人数可能减少的程度。分析显示,在2020年总统大选前的几个月里,由于关键摇摆州的老年选民流失过多,可能会发生重大政治变化。
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引用次数: 29
Narrative in the Time of Trump: Is the Narrative Policy Framework good enough to be relevant? 特朗普时代的叙事:叙事政策框架足够好吗?
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-04-02 DOI: 10.1080/10841806.2020.1750211
Michael D. Jones, M. McBeth
Abstract Narratives are the primary way by which people both understand themselves and how they communicate with others. The Narrative Policy Framework (NPF), a framework intended to help researchers make sense of the policy process, empirically studies the capacity for narratives to shape public policy at multiple levels of analyses. After what has now been a decade of empirical hypotheses testing, the NPF is employed in this article as a theoretical tool to engage the postmodern threat of President Donald Trump. While Trump’s misbehaviors are many, here we focus on his propensity to invent facts and engage in activities that seek to obscure truth. We argue these activities are an existential threat to democratic and scientific institutions, that these institutions require defending, and that the NPF can be deployed to that end. To make our case we first articulate the postmodern threat that Trump presents. We then leverage the NPF to provide ideas and strategies that we would expect to help us better understand Trump’s narrative tactics. The article concludes with some prescriptions flowing from the NPF, which are aimed at firmly anchoring the NPF to the normative assumptions and presuppositions of democracy and science.
抽象叙述是人们了解自己和与他人交流的主要方式。叙事政策框架(NPF)是一个旨在帮助研究人员理解政策过程的框架,它从多个分析层面实证研究了叙事塑造公共政策的能力。在经历了十年的实证假设检验之后,本文将NPF作为一种理论工具,来应对唐纳德·特朗普总统的后现代威胁。虽然特朗普的不当行为有很多,但在这里,我们关注的是他捏造事实和从事试图掩盖真相的活动的倾向。我们认为,这些活动是对民主和科学机构的生存威胁,这些机构需要捍卫,国家警察部队可以为此目的而部署。为了证明我们的观点,我们首先要阐明特朗普带来的后现代威胁。然后,我们利用NPF提供想法和策略,我们希望这些想法和策略能帮助我们更好地理解特朗普的叙事策略。文章总结了NPF的一些规定,这些规定旨在将NPF牢固地固定在民主和科学的规范性假设和前提上。
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引用次数: 17
Making sense of the U.S. COVID-19 pandemic response: A policy regime perspective 解读美国应对新冠肺炎疫情:政策机制视角
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-04-02 DOI: 10.1080/10841806.2020.1758991
D. P. Carter, P. May
Abstract On March 26, 2020, 3 months after Chinese authorities admitted to a novel coronavirus outbreak and 10 weeks after the first infection was documented on American soil, the U.S. led the world in COVID-19 cases. While the State Department touted the U.S. as “leading the world’s humanitarian and health assistance response to the COVID-19 pandemic,” media accounts more often applied terms like “muddled” and “confused.” In this essay, we step back to consider what it takes to bring about swift and coordinated action in pandemic response, and what has impeded such a response thus far in U.S. efforts to address COVID-19. Informed by a policy regime perspective, we argue that the response has been handicapped by deficient political commitment and unclear goals, dysfunctional institutional dynamics—from bureaucratic silos to mismatched institutions, and inertia from partisan and economic interests. We conclude that the incoherence of the U.S. response to date has further eroded its already undermined legitimacy, and more importantly, has helped engender negative feedback that threatens the near-term durability of response measures, with grave consequences.
2020年3月26日,在中国当局承认新型冠状病毒爆发3个月后,在美国首次记录感染病例10周后,美国在COVID-19病例中处于世界领先地位。虽然美国国务院称赞美国“领导着世界对COVID-19大流行的人道主义和卫生援助反应”,但媒体报道更多地使用了“混乱”和“困惑”等术语。在本文中,我们回过头来考虑如何在大流行应对中采取迅速和协调的行动,以及迄今为止在美国应对COVID-19的努力中阻碍这种应对的因素。从政策制度的角度来看,我们认为,由于缺乏政治承诺和不明确的目标,功能失调的制度动态(从官僚筒仓到不匹配的制度)以及党派和经济利益的惯性,应对措施受到了阻碍。我们得出的结论是,迄今为止,美国反应的不连贯进一步削弱了其本已受到破坏的合法性,更重要的是,这有助于产生负面反馈,威胁到反应措施的短期持久性,并带来严重后果。
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引用次数: 91
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