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SPECIAL SECTION: Medieval Sermons and Conversion: A Comparative Perspective 特别部分:中世纪的布道和皈依:比较的视角
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-08 DOI: 10.1080/13660691.2023.2269530
Guest edited by Linda G. Jones, Jussi Hanska
"SPECIAL SECTION: Medieval Sermons and Conversion: A Comparative Perspective." Medieval Sermon Studies, 67(1), p. 29
特别部分:中世纪的布道和皈依:一个比较的视角。《中世纪讲道研究》,67(1),页29
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引用次数: 0
The Lemma De predicatoribus in Iacobus de Benevento’s Viridarium consolationis : An Unexpected Preaching Tract in a Dominican Florilegium 亚柯布斯·德·贝内文托的《慰藉绿园》中的谓词引理:多明尼加花丛中一份意想不到的布道小册子
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1080/13660691.2023.2269052
Chris L. Nighman
This article introduces editions of two distinct versions of a short Latin text on preaching that appears in an influential Latin florilegium. While the voice of the compiler is absent or minimal in the other topics covered by this anthology of authoritative quotations, the lemma De predicatoribus contains extensive original lines composed by the florilegist, Iacobus de Benevento (c. 1255/71). Because this florilegium was intended primarily as a resource for preachers to compose sermons, its reception in later texts probably includes some of those original lines authored by Iacobus, unwittingly disseminated in Latin and Romance language sermons and perhaps examples of ars predicandi along with the transmitted quotations, where they would likely be misattributed to major authors such as Gregory the Great.
这篇文章介绍了两个不同版本的短拉丁文本说教,出现在一个有影响力的拉丁花谱版本。虽然汇编者的声音在这本权威语录选集所涵盖的其他主题中没有或很少,但引理De predicatoribus包含了由花艺学家Iacobus De Benevento (c. 1255/71)撰写的大量原始行。因为这本花谱的主要目的是作为布道者撰写布道的资源,它在后来的文本中可能包括一些由雅各布斯创作的原始句子,无意中传播到拉丁语和罗曼语布道中,也许是ars predicandi的例子,以及传播的引语,在那里它们可能被错误地归因于主要作者,如格列高利大帝。
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引用次数: 0
Classical Islamic Oration’s Art, Function, and Life-Altering Power of Persuasion: The Ultimate Response by Hammam to Ali’s Sermon on Piety, and by Hurr to Husayn’s Battle Oration in Karbala 经典伊斯兰演讲的艺术、功能和改变生活的说服力:哈曼对阿里的虔诚布道的最终回应,赫尔对侯赛因在卡尔巴拉的战斗演讲的最终回应
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-19 DOI: 10.1080/13660691.2023.2269065
Tahera Qutbuddin
This article discusses classical Islamic oration’s power of persuasion through two lenses, one wide-angled, one focused. First, it introduces topographies of Arabic oration in its foundational oral period in early Islam, addressing notable aspects of its art, function, and provenance. Then, it pivots to speak of major life changes induced by particular orations, or sermon-induced ‘conversion’. Two early Islamic orations that induced such transformations are transcribed and briefly discussed: (1) the ‘sermon describing the truly pious’ by the successor of the Prophet according to the Shia and the fourth caliph according to the Sunnis, Imam Ali ibn Abi Talib (d. 661) in Kufa, Iraq, which is said to have caused his associate Hammam to give up his life spirit, and (2) the battlefield speech addressed to the surrounding Umayyad army by Ali’s son, the Shia Imam Husayn (d. 680), in Karbala, also in Iraq, which is reported to have won over the enemy sub-commander Hurr to Husayn’s side and prompted him to fight for Husayn unto death. Both are striking examples of the life-altering effects of intense and eloquent sermons, manifest here in the ultimate passage — an end to life in this world and entry into the hereafter.
这篇文章通过两个镜头来讨论古典伊斯兰演讲的说服力,一个是广角的,一个是聚焦的。首先,它介绍了早期伊斯兰教基础口头时期阿拉伯语演讲的地形,解决了其艺术,功能和起源的显着方面。然后,它转向谈论由特定演讲或讲道引起的“皈依”引起的重大生活变化。有两篇早期的伊斯兰教演讲引起了这样的转变,并被抄录和简要讨论:(1)什叶派认为先知的继承人、逊尼派认为第四任哈里发伊玛目阿里·伊本·阿比·塔利布(公元661年)在伊拉克库法发表的“描述真正虔诚者的布道”,据说这使他的同伴哈曼放弃了他的生命精神;(2)阿里的儿子什叶派伊玛目侯赛因(公元680年)在卡尔巴拉(也在伊拉克)向周围的倭马亚军队发表的战场演讲;据报道,这使敌军副指挥官赫尔站到了侯赛因一边,促使他为侯赛因而战至死。这两者都是强烈而雄辩的布道改变生活的显著例子,在这里的最后一段中表现出来——今生生命的结束和来世的进入。
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引用次数: 0
The Figure of the Good Thief and Conversion in extremis in Late Medieval Preaching 好贼的形象与中世纪晚期布道中的极端皈依
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-18 DOI: 10.1080/13660691.2023.2269063
Jussi Hanska
ABSTRACTThe Good Thief mentioned in Luke 23. 29–43 is an extreme example of the benefits of conversion. Yet he was not presented as an archetype of the penitent sinner; rather, that role was reserved for Mary Magdalene. This article studies the very few cases where the Good Thief, or St Dismas as he was also known, was discussed in medieval sermons. It also endeavours to explain the reasons why he was not considered a suitable role model for the penitent sinner. The discussion revolves around the contradictory requirements of the preachers. On one hand, they wanted to avoid driving sinners to despair by encouraging them to convert even if at the very end of life. On the other hand, they needed to emphasize the need to do penance now rather than postpone it for an uncertain future. This latter need was considered more important and that proved to be a crucial argument against using the Good Thief as an exemplary figure in the sermons.KEYWORDS: Christian preachingpenancethe Last Judgementhagiographyconversionsaintsrole model Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 On the various names given to the Good Thief in early apocryphal literature, see B. M. Metzger, New Testament Studies: Philological, Versional, and Patristic, New Testament Tools and Studies, 10 (Leiden: Brill, 1980), pp. 33–38.2 All the English language Bible texts in this article are taken from the King James Bible.3 B.M. Kienzle, ‘Introduction’, in Models of Holiness in Medieval Sermons: Proceedings of the International Symposium (Kalamazoo, May 4–7, 1995), organised by the International Medieval Sermon Studies Society (IMSSS) ed. by Beverly Mayne Kienzle and others, Textes et études du Moyen Âge, 5 (Louvain-La-Neuve: FIDEM, 1996), pp. xi–xx (p. xii). See also George Ferzoco, ‘Sermon Literatures Concerning Medieval Saints’, in Models of Holiness in Medieval Sermons, ed. by Kienzle and others, pp. 103–25 (pp. 104–05); Anne T. Thayer, ‘Intercessors, Examples and Rewards: The Roles of the Saints in the Penitential Themes of Representative Late Medieval Sermon Collections’, in Models of Holiness in Medieval Sermons, ed. by Kienzle and others, pp. 339–54 (p. 347); André Vauchez, ‘Santi mirabili e santi imitabili: le nuove funzioni dell’agiografia negli ultimi secoli del medioevo’, in André Vauchez, Santi, profeti e visionary: Il soprannaturale nel medioevo (Bologna: Mulino, 2000), pp. 57–68.4 David d’Avray, The Preaching of the Friars: Sermons Diffused from Paris before 1300 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), pp. 50–51.5 Kate Ludwig Jansen, The Making of Magdalen: Preaching and Popular Devotion in the Later Middle Ages (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), pp. 203–04. One could add one important figure to Jansen’s list, namely the prodigal son. Using the story of the prodigal son to explain the different stages of the penitential process or indeed, using him as an exemplary penitent, was a common topic in the sermons for the
路加福音23章提到的好贼。29-43是皈依的一个极端例子。然而,他并没有被描绘成一个忏悔的罪人的原型;相反,这个角色留给了抹大拉的马利亚。这篇文章研究了中世纪布道中讨论好贼或圣迪斯马斯的极少数情况。它还试图解释为什么他不被认为是忏悔者的合适榜样的原因。讨论围绕着传教士相互矛盾的要求展开。一方面,他们希望通过鼓励罪人即使在生命的最后时刻也要皈依,避免把他们推向绝望。另一方面,他们需要强调现在就进行忏悔的必要性,而不是把它推迟到不确定的未来。后一种需要被认为更重要,这被证明是反对在布道中使用好贼作为模范人物的关键论据。关键词:基督教布道、忏悔、最后的审判、圣经、皈依、圣徒、榜样披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1关于早期伪经文献中给好贼的各种名称,见B.M. Metzger,新约研究:语言学,版本学和教父学,新约工具和研究,10(莱顿:Brill, 1980),第33-38.2页。本文中的所有英文圣经文本都取自詹姆斯国王钦定版圣经。国际研讨会论文集(卡拉马祖,1995年5月4-7日),由国际中世纪布道研究学会(IMSSS)编著,Beverly Mayne Kienzle等人组织,Textes et Âge, 5 (louvan - la - neuve: FIDEM, 1996),第xi-xx页(第xii页).另见George Ferzoco,“关于中世纪圣徒的布道文献”,载于由Kienzle等人编著的中世纪布道中的圣洁模式,第103-25页(第104-05页);Anne T. Thayer,“代祷者,榜样和回报:圣徒在中世纪晚期有代表性的布道集中的忏悔主题中的角色”,《中世纪布道中的圣洁模式》,Kienzle等人编,第339-54页(第347页);安德烈·瓦切斯,《圣不可思议的圣不可模仿的圣》,载于安德烈·瓦切斯,圣蒂,《幻想的圣自然的圣》(博洛尼亚:穆利诺出版社,2000年),第57-68.4页。大卫·德·阿夫雷,《修士的讲道:1300年前从巴黎传播的布道》(牛津:牛津大学出版社,1985年),第50-51.5页。普林斯顿大学出版社,2000),第203-04页。我们可以在詹森的名单上加上一个重要的人物,那就是浪子回头。用浪子回头的故事来解释忏悔过程的不同阶段,或者确切地说,把他作为忏悔者的典范,是四旬期第二个主日之后的周六布道中的一个常见话题。参见Pietro Delcorno,在浪子的镜子里:圣经叙事的牧区用途(约1200-1550),注释,9(莱顿:Brill, 2018), passim。关于抹大拉的作用,参见Katherine L. Jansen,“抹大拉玛利亚和乞丐:中世纪晚期的忏悔布道”,《中世纪历史杂志》,21 (1995),1-25;克莱尔·m·库德拉,《彼得·塞勒为抹大拉的玛利亚盛宴所作的布道中的修士奉献模式》,载于《中世纪布道中的圣洁模式》,金兹勒等人编,第67-84页;安妮·t·塞耶:《忏悔、讲道与宗教改革的到来》(奥尔德肖特:阿什盖特出版社,2002),第83-91页。关于抹大拉崇拜的历史和传播,见维克多·萨克斯,《西方起源的玛丽·玛德琳崇拜》(巴黎:Clavreuil, 1959)卡拉·安·莫罗,《石头上的争论:巴黎大教堂圣斯蒂芬门上想象的犹太人》,载于《超越黄色徽章:中世纪和早期现代视觉文化中的反犹太教和反犹主义》,米切尔·b·默巴克主编,布里尔犹太研究系列,37(莱顿:布里尔,2008),第63-86页(第65页)圣迪斯马斯的邪教主要在意大利南部和瓦伦西亚发展起来。在16世纪之前,它在德国并不为人所知;参见Mitchell B. Merback,小偷,十字架和轮子:中世纪和文艺复兴时期欧洲的痛苦和惩罚的景观(伦敦:反动书籍,1999),第224.8页。Johannes Baptist Schneyer,《后期训诫汇编》,Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie and Theologie des Mittelalters, 43,11卷(m<s:1> nster: Aschendorffsce verlagshbuchhandlung, 1969-90), iii(1971), 23号。258;Vi(1975), 258号。33和418,不是。36个;Viii(1978), 561号。124.9施奈尔,《汇编》ii(1970),第317号。450.10 Charles Muniere,“导论”,载于《Gviberti Tornacensis De morte》,《De九月verbis dominis in services》,编。 32 Quoted约翰逊,The文法of Good星期五布道,第422—23页。33的B .贝纳迪诺Feltre起草Fr。贝纳迪诺Bulgarino从布雷西亚的帕维亚:quaresimale 1493,查尔斯。由P。中世纪的文本从米兰、图书馆、12(米兰:生活和思想,1940年),第102页。34 M . de克朗,‘Pseudo-Augustin im Mittelalter: Entwurf eines Forschungsberichts’Augustiniana、22、(1972年)、511—30(第521—22页);卡洛·德尔科诺,“关于exemplum的新研究”,意大利信件,46(1994),459 - 97(第496页)又发生of暂拉里萨·泰勒:Preaching延迟Medieval和法国入学(牛津:牛津大学出版社,1992年),第129页。36 Thayer, Penitence、Preaching and the入学)、欧洲经济区第59—60页。37 for example Tubach Index exemplorum、nos 1492 232, 1501 4405、5131 and 5137。38阿伦·Gurevich, Medieval Popular文化问题of religion and Perception(纽约:剑桥大学出版社,1988),第139页。39 Guibert de图尔奈,de septem这些域名cruce, Sermo iv . eea Gviberti Tornacensis de死亡,de septem很清楚在crvce域名,第236页。40 Guibert图尔奈,de septem这些域名cruce, Sermo iv . eea Gviberti Tornacensis de死亡,de septem很清楚在crvce域名,第242—44页。配额在第242页。贡献的高级信息笔记(jussi HanskaJussi Hanska (jussi.hanska@tuni.fi)是坦佩尔大学历史和社会科学的学术讲师。
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引用次数: 0
Attitudes towards Exempla in the Wycliffite Latin Sermon Cycles of Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Laud misc. 200 《牛津威克利夫拉丁布道周期对榜样的态度》,牛津大学图书馆,劳德小姐。200
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-18 DOI: 10.1080/13660691.2023.2269051
Patrick Outhwaite
This article examines the contradictory attitudes towards the use of exempla in the two Wycliffite Latin Sermon Cycles of Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Laud misc. 200. While the author of the sermons condemns exempla that are not scripturally derived, he in fact employs a range of examples, several of which are extra-biblical. There is thus a divide between his theory and practice. These sermons complicate our views of Wycliffite preaching theory, demonstrating that the debate for some dissenting preachers was about what was suitable material for exempla, rather than if exempla were in themselves appropriate for sermons.
本文考察了在牛津大学、博德利图书馆、劳德小姐的两部《威克里夫拉丁布道集》中对范例用法的矛盾态度。200. 当布道的作者谴责那些不是从圣经中衍生出来的例子时,他实际上使用了一系列的例子,其中一些是圣经之外的。因此,他的理论与实践之间存在着分歧。这些讲道使我们对威克里夫讲道理论的看法复杂化,表明一些持不同意见的传道人争论的是什么是合适的例子材料,而不是例子本身是否适合讲道。
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引用次数: 0
Jews in East Norse Literature: A Study of Othering in Medieval Denmark and Sweden Jews in East Norse Literature: A Study of Othering in Medieval Denmark and Sweden . Vol i : A Cultural Investigation. Volume ii : Texts and Bibliography. By Jonathan Adams. Religious Minorities in the North: History, Politics, and Culture, 4. Pp. xxxix + 1192. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2023. ISBN 978-3-11-077574-7. 东斯堪的纳维亚文学中的犹太人:中世纪丹麦和瑞典的他者研究。第一卷:文化调查。第二卷:文本和参考书目。乔纳森·亚当斯著。《北方的宗教少数派:历史、政治与文化》,第4期。Pp. xxxix + 1192。柏林:De Gruyter, 2023。ISBN 978-3-11-077574-7。
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-18 DOI: 10.1080/13660691.2023.2269068
Jussi Hanska
"Jews in East Norse Literature: A Study of Othering in Medieval Denmark and Sweden." Medieval Sermon Studies, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2
东斯堪的纳维亚文学中的犹太人:中世纪丹麦和瑞典的他者研究。《中世纪布道研究》,印刷前1-2页
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引用次数: 1
Presidential Message Autumn 2023 2023年秋季总统致辞
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-18 DOI: 10.1080/13660691.2023.2269050
Anne Thayer
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引用次数: 0
Medieval Sermons and Conversion: A Comparative Perspective. Introduction 中世纪的布道和皈依:一个比较的视角。介绍
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-17 DOI: 10.1080/13660691.2023.2269057
Linda G. Jones, Jussi Hanska
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引用次数: 0
Images as Preachers The Role of Marian Imagery in the Religious Indoctrination of the Moriscos of the Albayzin of Granada 作为传教士的形象:玛丽安形象在格拉纳达阿尔巴津人的摩里斯科人的宗教灌输中的作用
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-17 DOI: 10.1080/13660691.2023.2269524
Amanda Valdés Sánchez
ABSTRACTThis paper explores how Hernando de Talavera (1428–1507), the first bishop of Granada, used the cast sculptures of the Virgin commissioned by Queen Isabella the Castile (1451–1504), for the parishes of the Albayzín, the Morisco quarter, as an essential tool for his missionary activity among Granada’s native Islamic population. It enquires how Talavera granted these Marian cast sculptures a central role in the Albayzin’s liturgical celebration, mediating their interpretation by devotional texts, such as his Marian liturgical works or his translation and commentary of the Vita Christi of the Franciscan Francesc Eiximenis (1327–1409), through which he wished to present these images as representations of an ‘Islamicate’ vision of Mary, as an enlightened prophetess who would function as the ideal preacher to instruct the newly converted Morisco population in the principles of their new faith.KEYWORDS: Marian imagesVirgin Maryconversionpreachingreligious instructionHernando de TalaveraMoriscosGranada Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 See Miguel Ángel Ladero Quesada, ‘Fray Hernando de Talavera en 1492: de la corte a la misión’, Chronica nova, 34 (2008), 249–75. On the origins of the Hieronymite order in Iberia and its link with Castilian monarchy and nobility, see Ignacio de Madrid, ‘La Orden de San Jerónimo en España: primeros pasos para una historia critica’, Stvdia Monastica, 3 (1961), 409–27; Javier Campos y Fernández de Sevilla, ‘Los Reyes de España y la Orden de San Jerónimo en los siglos xv–xvi’, in: Carlos v en Yuste: muerte y gloria eterna, ed. by C. García-Frías Checa and others (Madrid: Patrimonio Nacional, 2008), pp. 113–43; José Sánchez Herrero, ‘Fundación y desarrollo de la Orden de los Jerónimos: 1360–1561’, Codex aquilarensis: Cuadernos de investigación del Monasterio de Santa María la Real, 10 (1994), 63–95.2 See Isabella Iannuzzi, El poder de la palabra en el siglo xv: fray Hernando de Talavera (Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y León, 2009), pp. 287–92.3 Las Capitulaciones para la entrega de Granada, ed. by M. Garrido Atienza (Granada: Universidad de Granada, 1982), p. 280.4 On Talavera’s Thomist convictions see Isabella Iannuzzi, Convencer para convertir: la Católica Impugnación de fray Hernando de Talavera (Granada: Editorial Nuevo Inicio, Academia de Historia de la Iglesia en Andalucía, 2019): and Tarsicio Herrero del Collado, Talavera y Cisneros: dos vivencias socio-religiosas en la conversión de los moros de Granada (Madrid: Darek-Nyumba, 2001), p. 12. Talavera’s library included a version of the Rationale of the French canonist William Durando, who had developed the Thomist arguments on the conversion of infidels, a work he had made to print for the clergy of his dioceses. See Quintín Aldea Vaquero, ‘Hernando de Talavera, su testamento y su biblioteca’, in Homenaje a Fray Justo Pérez de Urbel OSB, ed. by C. Serna González, 2 vols (Silos: Abadía de Santo Domingo, 1976)
在弗赖·埃尔南多·德·塔拉韦拉,纪念碑,巴利亚德利德,西曼卡斯将军档案馆,卡斯蒂利亚Diversos, Libro 8, fo4。114)点这一点可以从这部作品保存下来的副本的数量看出。参见haif Valls, ' Fray Hernando de Talavera, o.s.h. ' .67关于布道在公众接受灵修图像中的作用,见Lina Bolzoni,《图像的网络:从起源到圣贝纳迪诺的方言布道》(Aldershot: Brookfield, 2004);Pietro Delcorno,“15世纪布列萨诺大教堂门口的绘画布道”,《中世纪布道研究》,55 (2011),55 - 84;和Miriam Gill,“讲道和形象:中世纪后期英格兰的讲道和壁画”,在Carolyn Muessig主编的《中世纪的传教士、讲道和听众》(莱顿:Brill, 2002)中,第155-80.68页。Eiximenis在1379年之前用拉丁文写了一本讲道手册Ars praedicandi populo(向人们讲道的手册),该手册就讲道的结构和写作模式向讲道者提供建议。关于这部作品的转录,请参阅Martí de Barcelona, ' L ' ars praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis ', Analecta Sacra Tarraconensia, 12(1936), 301-40。有关批评版本,请参阅Francesc Eiximenis, L 'art de predicació al - ble,由Xavier Renedo主编(Vic: Eumo, 2009).69塔拉维拉,《基督生活入门卷》,弗朗西斯科·西梅内斯。114年r.70塔拉维拉,《基督生活入门卷》,弗朗西斯科·西梅内斯。115年v.71《西梅内斯的生平》,卷115 - 116:72弗朗西斯科Bermúdez de Pedraza,《教会史》,《城市进步原则》,《格拉纳达天主教宗教》(格拉纳达:Andres de Santiago, Imprenta Real, 1638);马德里,马德里康普顿斯大学,171.73 Talavera, Talavera, Breve y provechosa doctrina cristiana, fol145 - 146v。参见Michael O ' brien,“解释学干预:在弗雷·埃尔南多·德·塔拉维拉的de las cerimonias的根源上影响情感虔诚实践”,《中世纪研究论文》,31(2015),83-100.74。这一点很清楚地表明,天使的圣歌是伴随着“如何在早晨唱邀请”的回应而唱的(见下)。91 r)。同样,在后来的评论中,塔拉维拉邀请格拉纳丹的会众唱“另一个邀请,就像天使歌颂上帝一样”(见下)。98 r)。这在副歌中很明显:Adorad, pueblos Christianos, Adorad a vuestro Dios(崇拜,基督徒,崇拜你的上帝),在塔拉维拉,Primer volumen de vita Christi de fray弗朗西斯科·西梅尼斯,foll。98 r。参见“Capitulo cxxvii q cantos y dolores y amores fizieron los angeles delante el salvador nuevamente nascido”[第cxxvii章天使在新生救世主面前所唱的歌曲,甜蜜和爱](fol。90 v);和“Capitulo exlviii como nos da gran esperana el nascimiento del salvador”[第十八章救世主的诞生如何给我们带来巨大的希望](附录97 - 98)。76塔拉维拉,《基督生活入门卷》,弗朗西斯科·西梅内斯。98年r.77塔拉维拉:《基督城的生活》,卷98 - 99页,78页《西梅内斯的生平》,卷98 - 99页,79页塔拉维拉,《基督生活入门卷》,弗朗西斯科·西梅内斯。122年r.80塔拉维拉,《基督生活入门卷》,弗朗西斯科·西梅内斯。123年r.81塔拉维拉,《基督生活入门卷》,弗朗西斯科·西梅内斯。123年v.82塔拉维拉,办公室在festo弗吉尼亚玛丽亚qui dicitur de la O,教堂的化身,圣达菲,圣伊莎贝尔la Real修道院,格拉纳达。83塔拉维拉,初级卷de vita Christi de fray弗朗西斯科·西梅内斯,fol。89年r.84罗宾逊,想象多重忏悔的卡斯蒂尔的激情,第242.85页,例如,参见伪布埃纳文图拉,Contemplación de la vida de Nuestro Señor耶稣会,马德里,BNE, MS 9560, fol。108年r-v.86弗朗切斯克·埃希ximenis,《耶稣会纪事》,马德里,BNE, MS 18772,页121r-v, 155r-v, 169r。另见Talavera,《Christi de fray Francisco Xymenes入门卷》,下。22 r.87塔拉维拉,《Office In festo transfixionis beatae Mariae Virginis》,道成肉身的教堂,圣达菲,格拉纳达。88弗朗西斯科·埃克西梅尼斯,《耶稣基督的生活》,马德里,BNE, MS 18772,卷145 - 146r.89Francesc Eiximenis, Vida de Jesucristo,马德里,BNE, MS 18772, fol1v - 182r.90鲁滨逊:《想象多教派卡斯蒂利亚人的受难》,第256.91页。塔拉维拉:《基督教教义》,第1页。142年r-v.92Talavera,罗马软骨理论[n]ce,马德里,bdh0000014523, fo1。4 r.93参见Felipe Pereda,“La conversión poror La imagen y La imagen de La conversión: notas sobre La culturfigativa castellana en el umbral de La edad moderna”,载于Cartografías visuales y arquitectónicas de La modernidad: Siglos xv-xviii,由Sílvia Canalda, Carme Narváez和Joan Sureda编辑(巴塞罗那:巴塞罗那大学出版社,2011年),第227-41页。
{"title":"Images as Preachers The Role of Marian Imagery in the Religious Indoctrination of the Moriscos of the Albayzin of Granada","authors":"Amanda Valdés Sánchez","doi":"10.1080/13660691.2023.2269524","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13660691.2023.2269524","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis paper explores how Hernando de Talavera (1428–1507), the first bishop of Granada, used the cast sculptures of the Virgin commissioned by Queen Isabella the Castile (1451–1504), for the parishes of the Albayzín, the Morisco quarter, as an essential tool for his missionary activity among Granada’s native Islamic population. It enquires how Talavera granted these Marian cast sculptures a central role in the Albayzin’s liturgical celebration, mediating their interpretation by devotional texts, such as his Marian liturgical works or his translation and commentary of the Vita Christi of the Franciscan Francesc Eiximenis (1327–1409), through which he wished to present these images as representations of an ‘Islamicate’ vision of Mary, as an enlightened prophetess who would function as the ideal preacher to instruct the newly converted Morisco population in the principles of their new faith.KEYWORDS: Marian imagesVirgin Maryconversionpreachingreligious instructionHernando de TalaveraMoriscosGranada Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 See Miguel Ángel Ladero Quesada, ‘Fray Hernando de Talavera en 1492: de la corte a la misión’, Chronica nova, 34 (2008), 249–75. On the origins of the Hieronymite order in Iberia and its link with Castilian monarchy and nobility, see Ignacio de Madrid, ‘La Orden de San Jerónimo en España: primeros pasos para una historia critica’, Stvdia Monastica, 3 (1961), 409–27; Javier Campos y Fernández de Sevilla, ‘Los Reyes de España y la Orden de San Jerónimo en los siglos xv–xvi’, in: Carlos v en Yuste: muerte y gloria eterna, ed. by C. García-Frías Checa and others (Madrid: Patrimonio Nacional, 2008), pp. 113–43; José Sánchez Herrero, ‘Fundación y desarrollo de la Orden de los Jerónimos: 1360–1561’, Codex aquilarensis: Cuadernos de investigación del Monasterio de Santa María la Real, 10 (1994), 63–95.2 See Isabella Iannuzzi, El poder de la palabra en el siglo xv: fray Hernando de Talavera (Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y León, 2009), pp. 287–92.3 Las Capitulaciones para la entrega de Granada, ed. by M. Garrido Atienza (Granada: Universidad de Granada, 1982), p. 280.4 On Talavera’s Thomist convictions see Isabella Iannuzzi, Convencer para convertir: la Católica Impugnación de fray Hernando de Talavera (Granada: Editorial Nuevo Inicio, Academia de Historia de la Iglesia en Andalucía, 2019): and Tarsicio Herrero del Collado, Talavera y Cisneros: dos vivencias socio-religiosas en la conversión de los moros de Granada (Madrid: Darek-Nyumba, 2001), p. 12. Talavera’s library included a version of the Rationale of the French canonist William Durando, who had developed the Thomist arguments on the conversion of infidels, a work he had made to print for the clergy of his dioceses. See Quintín Aldea Vaquero, ‘Hernando de Talavera, su testamento y su biblioteca’, in Homenaje a Fray Justo Pérez de Urbel OSB, ed. by C. Serna González, 2 vols (Silos: Abadía de Santo Domingo, 1976)","PeriodicalId":38182,"journal":{"name":"Medieval Sermon Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136033085","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
De damnabili ritu Graecorum : Osualdus de Lasko’s Sermons Regarding Orthodox Christians in Late Medieval Hungary De damnabili ritu Graecorum: Osualdus De Lasko关于中世纪晚期匈牙利东正教教徒的布道
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-14 DOI: 10.1080/13660691.2023.2269064
Paula Cotoi
ABSTRACTAmong the various inhabitants of the Hungarian Kingdom during the Middle Ages, there were also Orthodox Christians, frequently designated as schismatici. Secular and ecclesiastic authorities often sought their conversion and the mission of the Order of Friars Minor in this area targeted them as well. A change of attitude was imposed, at least for a time, in 1439 by the decree of union agreed at the Council of Florence (1438–39). A half a century later, Osualdus de Lasko (c. 1450–1511), a Hungarian Observant Franciscan, wrote a Lenten homiletic cycle exhorting a profound commitment to the true faith by addressing the question of the Byzantine rite in three of his sermons. This article offers an analysis of the sermon collection entitled Quadragesimale Gemma fidei, focusing mainly on the three sermons de damnabili ritu Graecorum. I will argue that, on a spiritual level, Osualdus intended to strengthen the faith of the Catholic inhabitants of Hungary, to resist and correct deviances, in order to regain God’s mercy. On a temporal level, he promoted the return of the ‘Greeks’ to communion with the Roman Church, through conversion, probably in the interest of a stronger front against the Ottomans.KEYWORDS: Orthodox ChristiansByzantine riteconversionChurch unionCouncil of FlorenceObservant FranciscansHungarian Kingdomanti-Ottoman crusadesLenten sermonsOsualdus de Lasko Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Osualdus de Lasko, Quadragesimale Gemma fidei intitulatum (Hagenau: Henricus Gran, 1507), VD16 O 1421; USTC 693629; RMK III, 141.2 Pelbartus de Themeswar and Osualdus de Lasko are the only medieval Hungarian authors of sermon collections. Their works, compiled at the end of the fifteenth century and published directly in print, seem to have enjoyed great popularity, as proved by their multiple editions. For a repertoire of all medieval editions of their works see Gedeon Borsa, ‘Laskai Osvát és Temesvári Pelbárt műveinek megjelentetői’, Magyar Könyvszemle, 121 (2005), 1–24.3 Osualdus de Lasko, Quadragesimale bige salutis (Hagenau: Heinrich Gran, 1506), VD16 O 1419; USTC 688968; RMK III 137.4 Jussi Hanska, ‘Sermones quadragesimales: Birth and Development of a Genre’, Il Santo: Rivista francescana di storia, dottrina e arte, 52 (2012), 107–27 (pp. 111–19). Silvana Vecchio, ‘Le prediche e l’istruzione religiosa’, in La predicazione dei frati dalla meta` del ’200 alla fine del ’300, Atti dei Convegni della Societa` internazionale di studi francescani e del Centro interuniversitario di studi francescani, Nuova serie, 5 (Spoleto: Centro Italiano di Studi sull'Alto Medioevo, 1995), pp. 301–35 (p. 304).5 An edition of the prologue was provided by Edit Madas, ‘A prédikáció magvetésével a magyar nemzet védelmében (Laskai Osvát Gemma fidei című prédikációskötetének előszava)’, in Religió, retorika, nemzettudat régi irodalmunkban, ed. by István Bitskey and András Görömbei (Debrecen: Kossuth Egyetemi Kiad
【摘要】在中世纪匈牙利王国的各种居民中,也有东正教教徒,他们经常被称为分裂派。世俗和教会当局经常寻求他们的转变,而小方济会在这一领域的使命也针对他们。1439年,佛罗伦萨议会(1438 - 1439)通过了一项联合法令,至少在一段时间内改变了态度。半个世纪后,奥斯瓦多斯·德·拉斯科(Osualdus de Lasko,约1450-1511年),一位匈牙利的圣方济各会教徒,写了一篇四旬期布道,通过在他的三篇布道中解决拜占庭仪式的问题,劝诫人们对真正信仰的深刻承诺。本文对《信德四方》讲道集进行了分析,重点分析了《信德四方》的三篇讲道。我认为,在精神层面上,奥斯瓦多斯意在加强匈牙利天主教居民的信仰,抵制和纠正偏差,以重新获得上帝的怜悯。在世俗层面上,他推动“希腊人”回归与罗马教会的交流,通过皈依,可能是为了加强对抗奥斯曼帝国的阵线。关键词:东正教;拜占庭仪式;教会联盟;佛罗伦萨议会;圣方济会;;;;注1 Osualdus de Lasko, Quadragesimale Gemma fidei instituatum (Hagenau: Henricus Gran, 1507), VD16 O 1421;科大693629;Pelbartus de Themeswar和Osualdus de Lasko是中世纪匈牙利唯一的布道集作者。他们的作品在15世纪末被编纂并直接印刷出版,似乎很受欢迎,正如他们的多个版本所证明的那样。关于他们作品的所有中世纪版本的曲目,请参阅Gedeon Borsa, ' Laskai Osvát <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:2> <s:2>’,Magyar Könyvszemle, 121 (2005), 1-24.3 Osualdus de Lasko, Quadragesimale bige salutis (Hagenau: Heinrich Gran, 1506), VD16 O 1419;科大688968;Jussi Hanska,《四次布道:一种体裁的诞生与发展》,《圣·圣·弗朗西斯卡的故事》,文学,52(2012),107-27(页111-19)。Silvana Vecchio,“Le prediche el ' isstruzione religiosa”,载于《La predicazione dei frati dalla meta ' del ' 200》,《La fine del ' 300》,《ati decongni della Societa '国际francescani研究中心》和《跨大学francescani研究中心》,Nuova serie, 5 (Spoleto: Centro Italiano di studi sull' alto Medioevo, 1995),第301-35页(第304页)序言的一个版本由Edit Madas提供,“A prédikáció magvetsamssamel A magyar nemzet vsamdelmsamen (Laskai Osvát Gemma fidei című prédikációskötetének előszava)”,载于Religió, retorika, nemzettudat rsami irodalmunkban,由István Bitskey和András Görömbei (Debrecen)编辑:Kossuth Egyetemi Kiadó, 2004), pp. 55-58.6这是四旬期讲道的一般目的,正如第一本专门致力于对这一类型进行彻底调查的研究文集的编辑所强调的那样:“通过对自己尘世存在的仔细反思,为信徒做好准备,通过认罪和感恩宴来庆祝复活节。”参见Pietro Delcorno, Eleonora Lombardo和Lorenza Tromboni的《Introduzione: I sermoni quaresimali》。对这些文本的初步讨论见:Paula Cotoi, 'Între schismei <e:1> uniire religioasei '。对这些文本的初步讨论见:Paula Cotoi, 'Între schismei uniire religioasei '。Predicile lui Osvaldus de Lasko desprel ritul r<s:1> seculual XVI-lea',载于Pasiune și rigoare: Noi tentații istoriografice: Omagiu profesoruui Ovidiu Ghitta,由ionustrai Costea, Radu m<e:1> rza, Valentin Orga (Cluj-Napoca: Mega - Argonaut, 2022)主编,207-219.8 Kálmán Timár, ' Laskai Ozsvát <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1>”,Magyar Könyvszemle, 18 (1910), 122-53.9 Die Matrikel der Universität Wien: im Auftrag des Akademischen Senats herausgegeben vom archiiv der Universität Wien, ii:1451-1518 /I,由Franz Gall和Willy Szaivert编辑(格拉茨:Böhlau, 1967),第146.10页。关于Pelbartus de Themeswar的这项工作的最近和全面分析,请参见Alexandra Baneu,“Structuri conceptuale <e:1> n opera lui Pelbartus de Themeswar: Elemente de gndire scotistei <e:1> n Rosarium”(未发表的博士论文,Babeș-Bolyai大学,克卢日-纳波卡,2016)Balázs kert<e:1>,“中世纪后期的两个匈牙利小修士(方济各会的观察者):Pelbart de Temesvár和Oswald de Lasko”,载于Infima aetas Pannonica:中世纪匈牙利历史研究,由p<s:1> E. Kovács和korn<s:2> Szovák编辑(布达佩斯:Corvina, 2009),第60-78页(第67-68页)。 96 - 140;Diaconescu,“Les implications confessionnelles”,38-46.50守教方济各会设法确保了王国内部的关键位置,进入了教会的等级制度,并培养了他们与皇室
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Medieval Sermon Studies
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