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Framing and Agenda Setting of the Day of Republika Srpska and its 2016 Referendum 斯普斯卡共和国日及其2016年公投的框架和议程设置
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2021-0036
Nađa Beglerović, Matthew T. Becker
Abstract The purpose of this article is to explore broadsheet newspaper framing and agenda-setting of two events using the five-frame model developed by Semetko and Valkenburg (2000). This article provides insight into how the leading broadsheet newspaper within BiH’s Republika Srpska frames relationships between the three main ethnic groups and is the first such study to occur in BiH. By identifying and exploring the most common frames in Glas Srpske during the five-year period (from 31 December 2015 to 30 December 2020), the research is meant to answer the following research questions: How does Glas Srpske frame the conversation about it and portray the Day of Republika Srpska (RS) and Referendum of the RS Day? The results, which find Attribution of Responsibility and Conflict frames to be the more prevalent in Glas Srpske, illustrate contentious politics that reinforce differences between ethnic groups in BiH. These events and the controversial narrative surrounding them are relevant more than ever in the light of the recent non-paper ‘Western Balkans – A Way Forward’.
摘要本文的目的是利用Semetko和Valkenburg(2000)开发的五框架模型来探索两个事件的大报框架和议程设置。这篇文章深入了解了波黑塞族共和国的主要大报如何构建三个主要民族之间的关系,也是波黑首次进行此类研究。通过识别和探索五年期间(2015年12月31日至2020年12月30日)格拉斯·斯尔普斯克最常见的框架,本研究旨在回答以下研究问题:格拉斯·斯尔普斯克如何构建关于它的对话,并描绘塞族共和国日和塞族共和国全民投票日?研究结果发现,责任归属和冲突框架在格拉斯-斯尔普斯克更为普遍,这说明了有争议的政治加剧了波黑种族之间的差异。鉴于最近的非论文《西巴尔干——前进之路》,这些事件及其引发的争议性叙事比以往任何时候都更加重要。
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引用次数: 0
Local government fighting COVID-19: the Case of Slovenian Municipalities 地方政府抗击新冠肺炎:以斯洛文尼亚城市为例
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2021-0034
Simona Kukovič
Abstract When the SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus broke out, it was initially assumed that Slovenian municipalities would successfully cope with the crisis situation due to their experience in dealing with natural and other disasters. Nevertheless, the unprecedented pandemic posed significant challenges to local governments, especially in the first wave, from managing responses to an unknown crisis situation to ensuring the safety of citizens in times of extreme uncertainty. Using a four-dimensional framework, the article analyses the results of the first post-COVID-19 survey of mayors of Slovenian municipalities, which reveals differences and similarities in policies to contain and prevent the spread of the SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus disease. The analysis proves that there is no single and well-established procedure for dealing with a crisis situation. Indeed, responses varied from municipality to municipality, and the intensity of action depended to a large extent on the commitment, initiative and innovation of the individual mayor.
摘要当严重急性呼吸系统综合征冠状病毒2型爆发时,人们最初认为斯洛文尼亚市政当局将成功应对危机,因为他们在应对自然灾害和其他灾害方面有经验。尽管如此,这场前所未有的疫情给地方政府带来了重大挑战,尤其是在第一波疫情中,从管理应对未知危机的措施到在极端不确定的时期确保公民的安全。文章使用四维框架分析了新冠肺炎疫情后首次对斯洛文尼亚市市长进行的调查结果,该调查揭示了遏制和预防新冠肺炎冠状病毒疾病传播的政策的异同。分析证明,处理危机局势没有单一和完善的程序。事实上,各个市镇的反应各不相同,行动的力度在很大程度上取决于市长个人的承诺、主动性和创新性。
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引用次数: 1
Diligent or just smart students? Small governmental parties’ approach to the European Semester in Poland 勤奋的学生还是聪明的学生?波兰小政府政党对欧洲学期的态度
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2021-0040
Piotr Sula
Abstract All governments in Poland formed after the introduction of the European Semester were coalitional ones. All these governments contained junior coalition partners representing all party families. Irrespective of their affiliation, all these junior parties adopted policies that appeared to comply with the European Semester. Hence, junior coalition parties might be recognised as very diligent European students, even if two out of three represented quite extreme views and were undeniably more Eurosceptic than their respective senior partners. However, it can be argued that their strategy was mixed: even if these two more Eurosceptic parties might be regarded as being so in their rhetoric, they accepted all recommendations from the European Semester, except for the farmers’ insurance privileges reduction. The salience of their approach to this latter issue was seen even after a few years in government, making these parties clearly different from their senior coalition partners.
引进欧洲学期制度后,波兰组建的政府均为联合政府。所有这些政府都有代表所有政党家族的初级联盟伙伴。不管他们的隶属关系如何,所有这些小党派都采取了似乎符合欧洲学期的政策。因此,联合政府的初级政党可能会被认为是非常勤奋的欧洲学生,尽管其中三分之二的政党代表了相当极端的观点,而且不可否认的是,他们比各自的高级政党更怀疑欧洲。然而,可以认为他们的策略是混合的:即使这两个更多的欧洲怀疑论者可能在他们的言论中被视为如此,他们也接受了欧洲学期的所有建议,除了减少农民的保险特权。即使在执政几年后,他们对后一个问题的态度也很突出,这使得这些政党与他们的高级联盟伙伴明显不同。
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引用次数: 0
Economic Cyber-Espionage in the Visegrád Four Countries: a Hungarian Perspective 经济网络间谍在Visegrád四个国家:匈牙利的视角
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2021-0037
Federica Cristani
Abstract This article explores the regulatory framework of reference of economic cyber-espionage in Europe, with a particular focus on the V4 region (comprising Slovakia, Hungary, Poland and the Czech Republic) and taking Hungary as a case study. Europe Union member states, including the V4 countries, are particularly exposed to economic cyber-espionage, because of the advanced know-how of the companies based therein. Under international law, there exists no uniform approach to the matter; also at the European Union level, the legal framework appears rather fragmented and the same holds true at the national level and within the V4 group, where each country has adopted its own relevant regulation. After a general overview of the relevant international and EU regulatory framework of reference, this article overviews the modus operandi of the V4 and examines its approach to economic cyber-espionage, with a special focus on Hungary as case study. As already remarked at the European and international levels, cybersecurity policies and regulations, including those regarding economic cyber-espionage operations, should be drafted in coordination among states; the V4 group can become a privileged platform of discussion to advance in the regulatory harmonisation of the issues at stake.
摘要本文探讨了欧洲经济网络间谍参考的监管框架,特别关注V4地区(包括斯洛伐克、匈牙利、波兰和捷克共和国),并以匈牙利为例进行了研究。包括V4国家在内的欧盟成员国尤其容易受到经济网络间谍活动的影响,因为这些国家的公司拥有先进的技术。根据国际法,对这一问题没有统一的处理办法;同样在欧盟层面,法律框架似乎相当分散,在国家层面和V4集团内部也是如此,每个国家都通过了自己的相关法规。在概述了相关的国际和欧盟监管参考框架后,本文概述了V4的运作方式,并考察了其处理经济网络间谍活动的方法,特别以匈牙利为例进行了研究。正如已经在欧洲和国际层面上指出的那样,网络安全政策和法规,包括关于经济网络间谍活动的政策和法规应该在各国之间协调起草;V4集团可以成为一个享有特权的讨论平台,以推进相关问题的监管协调。
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引用次数: 0
The Ideological Recomposition of Political Elites in Serbia since 2012 2012年以来塞尔维亚政治精英的思想重组
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2021-0025
Laurent Tournois
Abstract This article argues that the ideological recomposition that has followed Aleksandar Vučić’s first tenure in 2012 has blurred the lines between the various political ideologies Serbia has been associated with over the past 30 years, from nationalism to conservatism, populism, hybridity and, ultimately, authoritarianism. Using discursive analysis, the political strategy and narrative schemes examined therein illustrate the inherent tensions of ‘conservatism’ as practiced by Serbia’s political elite. This article also develops a minimal explanation of the results and consequences of the political developments that have taken place from 2012 to 2020. It highlights the dynamic discursive construction/deconstruction of the ruling party’s ideology which has not been considered in existing scholarly studies on the categorisation of contemporary Serbia’s political regimes. Finally, by investigating the symbolic and emotional dimensions of the ideological recomposition ongoing in Serbia (i.e. the cultural trauma that followed the dissolution of Yugoslavia, heteronomy and ontological (in)security), this article contributes to the literature on growing political changes occurring in post-communist societies.
本文认为,在2012年Aleksandar vu伊奇(Aleksandar vu伊奇)的第一个任期之后,意识形态的重组模糊了塞尔维亚在过去30年里与之相关的各种政治意识形态之间的界限,从民族主义到保守主义、民粹主义、混合主义,最终到威权主义。使用话语分析,其中考察的政治策略和叙事方案说明了塞尔维亚政治精英所实践的“保守主义”的内在紧张关系。本文还对2012年至2020年发生的政治发展的结果和后果进行了简要的解释。它突出了执政党意识形态的动态话语建构/解构,这在当代塞尔维亚政治政权分类的现有学术研究中尚未被考虑。最后,通过调查塞尔维亚正在进行的意识形态重组的象征和情感层面(即南斯拉夫解体后的文化创伤、他律和本体论安全),本文有助于研究后共产主义社会中发生的日益增长的政治变化。
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引用次数: 0
Reflections on the Independent Mass Media of Post-Soviet Countries and Political Competitiveness 后苏联国家独立大众传媒与政治竞争力的思考
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2021-0024
N. Steblyna, J. Dvorak
Abstract The aim of this paper is to analyse political activity in the mass media discourses of states with more democratic and more authoritative regimes respectively, so as to show a clear difference in the context of a formal analysis of mass media content. The current study examines political news on qualitative online media portals in Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine. Thirty years ago, these states began their independent transition from a closed system to openness/democracy. However, at today’s transition point, only Lithuania is considered a democratic country. In different periods Ukraine has been considered an example of competitive authoritarianism, while Belarus deviated towards complete authoritarianism and dictatorship. All political news items between 2005–2020 (for delfi.lt – since 2007) were collected with the help of the Python program. To measure the indicators, several Python programs were designed. The results of the research confirmed that the intensity of political activity differs in the mass media discourses of states with more democratic (Lithuania, Ukraine) and more authoritative (Belarus) regimes. Furthermore, a clear difference was shown in terms of five indicators, average indicators and the dynamics thereof.
摘要本文的目的是分别分析具有更民主和更权威政权的国家在大众媒体话语中的政治活动,以便在对大众媒体内容进行正式分析的背景下显示出明显的差异。目前的研究调查了立陶宛、白俄罗斯和乌克兰定性在线媒体门户网站上的政治新闻。30年前,这些州开始了从封闭制度向开放/民主的独立过渡。然而,在今天的过渡点上,只有立陶宛被认为是一个民主国家。在不同时期,乌克兰被认为是竞争性威权主义的一个例子,而白俄罗斯则偏离了完全的威权主义和独裁。2005年至2020年期间的所有政治新闻(delfi.lt自2007年以来)都是在Python程序的帮助下收集的。为了测量指标,设计了几个Python程序。研究结果证实,政治活动的强度在拥有更民主(立陶宛、乌克兰)和更权威(白俄罗斯)政权的国家的大众媒体话语中有所不同。此外,在五个指标、平均指标及其动态方面也显示出明显的差异。
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引用次数: 1
Facing Disinformation: Narratives and Manipulative Techniques Deployed in the Czech Republic 面对虚假信息:捷克共和国的叙事和操纵技巧
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2021-0023
M. Gregor, P. Mlejnková
Abstract Disinformation represents a pressing issue in the context of security and politics in the region (not only) of Central and Eastern Europe. With the conflict in Ukraine, European virtual space was flooded with online media offering alternative explanations concerning the situation in that country. So-called alternative media developed into trusted sources of information for part of society. Therefore, this paper analyzes in-depth the techniques of manipulation they use; in other words, the aim of the paper is to deconstruct their power over peoples’ hearts and minds. Through the case of the Czech Republic, we demonstrate modernized manipulation of public opinion based on a selective choice of topics and stories combined with properly chosen manipulative techniques controlling emotions and relativity.
虚假信息代表了中欧和东欧地区(不仅是)安全和政治背景下的一个紧迫问题。随着乌克兰的冲突,欧洲的虚拟空间充斥着网络媒体,对该国的局势提出了不同的解释。所谓的另类媒体发展成为部分社会可信赖的信息来源。因此,本文深入分析了他们使用的操纵技术;换句话说,这篇论文的目的是解构他们对人们心灵和思想的控制。通过捷克共和国的案例,我们展示了基于对话题和故事的选择性选择,以及适当选择的控制情绪和相关性的操纵技术的现代化舆论操纵。
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引用次数: 3
Different Class Citizens: Understanding the Relationship between Socio-economic Inequality and Voting Abstention 不同阶层公民:理解社会经济不平等与弃权的关系
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2021-0022
Tamara Ehs, Martina Zandonella
Abstract In most established democracies the turnout gap along class lines has increased substantially since the 1980s. Political participation has become a question of resources: income, property, formal education, secure employment and overall social status determine citizens’ engagement in political decision-making. Using a mixed methods approach, our case-study shows that this also applies to Vienna – an overall rich city with a long tradition of social reform policies, often credited with the highest quality of life in the world. Although Vienna still has a relatively high turnout by international standards, political participation is very unevenly distributed once socio-economic resources are taken into account. Thereby and throughout life, class shapes people’s experiences with and as part of democracy. These experiences in turn have long-term effects on their trust in the political system and on their political self-efficacy. Our findings first and foremost contribute to the ongoing debate on democracy’s social imbalance and show that its consequences already apply on the regional level. The study additionally highlights the usefulness of mixed methods approaches when we aim at a better understanding of the class-based turnout gap.
自20世纪80年代以来,在大多数成熟的民主国家,阶级之间的投票率差距大幅增加。政治参与已经成为一个资源问题:收入、财产、正规教育、安全就业和整体社会地位决定了公民参与政治决策的程度。采用混合方法,我们的案例研究表明,这也适用于维也纳——一个整体富裕的城市,有着长期的社会改革政策传统,经常被认为是世界上生活质量最高的城市。虽然按照国际标准维也纳的投票率仍然相对较高,但一旦考虑到社会经济资源,政治参与的分布就非常不均匀。因此,在整个生活中,阶级塑造了人们对民主的体验,并将其作为民主的一部分。这些经历反过来又对他们对政治制度的信任和政治自我效能产生长期影响。我们的调查结果首先有助于正在进行的关于民主的社会不平衡的辩论,并表明其后果已经在区域一级适用。该研究还强调了混合方法在我们更好地了解基于阶级的投票率差距时的有用性。
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引用次数: 1
Who spends more? Party Ideology and Public Spending in 16 Post-Socialist Countries 谁花得更多?16个后社会主义国家的政党意识形态与公共支出
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2021-0010
D. Bursać
Abstract The article is revisiting a never-concluded debate about the partisan effect on public spending. It explores the impact of the ruling parties’ ideological orientation, operationalised in a single-dimensional left-right scale, on budget expenditures in Central and Eastern Europe. The research is conducted within an expanded time series covering the complete period since the fall of one-party regimes in sixteen former socialist countries, where the issue has remained under-studied, especially in comparison with a number of similar studies focusing mostly on developed Western democracies. The findings moderately support the main hypothesis demonstrating that, although an ideology matters, there are also other more significant predictors of the spending among political, economic or other contextual variables related to a specific transitional framework of the countries in question. The same conclusion applies to the total consumption, as well as to the examined budget segments of social transfers and education, while the environmental spending seems to be completely unrelated to the partisan variable.
摘要这篇文章重新审视了一场从未结束的关于党派对公共支出影响的辩论。它探讨了执政党的意识形态取向对中欧和东欧预算支出的影响。这项研究是在一个扩展的时间序列内进行的,涵盖了自16个前社会主义国家一党政权倒台以来的整个时期,这些国家对这一问题的研究仍然不足,尤其是与主要关注发达西方民主国家的一些类似研究相比。研究结果适度支持了主要假设,即尽管意识形态很重要,但在与相关国家的特定过渡框架相关的政治、经济或其他背景变量中,也有其他更重要的支出预测因素。同样的结论也适用于总消费,以及社会转移和教育的审查预算部分,而环境支出似乎与党派变量完全无关。
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引用次数: 1
Parties and Linkages in the Slovak Party System: An Overview 斯洛伐克政党体系中的政党和联系:综述
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2021-0012
Peter Učeň, Oľga Gyárfášová
Abstract This study acknowledges Kitschelt’s inspiration by understanding party linkage as a mechanism closely pertaining to the relationships of accountability and responsiveness between political parties and voters. Three key linkages – programmatic, charismatic and clientelistic – are scrutinized. The authors identify the “link-age profiles” of relevant political parties in the history of Slovak party competition and use the results of an experts’ survey (from the DALP project) as a (limited) test of the authors’ expert judgement. The study then reflects on the latest developments in political linkages in a period when anti-establishment and anti-system political parties are gaining strength. The paper concludes that clientelism as a linkage played a significantly smaller role than predicted in the 1990s, while charisma – even though we define it differently from some mainstream approaches – manifested a stronger than expected influence on party competition. Also, combinations of charismatic and programmatic linkages seem to be attractive for a number of relevant Slovak parties. Finally, programmatic competition informed Slovak politics for longer and more successfully than Kitschelt’s model would suggest.
摘要本研究通过将政党联系理解为一种与政党和选民之间的问责和响应关系密切相关的机制,承认了Kitschelt的灵感。三个关键的联系——纲领性的、有魅力的和客户至上的——被仔细审查。作者确定了斯洛伐克政党竞争史上相关政党的“联系年龄概况”,并使用专家调查(来自DALP项目)的结果作为对作者专家判断的(有限)测试。然后,该研究反映了在反建制和反体制政党日益壮大的时期,政治联系的最新发展。该论文的结论是,作为一种联系的客户主义所起的作用比20世纪90年代预测的要小得多,而魅力——尽管我们对它的定义与一些主流方法不同——对政党竞争的影响比预期的要大。此外,魅力和方案联系的结合似乎对斯洛伐克一些相关政党具有吸引力。最后,方案竞争为斯洛伐克政治提供了比Kitschelt模型所暗示的更长、更成功的信息。
{"title":"Parties and Linkages in the Slovak Party System: An Overview","authors":"Peter Učeň, Oľga Gyárfášová","doi":"10.2478/pce-2021-0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/pce-2021-0012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study acknowledges Kitschelt’s inspiration by understanding party linkage as a mechanism closely pertaining to the relationships of accountability and responsiveness between political parties and voters. Three key linkages – programmatic, charismatic and clientelistic – are scrutinized. The authors identify the “link-age profiles” of relevant political parties in the history of Slovak party competition and use the results of an experts’ survey (from the DALP project) as a (limited) test of the authors’ expert judgement. The study then reflects on the latest developments in political linkages in a period when anti-establishment and anti-system political parties are gaining strength. The paper concludes that clientelism as a linkage played a significantly smaller role than predicted in the 1990s, while charisma – even though we define it differently from some mainstream approaches – manifested a stronger than expected influence on party competition. Also, combinations of charismatic and programmatic linkages seem to be attractive for a number of relevant Slovak parties. Finally, programmatic competition informed Slovak politics for longer and more successfully than Kitschelt’s model would suggest.","PeriodicalId":37403,"journal":{"name":"Politics in Central Europe","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43456962","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
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Politics in Central Europe
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