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Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict: Pathways toward Terrorism and Genocide最新文献

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Fighting together? understanding bilateral cooperation in the realm of counterterrorism 一起战斗吗?了解在反恐领域的双边合作
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2018.1517944
A. Perliger, D. Milton
ABSTRACT Since September 11, there has been marked rise in research on the transnational aspect of terrorist organizations, such as Hezbollah, Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State. However, there has been little focus on when and why nations sometimes cooperate in counterterrorism, while at other times they deal with the challenge of terrorism separately. Our contribution here is two-fold. First, we develop a conceptual framework that identifies the different ways in which polities cooperate when they are executing CT policies. Second, using a newly collected dataset of CT campaigns and state cooperation from 1970 to 2007, we test the theoretical framework in an effort to explain under which conditions countries choose to cooperate or fight alone. The results indicate that traditional power-centric explanations for cooperation matter, but not to the exclusion of less-tangible factors such as identity and the nature of the violence used by the terrorist group.
自9·11事件以来,对真主党、基地组织和伊斯兰国等恐怖组织跨国方面的研究明显增多。然而,很少有人关注各国有时在反恐方面合作的时间和原因,而在其他时候,他们分别应对恐怖主义的挑战。我们在这里的贡献是双重的。首先,我们开发了一个概念框架,用于识别策略在执行CT策略时进行合作的不同方式。其次,使用新收集的1970年至2007年的CT运动和国家合作数据集,我们测试了理论框架,以努力解释在哪些条件下国家选择合作或单独作战。研究结果表明,传统的以权力为中心的合作解释很重要,但并不排除不那么有形的因素,如身份和恐怖组织使用的暴力的性质。
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引用次数: 5
“Doing a number”: adaptation of political violence in the aftermath of the Northern Irish conflict “做数字”:北爱尔兰冲突后政治暴力的改编
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2018.1517942
Sanjin Uležić
ABSTRACT Focusing on the contemporary iteration of the republican armed struggle in Northern Ireland this work posits that a scaled-down approach to the strategic outlook was developed by violent dissident republicans as a reaction to resource constraints and a post-conflict context. The adjusted strategic outlook became predicated on a strategy of provocation with the intent being to draw out some form of governmental response while maintaining a heightened state of emergency. As the post-conflict normalization in Northern Ireland represented a relatively easy target for the armed groups, this strategy of provocation could rely on rudimentary tactics, both violent and non-violent. This work concludes by exploring one such tactic that straddles the divide between the two, hoax devices, which have become a staple in the repertoire of violent dissident republicans.
关注北爱尔兰共和军武装斗争的当代迭代,本工作假设,作为对资源限制和冲突后背景的反应,暴力持不同政见的共和军发展了一种缩小规模的战略前景方法。调整后的战略前景以挑衅战略为基础,其目的是在保持高度紧急状态的同时引出某种形式的政府反应。由于北爱尔兰冲突后的正常化相对容易成为武装团体的目标,这种挑衅战略可以依靠暴力和非暴力的基本战术。这篇文章最后探讨了一种跨越这两者之间的策略,即恶作剧手段,这已经成为暴力持不同政见的共和党人的主要手段。
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引用次数: 1
Theology, heroism, justice, and fear: an analysis of ISIS propaganda magazines Dabiq and Rumiyah 神学、英雄主义、正义和恐惧:对ISIS宣传杂志《Dabiq》和《Rumiyah》的分析
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2018.1517943
Tyler Welch
ABSTRACT This paper analyses a large content sample of Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) English-language magazines. Dabiq (15 issues, 2014–2016) and Rumiyah (13 issues, 2016–2017) represent the largest cohesive text sample of ISIS propaganda targeted at English speakers. This qualitative analysis, creates a typology to explain and categorize articles within the sample. Magazine articles are divided into five categories: (1) Islamic theological justification and inspiration for violence, (2) descriptions of community, belonging, and meaning, (3) stories of progress or heroism, (4) establishment of a common enemy, i.e., the West and Muslim “apostate s,” and (5) instructional and inspirational articles empowering individual violent action. A focus on unity and community was more common in Dabiq, while instructional articles encouraging lone wolf attacks appeared more often in Rumiyah. Moreover, tales of heroism and progress are far more common in Dabiq, while Rumiyah issues focus on Islamic justification and call for loyalty and sacrifice. This follows the shift in ISIS’s operational focus from administering a physical caliphate to inspiring attacks locally and abroad. Knowing exactly what types of messages and narratives are being circulated in ISIS propaganda has important implications for understanding the psychology of terrorism, radicalization, securitization, and counterterrorism.
摘要本文分析了伊拉克伊斯兰国和伊斯兰国英文杂志的大量内容样本。Dabiq(15期,2014-2016)和Rumiyah(13期,2016-2017)代表了针对英语使用者的ISIS宣传的最大衔接文本样本。这种定性分析创建了一种类型学来解释和分类样本中的文章。杂志文章分为五类:(1)伊斯兰神学对暴力的辩护和启发,(2)对社区、归属和意义的描述,(3)进步或英雄主义的故事,(4)建立一个共同的敌人,即西方和穆斯林“叛教者”,以及(5)授权个人暴力行动的教学和励志文章。对团结和社区的关注在达比克更为常见,而鼓励独狼袭击的教学文章在鲁米耶更为常见。此外,英雄主义和进步的故事在达比克更为常见,而鲁米耶问题则关注伊斯兰的正当性,并呼吁忠诚和牺牲。此前,ISIS的行动重点从管理实体哈里发国转变为在国内外发动袭击。准确了解ISIS宣传中传播的信息和叙事类型,对理解恐怖主义、激进化、证券化和反恐的心理具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 27
Examining the utility of social control and social learning in the radicalization of violent and non-violent extremists 审查社会控制和社会学习在暴力和非暴力极端分子激进化中的效用
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-06-04 DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2018.1470661
T. Holt, Joshua D. Freilich, S. Chermak, G. LaFree
Abstract Research on radicalization to accept extremist ideologies has expanded dramatically over the last decade, particularly attempts to theorize pathways to violence. These models are complex, and contain aspects of key criminological frameworks including social learning and social control theories. At the same time, they do reconcile the inherent differences in these frameworks, requiring research to examine how these models could be combined and the utility in using an integrated model to account for radicalization as a whole. This analysis uses four case studies developed from two of the most well-known open-source terrorism databases to assess these frameworks, using two far-right and two jihadist perpetrators, with one engaged in violence and the other non-violent activity in each ideological grouping. The implications of this analysis for our understanding of radicalization and the utility of criminological theories are considered in depth.
摘要在过去十年中,对接受极端主义意识形态的激进化的研究急剧扩大,特别是试图将暴力途径理论化。这些模型很复杂,包含了关键犯罪学框架的各个方面,包括社会学习和社会控制理论。与此同时,它们确实调和了这些框架中的固有差异,需要研究如何将这些模型结合起来,以及使用综合模型来解释整体激进化的效用。这项分析使用了从两个最著名的开源恐怖主义数据库中开发的四个案例研究来评估这些框架,使用了两名极右翼和两名圣战分子,其中一人参与暴力,另一人在每个意识形态群体中从事非暴力活动。这一分析对我们理解激进主义和犯罪学理论的效用有着深刻的影响。
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引用次数: 19
Sometimes they mean what they say: understanding violence among domestic extremists 有时他们说到做到:理解国内极端分子的暴力行为
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2018.1470659
Victor Asal, A. Vitek
Abstract This project aims at predictors of violence among domestic extremist organizations, which historically have received sparse investigative attention, especially in regard to violent rhetoric. The United States is host to hundreds of such organizations, the majority of which are non-violent, and despite there being designation organizations such as the Southern Poverty Law centre, as well as a rich qualitative literature detailing group operational dynamics, the question of what variables influence the use of violence by these groups as a whole has yet to be taken up in detail. This paper utilizes data gathered on all designated extremist groups currently operating in New York State which is coded using variables drawn from “Minorities at Risk Operational Behavior” (MAROB). While the goal is eventually to gather data on the entire US, exploratory analysis of the New York data indicates that violent rhetoric has the most significant impact on group violence, while the impact of ideological variables highlighted by existing literature are minimal.
本项目旨在预测国内极端主义组织中的暴力行为,这些组织在历史上很少受到调查关注,特别是在暴力修辞方面。美国拥有数百个这样的组织,其中大多数是非暴力组织,尽管有南方贫困法律中心等指定组织,以及详细说明团体行动动态的丰富定性文献,但哪些变量影响这些团体整体使用暴力的问题尚未得到详细讨论。本文利用了目前在纽约州运作的所有指定极端主义团体的数据,这些数据使用来自“风险少数群体操作行为”(MAROB)的变量进行编码。虽然最终的目标是收集整个美国的数据,但对纽约数据的探索性分析表明,暴力修辞对群体暴力的影响最为显著,而现有文献所强调的意识形态变量的影响最小。
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引用次数: 3
Changes and stabilities in the language of Islamic state magazines: a sentiment analysis 伊斯兰国杂志语言的变化与稳定——情绪分析
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2018.1470660
L. Macnair, Richard Frank
Abstract This study applies the semi-automated method of sentiment analysis in order to examine any quantifiable changes in the linguistic, topical, or narrative patterns that are present in the English-language Islamic State-produced propaganda magazines Dabiq (15 issues) and Rumiyah (10 issues). Based on a sentiment analysis of the textual content of these magazines, it was found that the overall use of language has remained largely consistent between the two magazines and across a timespan of roughly three years. However, while the majority of the language within these magazines is consistent, a small number of significant changes with regard to certain words and phrases were found. Specifically, the language of Islamic State magazines has become increasingly hostile towards certain enemy groups of the organization, while the language used to describe the Islamic State itself has become significantly more positive over time. In addition to identifying the changes and stabilities of the language used in Islamic State magazines, this study endeavours to test the effectiveness of the sentiment analysis method as a means of examining and potentially countering extremist media moving forward.
摘要本研究采用情绪分析的半自动化方法,以检查伊斯兰国制作的英语宣传杂志《Dabiq》(15期)和《Rumiyah》(10期)中语言、主题或叙事模式的任何可量化变化。基于对这些杂志文本内容的情感分析,发现在大约三年的时间跨度内,这两本杂志对语言的总体使用基本保持一致。然而,尽管这些杂志中的大多数语言是一致的,但在某些单词和短语方面发现了少量重大变化。具体而言,伊斯兰国杂志的语言对该组织的某些敌对团体越来越敌对,而用来描述伊斯兰国本身的语言随着时间的推移变得更加积极。除了确定《伊斯兰国》杂志中使用的语言的变化和稳定性外,本研究还试图测试情绪分析方法的有效性,将其作为审查和潜在打击极端主义媒体的一种手段。
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引用次数: 13
Letter from the Editorial Team 编辑团队的来信
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2018.1471833
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引用次数: 0
Grandstanding or foreshadowing: analysing the University of Alabama active shooter threats with intergroup threat theory 辉煌还是伏笔:用群间威胁理论分析阿拉巴马大学现役枪手的威胁
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-04-16 DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2018.1432867
Michael J. Egnoto, Darrin J. Griffin, Fei Qiao
Abstract In 2014, the University of Alabama community became the victim of a cyber-threat for a school shooting that started on social media. This active shooter threat was used as an opportunity to embrace the rarity and unpredictability of a crisis, and publicly accessible social media data were captured and analysed using established linguistic analysis software. Through the lens of intergroup threat theory, social media and publicly sent messages were analysed so that it was possible to test predictions that in-group (individuals on campus) messages would differ in their use of language compared to out-group (mass media) messages. The results indicated that individuals differed significantly from mass media in the following ways: individuals used more personal and fewer plural pronouns, more religious language, and less cognitive complexity than mass media. Also, as might be expected, individuals engaged in more reassurance giving and information seeking than did the mass media. Implications and directions for future research are discussed, with an emphasis on understanding the nature of resilience.
摘要2014年,阿拉巴马大学社区因社交媒体上发生的校园枪击案而成为网络威胁的受害者。这种活跃的枪手威胁被用来接受危机的罕见性和不可预测性,并使用既定的语言分析软件捕捉和分析公众可访问的社交媒体数据。通过群体间威胁理论的视角,对社交媒体和公开发送的信息进行了分析,从而可以测试群体内(校园内的个人)信息与群体外(大众媒体)信息在语言使用方面的差异。结果表明,个体与大众媒体在以下方面存在显著差异:个体比大众媒体使用更多的人称代词,更少的复数代词,更多的宗教语言,更少的认知复杂性。此外,不出所料,与大众媒体相比,个人参与了更多的安抚和信息寻求。讨论了未来研究的意义和方向,重点是理解韧性的本质。
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引用次数: 0
Pro-government international military intervention during genocide and politicide 种族灭绝和政治化期间亲政府的国际军事干预
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-04-07 DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2018.1454971
Gary Uzonyi
Abstract Why do states intervene militarily to support regimes that are committing genocide or politicide? Previous literature examines why states intervene to stop such atrocities, but overlooks why some states support murderous regimes. I argue that states support lethal regimes when such support is militarily and strategically beneficial. In particular, I posit that third-parties are likely to support their allies in time of civil war, despite murderous policies. Statistical analysis of all genocides and politicides between 1955 and 2005 supports this argument. Importantly, I also find that third-parties are no less likely to support lethal regimes in the post-Cold War era. These findings question whether normative change in the international environment is influencing state decision-making on important military calculations.
摘要为什么国家要进行军事干预,以支持正在实施种族灭绝或政治化的政权?以前的文献研究了为什么国家会干预以阻止此类暴行,但忽略了为什么一些国家支持谋杀政权。我认为,当这种支持在军事和战略上有利时,国家支持致命政权。特别是,我认为第三方可能会在内战时期支持他们的盟友,尽管有谋杀政策。对1955年至2005年间所有种族灭绝和政治事件的统计分析支持了这一论点。重要的是,我还发现,在后冷战时代,第三方支持致命政权的可能性同样大。这些发现质疑国际环境中的规范性变化是否正在影响国家在重要军事计算方面的决策。
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引用次数: 1
Recruitment and remilitarization 征聘和重新军事化
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-02-15 DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2018.1432870
Nicholas M. Barnes
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict: Pathways toward Terrorism and Genocide
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