Timor-Leste, enquanto nacao independente, nasceu num quadro marcado pelo reforco da interacao entre o local e o global e apresenta varias caracteristicas peculiares: vivenciou um periodo de administracao transitoria por parte da Organizacao das Nacoes Unidas, necessitou de edificar um Estado e um sistema educativo de raiz e experienciou uma fase de forte dependencia externa. Este artigo tem como escopo observar a evolucao do sistema educativo do pais e os desafios que atualmente se colocam ao setor. Na presente abordagem nao e equacionado o ensino superior. As consideracoes explicitadas tem como suporte: (i) a Constituicao da RDTL; os programas de governo; planos estrategicos; a Lei de Bases da Educacao e normativos; e relatorios nacionais e dos parceiros de desenvolvimento; (ii) dados estatisticos do Ministerio da Educacao, da Direcao-Geral de Estatistica do Governo e dos Censos de 2004, 2010 e 2015; e (iii) as percecoes de seis decisores politicos.
{"title":"(Re)Edificação do Sistema Educativo de Timor-Leste: Evolução e desafios atuais1","authors":"Susete Albino","doi":"10.4000/cea.4773","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/cea.4773","url":null,"abstract":"Timor-Leste, enquanto nacao independente, nasceu num quadro marcado pelo reforco da interacao entre o local e o global e apresenta varias caracteristicas peculiares: vivenciou um periodo de administracao transitoria por parte da Organizacao das Nacoes Unidas, necessitou de edificar um Estado e um sistema educativo de raiz e experienciou uma fase de forte dependencia externa. Este artigo tem como escopo observar a evolucao do sistema educativo do pais e os desafios que atualmente se colocam ao setor. Na presente abordagem nao e equacionado o ensino superior. As consideracoes explicitadas tem como suporte: (i) a Constituicao da RDTL; os programas de governo; planos estrategicos; a Lei de Bases da Educacao e normativos; e relatorios nacionais e dos parceiros de desenvolvimento; (ii) dados estatisticos do Ministerio da Educacao, da Direcao-Geral de Estatistica do Governo e dos Censos de 2004, 2010 e 2015; e (iii) as percecoes de seis decisores politicos.","PeriodicalId":37917,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos de Estudos Africanos","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48771794","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
What does it take for a citizen movement to topple a deep-rooted authoritarian regime? This paper analyses the successes and failures of citizen-led social media campaigns in Zimbabwe. Using data drawn from an extensive ethnographic study of 50 WhatsApp and Facebook communities, this paper studies the conditions under which citizen activism, particularly those movements that originate on social media, become street protests that can effectively unseat an illegitimate regime. I find that the success of recent movements – evidenced by policy changes and increased citizen participation – is in part because of the rise of a youth citizenry that does not feel indebted to the liberation struggle. Zimbabwean born frees are more willing to take political risks by speaking candidly about politics online and mobilizing their peers.
{"title":"Tweeting to Democracy: A new anti-authoritarian liberation struggle in Zimbabwe","authors":"Chipo Dendere","doi":"10.4000/cea.4507","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/cea.4507","url":null,"abstract":"What does it take for a citizen movement to topple a deep-rooted authoritarian regime? This paper analyses the successes and failures of citizen-led social media campaigns in Zimbabwe. Using data drawn from an extensive ethnographic study of 50 WhatsApp and Facebook communities, this paper studies the conditions under which citizen activism, particularly those movements that originate on social media, become street protests that can effectively unseat an illegitimate regime. I find that the success of recent movements – evidenced by policy changes and increased citizen participation – is in part because of the rise of a youth citizenry that does not feel indebted to the liberation struggle. Zimbabwean born frees are more willing to take political risks by speaking candidly about politics online and mobilizing their peers.","PeriodicalId":37917,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos de Estudos Africanos","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45612151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Violence occurs in a slight majority of elections held in sub-Saharan Africa. Several recent studies have examined the effectiveness of various interventions on the prevalence of violent elections; however, the role of the courts has been relatively less studied. Using data on electoral violence during the 2015 and 2019 Nigerian elections, we examine under what conditions courts can moderate election-related violence. We find that successfully challenging an election outcome in the courts is related to a reduction in the lethality of violence in the next election, but only if the courts are generally perceived as trustworthy. These findings indicate that in addition to building judicial capability, improving generalized trust in judicial institutions is key to reducing electoral violence.
{"title":"The Role of the Courts in Mitigating Election Violence in Nigeria","authors":"Stephanie M. Burchard, Meshack B. Simati","doi":"10.4000/cea.4407","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/cea.4407","url":null,"abstract":"Violence occurs in a slight majority of elections held in sub-Saharan Africa. Several recent studies have examined the effectiveness of various interventions on the prevalence of violent elections; however, the role of the courts has been relatively less studied. Using data on electoral violence during the 2015 and 2019 Nigerian elections, we examine under what conditions courts can moderate election-related violence. We find that successfully challenging an election outcome in the courts is related to a reduction in the lethality of violence in the next election, but only if the courts are generally perceived as trustworthy. These findings indicate that in addition to building judicial capability, improving generalized trust in judicial institutions is key to reducing electoral violence.","PeriodicalId":37917,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos de Estudos Africanos","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48753005","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Systematic African studies have revealed that electoral violence tends to have a negative impact driving Africans away from participating in elections. However, by using a multidimensional approach to electoral violence and electoral participation, combined with a recent dynamic from the 2016 to 2018 Afrobarometer public opinion surveys of 33 African countries, this study finds the opposite. Africans who perceived electoral violence were more likely to attend an election campaign rally and vote. Instead of being used by the incumbent to prevent the opposition supporters from voting, electoral violence appears to motivate those who perceive it to participate. However, whilst election violence may increase electoral participation, this malpractice is not conducive for consolidating democracy or fostering support for, or satisfaction with, democracy.
{"title":"The Effect of Electoral Violence on Electoral Participation in Africa","authors":"Carlos Shenga, A. Pereira","doi":"10.4000/cea.4459","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/cea.4459","url":null,"abstract":"Systematic African studies have revealed that electoral violence tends to have a negative impact driving Africans away from participating in elections. However, by using a multidimensional approach to electoral violence and electoral participation, combined with a recent dynamic from the 2016 to 2018 Afrobarometer public opinion surveys of 33 African countries, this study finds the opposite. Africans who perceived electoral violence were more likely to attend an election campaign rally and vote. Instead of being used by the incumbent to prevent the opposition supporters from voting, electoral violence appears to motivate those who perceive it to participate. However, whilst election violence may increase electoral participation, this malpractice is not conducive for consolidating democracy or fostering support for, or satisfaction with, democracy.","PeriodicalId":37917,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos de Estudos Africanos","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47352415","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Does having more regular elections improve democratic performance in Africa? And have elections transformed the patterns of alternation in government? To answer these questions, two analyses are conducted drawing on an original dataset of 179 elections in 27 African countries, from the founding multiparty elections until 2019. The first tests the effects of alternation in government on democratic performance and shows that while alternation in government in the founding elections improves democratic performance, opposition victories in subsequent elections do not produce democratic gains. The second examines why alternation in government is more frequent in certain countries than in others; and reveals that the odds of turnover are increased by alternation in government in the founding elections, the level of political competition and the quality of elections. These findings contribute to literature linking elections, democracy and turnover in Africa.
{"title":"Elections as Vehicles for Change? Explaining different outcomes of democratic performance and government alternation in Africa1","authors":"E. Sanches, J. J. Macuane","doi":"10.4000/cea.4227","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/cea.4227","url":null,"abstract":"Does having more regular elections improve democratic performance in Africa? And have elections transformed the patterns of alternation in government? To answer these questions, two analyses are conducted drawing on an original dataset of 179 elections in 27 African countries, from the founding multiparty elections until 2019. The first tests the effects of alternation in government on democratic performance and shows that while alternation in government in the founding elections improves democratic performance, opposition victories in subsequent elections do not produce democratic gains. The second examines why alternation in government is more frequent in certain countries than in others; and reveals that the odds of turnover are increased by alternation in government in the founding elections, the level of political competition and the quality of elections. These findings contribute to literature linking elections, democracy and turnover in Africa.","PeriodicalId":37917,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos de Estudos Africanos","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43749671","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Party systems are expected to grow and mature with time; however, the case of Madagascar is one of high fluidity: parties and leaders rise and fall from one election to the next and there is a low entry cost for new contenders. This study explores the role of authoritarian legacies and elites’ efforts to skew the playing field as key factors for understanding why the Malagasy party system has failed to institutionalise since the start of the Third Republic. The findings show how leadership centralisation, ethnicity, personalism and clientelism shaped party formation during the authoritarian era and beyond; and also how incumbents’ attempts to create asymmetries in access to resources, media and law have been ineffective and successfully countervailed by the opposition.
{"title":"Madagascar’s Fluid Party System: Authoritarian legacies and an uneven playing field in an enduring competitive authoritarian regime1","authors":"João Pedro Garrido Conduto, E. Sanches","doi":"10.4000/cea.4271","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/cea.4271","url":null,"abstract":"Party systems are expected to grow and mature with time; however, the case of Madagascar is one of high fluidity: parties and leaders rise and fall from one election to the next and there is a low entry cost for new contenders. This study explores the role of authoritarian legacies and elites’ efforts to skew the playing field as key factors for understanding why the Malagasy party system has failed to institutionalise since the start of the Third Republic. The findings show how leadership centralisation, ethnicity, personalism and clientelism shaped party formation during the authoritarian era and beyond; and also how incumbents’ attempts to create asymmetries in access to resources, media and law have been ineffective and successfully countervailed by the opposition.","PeriodicalId":37917,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos de Estudos Africanos","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48390824","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A Republica da Guine-Bissau (RGB), um Estado fragil marcado por um contexto de instabilidade politica e institucional, tem feito desde 1993 o exercicio do Planeamento Estrategico para o Sector da Saude (PES). Os documentos estrategicos sectoriais – Planos Nacionais de Desenvolvimento Sanitario (PNDS) – demonstram capacidade de resistir as adversidades governativas. Esta revisao longitudinal das politicas pretende fazer memoria deste exercicio com duplo proposito: analisar os processos de PES e destes guardar memoria, como trilhos de um passado que permitem entender e contextualizar caminhos percorridos. Constata-se que o PES ocorreu sobretudo respondendo as exigencias dos financiadores, nem sempre sendo implementado. Com a implementacao do PNDS III (2018-2022), ambiciona-se reverter esta situacao com uma estrategia integradora dos diferentes atores em saude.
{"title":"25 Anos de Política Nacional de Saúde na República da Guiné-Bissau: Memórias do seu Planeamento Estratégico em Saúde","authors":"C. Guerreiro, Z. Hartz, P. Ferrinho, P. Havik","doi":"10.4000/cea.4619","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/cea.4619","url":null,"abstract":"A Republica da Guine-Bissau (RGB), um Estado fragil marcado por um contexto de instabilidade politica e institucional, tem feito desde 1993 o exercicio do Planeamento Estrategico para o Sector da Saude (PES). Os documentos estrategicos sectoriais – Planos Nacionais de Desenvolvimento Sanitario (PNDS) – demonstram capacidade de resistir as adversidades governativas. Esta revisao longitudinal das politicas pretende fazer memoria deste exercicio com duplo proposito: analisar os processos de PES e destes guardar memoria, como trilhos de um passado que permitem entender e contextualizar caminhos percorridos. Constata-se que o PES ocorreu sobretudo respondendo as exigencias dos financiadores, nem sempre sendo implementado. Com a implementacao do PNDS III (2018-2022), ambiciona-se reverter esta situacao com uma estrategia integradora dos diferentes atores em saude.","PeriodicalId":37917,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos de Estudos Africanos","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42523014","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Este texto procura descrever e analisar o devir historico e as contingencias do sistema democratico em Sao Tome e Principe. Em particular, pretende realcar o significado politico das eleicoes de 7 de outubro de 2018, que se revelaram um marco da democracia no arquipelago. Este texto procura recensear pontos de reflexao sobre a sobrevivencia da democracia num contexto micro-insular em Africa. Ao inves de equacionar a viabilidade da democracia representativa a luz de uma presumida idiossincrasia africana, avalia-se a sintonia do apriorismo da superioridade da democracia com as escolhas dos sao-tomenses, frequentemente menos baseadas em principios politicos do que, por exemplo, na adesao a homens fortes e a projetos salvificos, tal um dos dados da cultura politica prevalecente nas ilhas.
{"title":"As Eleições Legislativas de 2018. Acerca da Sobrevivência da Democracia em São Tomé e Príncipe","authors":"A. Nascimento","doi":"10.4000/cea.4389","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/cea.4389","url":null,"abstract":"Este texto procura descrever e analisar o devir historico e as contingencias do sistema democratico em Sao Tome e Principe. Em particular, pretende realcar o significado politico das eleicoes de 7 de outubro de 2018, que se revelaram um marco da democracia no arquipelago. Este texto procura recensear pontos de reflexao sobre a sobrevivencia da democracia num contexto micro-insular em Africa. Ao inves de equacionar a viabilidade da democracia representativa a luz de uma presumida idiossincrasia africana, avalia-se a sintonia do apriorismo da superioridade da democracia com as escolhas dos sao-tomenses, frequentemente menos baseadas em principios politicos do que, por exemplo, na adesao a homens fortes e a projetos salvificos, tal um dos dados da cultura politica prevalecente nas ilhas.","PeriodicalId":37917,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos de Estudos Africanos","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47285019","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
José Santana Pereira, Susana Rogeiro Nina, Danielton Delgado
In this article, we analyse patterns of turnout and electoral choices of Cape Verde’s citizens in different types of elections, looking at all legislative, presidential and local elections held between 1991 and 2016, and testing four hypotheses derived from the second-order election model about differences in terms of turnout, number of spoiled/blank papers, results for the incumbent party and the electoral success of smaller parties. Our results show that, in what regards turnout and electoral behaviour, local elections present the features of second-order elections much more clearly than the presidential elections in this semi-presidential regime. However, this pattern does not necessarily mean that voters look at the latter as less second-order, but since they often took place in the honeymoon period of the legislative electoral cycle, it may only mean that there were lower incentives to punish the incumbent and/or disengage from political participation.
{"title":"Elections in Cape Verde, 1991-2016: Testing the second-order election model in a consolidated semi-presidential African democracy1","authors":"José Santana Pereira, Susana Rogeiro Nina, Danielton Delgado","doi":"10.4000/cea.4331","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/cea.4331","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, we analyse patterns of turnout and electoral choices of Cape Verde’s citizens in different types of elections, looking at all legislative, presidential and local elections held between 1991 and 2016, and testing four hypotheses derived from the second-order election model about differences in terms of turnout, number of spoiled/blank papers, results for the incumbent party and the electoral success of smaller parties. Our results show that, in what regards turnout and electoral behaviour, local elections present the features of second-order elections much more clearly than the presidential elections in this semi-presidential regime. However, this pattern does not necessarily mean that voters look at the latter as less second-order, but since they often took place in the honeymoon period of the legislative electoral cycle, it may only mean that there were lower incentives to punish the incumbent and/or disengage from political participation.","PeriodicalId":37917,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos de Estudos Africanos","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44491842","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Edalina Rodrigues Sanches, J. J. Macuane, Chipo Dendere
{"title":"Introduction","authors":"Edalina Rodrigues Sanches, J. J. Macuane, Chipo Dendere","doi":"10.4000/cea.4224","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/cea.4224","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37917,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos de Estudos Africanos","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44773196","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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