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The Sermons of William Peraldus: An Appraisal 《威廉·佩拉多斯的布道:评价
IF 0.1 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/13660691.2018.1521024
L. Carruthers
At first sight this book looks deceptively like an edition and translation of selected Latin sermons; but Siegfried Wenzel is careful to call it an ‘appraisal’, not an ‘edition’. He has not, indeed...
乍一看,这本书似乎是精选拉丁语布道的版本和翻译;但齐格弗里德-温泽尔谨慎地称之为“评估”,而不是“版本”。事实上,他没有。。。
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引用次数: 1
Imagini dei predicatori e della predicazione in Italia alla fine del Medioevo 想象一下中世纪晚期意大利的牧师和牧师
IF 0.1 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/13660691.2018.1521014
Bert Roest
eschatological pilgrimage (p. 153). Moreover, Maldina is very insightful in pointing out that, in evaluating the influence of preaching on a text, one has to consider not only the presence of similar rhetorical strategies but also the convergence in themes, style, and function. This crucial methodological point is rightly emphasized in the three case studies – one from each cantica – investigated in the final chapter, entitled ‘Stili omiletici’. By analysing Inferno 19, on the simoniacs, Maldina shows how Dante’s invective against the popes can be framed as an increpatio, which largely uses exclamationes, in line with the precepts of the Summae confessorum. Moreover, the denunciation of the state of corruption of the clergy serves to emphasize the void deriving from the lack of true pastors, something that justifies the prophetic mission of Dante and the salvific function of his poem (p. 170). The analysis of Purgatorio 10–12 returns to the well-known topic of Dante’s use of exempla ‘to restrain vice and to promote virtue’ (p. 186). Yet, Maldina shows how even the souls that Dante the pilgrim encounters, and indeed Dante himself, have the function of ‘examples of pride redeemed by penance’ (p. 200) and how it is the whole structure of the section – not only the exempla – that connects with the contemporary preaching culture by discussing pride, vainglory and humility (pp. 206–07). Within that section, Oderisi da Gubbio’s discourse is analysed as a micro-sermon, which not only is ‘structured as a sermon but also functions as a sermon’ (p. 217). Finally, Beatrice’s theological lecture in Paradiso 4–5 is framed as an example of doctrinal discourse, close to the ‘didactic prose’ of preachers, particularly in its repeated addresses to the listener and in its transition from theological exposition to moral exhortation (p. 233). While at some points the argumentation is a bit forced, the three examples clearly show the potential of a lectura Dantis that takes into consideration the multifaceted dialogue of Dante with the contemporary preaching culture. In conclusion, the book presents a very rich analysis of the interplay between the Commedia and preaching culture and a very stimulating methodology that, as the author points out, has the possibility to foster an in-depth re-evaluation of the ‘lively interchange between sermons and literary texts’ in the late middle ages (p. 10). Although sometimes the book is quite demanding for the reader, and mainly intended for Dante specialists, it promises to remain a solid reference point in the field. Its reading is undoubtedly highly rewarding for scholars interested in sermons, late medieval religious culture, and, of course, the Commedia.
末世朝圣(第153页)。此外,Maldina非常有洞察力地指出,在评估布道对文本的影响时,人们不仅要考虑类似修辞策略的存在,还要考虑主题,风格和功能的趋同。这一关键的方法论观点在最后一章“仍然是omiletici”所调查的三个案例研究中得到了正确的强调。通过分析地狱篇第19章,在圣歌上,马尔迪纳展示了但丁对教皇的谩骂是如何被构建成一种赞美,它主要使用惊叹号,与忏悔颂的戒律一致。此外,对神职人员腐败状态的谴责有助于强调由于缺乏真正的牧师而产生的空虚,这证明了但丁的预言使命和他的诗的救赎功能是正当的(第170页)。对炼狱篇10-12的分析回到了但丁使用范例的著名话题“抑制罪恶,促进美德”(第186页)。然而,Maldina展示了即使是朝圣者但丁遇到的灵魂,甚至是但丁自己,都具有“通过忏悔来救赎骄傲的例子”的功能(第200页),以及这一节的整个结构——不仅仅是例子——是如何通过讨论骄傲、虚荣和谦卑与当代布道文化联系起来的(第206-07页)。在这一节中,Oderisi da Gubbio的话语被分析为一个微型讲道,它不仅“结构像讲道,而且功能也像讲道”(第217页)。最后,在天堂篇第4-5章,比阿特丽斯的神学演讲被认为是教义话语的一个例子,接近于传教士的“说教散文”,特别是在它对听众的反复演讲和从神学阐述到道德劝诫的过渡中(第233页)。虽然在某些方面,论证有点勉强,但这三个例子清楚地显示了但丁演讲的潜力,考虑到但丁与当代布道文化的多方面对话。总之,这本书对喜剧和布道文化之间的相互作用进行了非常丰富的分析,并提出了一种非常刺激的方法,正如作者指出的那样,有可能促进对中世纪晚期“布道和文学文本之间的生动交流”进行深入的重新评估(第10页)。虽然有时这本书对读者的要求相当高,主要是为但丁专家准备的,但它承诺在这个领域仍然是一个坚实的参考点。对于那些对布道、中世纪晚期宗教文化,当然还有喜剧感兴趣的学者来说,阅读这本书无疑是非常有益的。
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引用次数: 0
Forgiveness in Late Medieval Sermons: On the Unforgiving Servant 中世纪晚期布道中的宽恕:论不宽恕的仆人
IF 0.1 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/13660691.2018.1520989
Marc B. Cels
ABSTRACT This study contributes to the history of forgiveness. It samples twenty-nine Latin model sermons on the parable of the unforgiving servant (Matthew 18. 23–35) to access instructions and persuasive material used to teach late medieval Christians about interpersonal forgiveness, peacemaking, or reconciliation. Only half the surveyed sermons discuss forgiveness. Of those that do, only two authors explained the qualified obligation to forgive: to obtain divine forgiveness, Christians must be willing to forgive a penitent offender agreeing to make amends. Christians could still seek justice for harm suffered, so long as they did so without resentment or the desire to harm their offender. These authors also acknowledged the practical difficulties of loving enemies. Unconditional forgiveness remained a goal for those seeking a heavenly reward for Christian perfection, especially monks and nuns. More sermons discouraged anger or warned of God’s wrath against the unforgiving without detailing the norms for forgiveness.
摘要这项研究为宽恕的历史做出了贡献。它采样了二十九个拉丁模式的说教寓言的无情的仆人(马太福音18。23-35)获得用于教授中世纪晚期基督徒人际宽恕、缔造和平或和解的指示和说服材料。只有一半的受访布道讨论宽恕。在那些这样做的人中,只有两位作者解释了有资格的宽恕义务:为了获得神圣的宽恕,基督徒必须愿意原谅同意赔偿的悔过者。基督徒仍然可以为所遭受的伤害寻求正义,只要他们这样做没有怨恨或伤害罪犯的欲望。这些作者也承认爱敌人的实际困难。无条件的宽恕仍然是那些寻求对基督教完美的天堂奖励的人的目标,尤其是僧侣和修女。更多的布道劝阻了愤怒,或者警告上帝对不可原谅的人的愤怒,但没有详细说明宽恕的规范。
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引用次数: 0
Sermons, Preaching, and Liturgy: Practices, Research Methods, and the Case of Giordano da Pisa 布道、讲道和礼拜仪式:实践、研究方法和比萨的佐丹奴案例
IF 0.1 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/13660691.2018.1520965
Aléssio Alonso Alves
ABSTRACT This article analyses the relationship between sermons, preaching, and liturgy within the Order of the Friars Preachers in late thirteenth- and early fourteenth-century Italy. It provides an account of a specific method for the study of the medieval ‘modern sermon’ by investigating the reportationes of the sermons given by Giordano da Pisa, a Dominican friar who preached in Florence and Pisa between 1302 and 1309. The investigation using this method shows that the sermons’ subjects and arguments, often considered by historians to be a direct consequence and reflection of Florence’s social and economic reality, had in fact also much to do with the evangelical story or epistolary passage assigned to the specific date of the liturgical calendar: there are thus two principal influences rather than just one. This approach to Giordano’s sermons provides a new perspective on his work as a preacher by being more attentive to the internal construction mechanisms of sermon discourse.
摘要:本文分析了13世纪晚期和14世纪早期意大利修士传教士会内部的布道、讲道和礼拜仪式之间的关系。它通过调查佐丹奴·达·比萨的布道报告,提供了一种研究中世纪“现代布道”的具体方法。佐丹奴·达·比萨是一位多米尼加修士,于1302年至1309年间在佛罗伦萨和比萨传教。使用这种方法的调查表明,布道的主题和论点,通常被历史学家认为是佛罗伦萨社会和经济现实的直接结果和反映,实际上也与福音派故事或指定为特定日期的书信段落有很大关系:因此有两个主要的影响,而不仅仅是一个。这种研究佐丹奴布道的方法,通过更加关注布道话语的内部构建机制,为他作为一个传教士的工作提供了一个新的视角。
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引用次数: 3
Raban Maur’s Sermon Collections and their Sources: A Study of the Manuscripts from the Monastery in Fulda 拉班·毛尔的布道集及其来源:富尔达修道院手稿研究
IF 0.1 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/13660691.2018.1520995
C. Galle
ABSTRACT In the ninth and tenth centuries, the Frankish territory almost doubled in size within three generations. When he was crowned as emperor in AD 800, Charlemagne was Europe’s most powerful ruler. But his position could only be secure, if he could bring about unification within his multiracial state. In the context of the large-scale programme of reforms, Charlemagne as well as his son Louis the Pious and his grandson Lothar I particularly trusted in the power of religion. The rank of the Frankish ruler would be relatively inviolable if the same ideas of good and bad as well as right and wrong defined the people’s working and living together. To achieve that goal, five extensive sermon collections were ordered; two of them were prepared by Raban Maur (c. 780–856), the abbot from Fulda, and later archbishop of Mainz. This article identifies the sources from which Raban made his selections. Subsequently, the texts that he used will be compared to manuscripts connected to the monastery in Fulda. By so doing, it is possible to identify the templates for his sermon collections.
摘要在九世纪和十世纪,法兰克人的领土在三代人的时间里几乎翻了一番。公元800年,查理曼加冕为皇帝,是欧洲最强大的统治者。但只有当他能够在他的多种族国家实现统一时,他的地位才能稳固。在大规模改革计划的背景下,查理曼以及他的儿子庇护者路易和他的孙子洛塔尔一世特别信任宗教的力量。如果人们共同工作和生活的理念是好与坏、对与错,那么法兰克统治者的地位将相对不可侵犯。为了实现这一目标,订购了五本广泛的布道集;其中两个是由富尔达的住持、后来的美因茨大主教Raban Maur(约780–856)准备的。这篇文章确定了拉班作出选择的来源。随后,他使用的文本将与富尔达修道院的手稿进行比较。通过这样做,可以确定他的布道集的模板。
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引用次数: 3
Reading the Sermons of Thomas Aquinas. A Beginner’s Guide 阅读托马斯·阿奎那的布道。初学者指南
IF 0.1 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/13660691.2018.1521020
Jussi Hanska
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引用次数: 6
In the Mirror of the Prodigal Son: The Pastoral Uses of a Biblical Narrative (c. 1200–1550) 在浪子的镜子里:圣经叙事的田园用途(约1200–1550)
IF 0.1 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/13660691.2018.1521003
V. O'Mara
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引用次数: 0
Preaching and History: The Audience of Ranulf Higden’s Ars componendi sermones and Polychronicon 传教与历史:希格登的《圣训集》与《多时论》的受众
IF 0.1 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/13660691.2018.1529891
J. Beal
ABSTRACT In his Ars praedicandi sermones, in traditional yet rich metaphoric language, Ranulf Higden compares Christ to a fountain, a shepherd, a rock, a lily, a rose, a violet, an elephant, a unicorn, and a youthful bridegroom wooing his beloved spouse. Ranulf encourages preachers to use such metaphors while using them himself, rendering his text a performed example of what he encourages. This text is clearly linked to two others: Ranulf’s Latin universal history, the Polychronicon, and John Trevisa’s English translation of it. In the Polychronicon, Ranulf relates the life of Christ, utilizing some of his own rhetorical suggestions from his preaching manual. He also depicts a cross-section of good and bad preachers, including Gregory, Wulfstan, Eustas, St Edmund, and one William Long-Beard and his kinsman, who exemplify (in different ways) the wisdom conveyed in Ranulf’s instruction in the Ars praedicandi. This essay suggests that the literary relationship between the preaching manual and the Polychronicon supplies additional support for the idea that the audience of the latter was not noblemen exclusively, but also clergymen who preached and had responsibility for the care of souls (cura animae).
摘要Higden在他的诗歌中,用传统而丰富的隐喻语言,将基督比作喷泉、牧羊人、岩石、百合花、玫瑰、紫罗兰、大象、独角兽和年轻的新郎,向他心爱的配偶求爱。拉努尔夫鼓励传教士在自己使用这些隐喻的同时使用这些隐喻,使他的文本成为他所鼓励的一个表演例子。这本书显然与另外两本书联系在一起:拉努夫的拉丁普世史《多时论》和约翰·特雷维萨的英译本。在《多时学》中,拉努夫利用他自己在传教手册中的一些修辞建议,讲述了基督的一生。他还描绘了好的和坏的传教士的横截面,包括格雷戈里、伍尔夫斯坦、尤斯塔斯、圣埃德蒙,以及一位威廉·朗比尔德和他的亲属,他们(以不同的方式)体现了拉努夫在阿尔斯普雷坎迪的教导中传达的智慧。本文认为,《传道手册》和《多时论》之间的文学关系为后者的受众不仅是贵族,而且是传道并负责照顾灵魂的神职人员这一观点提供了额外的支持。
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引用次数: 0
Exegetical Traditions and the Artes Praedicandi in the Collationes de tempore of Frater Petrus (Fourteenth Century) 训诂传统和《预言之术》(14世纪)
IF 0.1 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/13660691.2017.1368574
D. Nodes
ABSTRACT Oklahoma City, Museum of the Bible Foundation, MS 465 is a fourteenth-century codex containing the Collationes de tempore of one Frater Petrus. The codex was designed and assembled for easy reference to individual texts and sections. The 145 Latin texts address themes derived from the liturgical readings for the Sundays and moveable feasts of a complete year. They are collations in a strict sense, treating concise themes through a rigid pattern of division and subdivision of topics that are illuminated by equally systematic forms of amplification. Their pattern closely resembles the layout for collations described in the Ars faciendi sermones of Geraldus de Piscario (fl. 1330s).
摘要俄克拉荷马城,圣经基金会博物馆,MS 465是一本14世纪的法典,其中包含一位弗拉特·佩特鲁斯的临时整理本。该法典的设计和汇编便于参考个别文本和章节。145篇拉丁语文本涉及的主题源于一年中周日和可移动宴会的礼拜仪式阅读。它们是严格意义上的校勘,通过同样系统的放大形式来阐明主题的严格划分和细分模式来处理简洁的主题。它们的图案与Geraldus de Piscario的Ars faciendi sermones(fl.1330年代)中描述的校勘布局非常相似。
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引用次数: 0
« L’argument vassalique » au service de la prédication des croisades en Terre sainte (fin XIIe – XIIIe siècles) “附庸论点”服务于圣地十字军东征的布道(十二世纪末至十三世纪)
IF 0.1 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/13660691.2017.1368578
Valentin L. Portnykh
ABSTRACT In the late twelfth century we can observe important changes in the propaganda of the crusades to the Holy Land. The popes and the preachers started to stress that the Holy Land should be defended and, after the disasters of 1187, should be reconquered because of its importance personally for God. Six arguments of the crusade propaganda which were invented or became widespread at that time can be mentioned here. Among them there is one that we can call the “vassal argument”, by means of which the papacy and the preachers pointed out that God should be defended when his beloved land is attacked by heathens because he is the Lord and the listeners are his vassals. It seems that the idea was created by the crusade preachers at the end of the twelfth century and then came to be used by the papacy as well, from Innocent III onwards. In the thirteenth century it was extensively enriched by such preachers as Jacques de Vitry and Humbert of Romans who made the vassal argument more illustrative.
在12世纪后期,我们可以观察到十字军对圣地的宣传发生了重大变化。教皇和传教士开始强调圣地应该被捍卫,在1187年的灾难之后,应该被重新征服,因为它对上帝个人来说很重要。关于十字军的宣传,有六种说法是当时发明的或广为流传的。其中有一种我们可以称之为“附庸论”,教皇和传教士通过这种观点指出,当上帝心爱的土地受到异教徒的攻击时,上帝应该得到保护,因为他是上帝,而听众是他的附庸。这个想法似乎是由十字军传教士在12世纪末创造的,然后从英诺森三世开始,教皇也开始使用这个想法。在13世纪,像雅克·德·维特里和罗马人亨伯特这样的传教士使附庸的论点更有说服力,使它得到了广泛的丰富。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Medieval Sermon Studies
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