Pub Date : 2017-09-02DOI: 10.1080/17528631.2017.1367531
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Pub Date : 2017-09-02DOI: 10.1080/17528631.2016.1157930
Rana A. Hogarth
ABSTRACT The Hospital and Asylum for Deserted Negroes in Kingston, Jamaica, was a major site of care for indigent blacks in one of the most densely populated urban centers on one of Britain's most valuable sugar islands. When the hospital opened, sometime after 1788, blacks outnumbered whites ten to one in Jamaica, and the island's whites continued to enact oppressive measures to control the colony's restive black population. This article shows how the Hospital and Asylum for Deserted Negroes became a strategic component in this scheme, joining an expansive network of workhouses and gaols the colonial government used to instill racialized law and order. From its early inception, one of the hospital's unspoken goals was to prevent lawlessness in a space marred by slave resistance. Finally, this article demonstrates how the early development of Jamaica's public health medical infrastructure was, in a large part, nurtured by the slave system.
{"title":"Charity and terror in eighteenth-century Jamaica: The Kingston Hospital and Asylum for Deserted ‘Negroes’","authors":"Rana A. Hogarth","doi":"10.1080/17528631.2016.1157930","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17528631.2016.1157930","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Hospital and Asylum for Deserted Negroes in Kingston, Jamaica, was a major site of care for indigent blacks in one of the most densely populated urban centers on one of Britain's most valuable sugar islands. When the hospital opened, sometime after 1788, blacks outnumbered whites ten to one in Jamaica, and the island's whites continued to enact oppressive measures to control the colony's restive black population. This article shows how the Hospital and Asylum for Deserted Negroes became a strategic component in this scheme, joining an expansive network of workhouses and gaols the colonial government used to instill racialized law and order. From its early inception, one of the hospital's unspoken goals was to prevent lawlessness in a space marred by slave resistance. Finally, this article demonstrates how the early development of Jamaica's public health medical infrastructure was, in a large part, nurtured by the slave system.","PeriodicalId":39013,"journal":{"name":"African and Black Diaspora","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/17528631.2016.1157930","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41662893","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-08-07DOI: 10.1080/17528631.2017.1363477
Felicitas R. Jaima
ABSTRACT This article employs ‘hair’ as a lens for investigating the ways in which black women’s experiences in the US military and West Germany were racialized and, at the same time, gendered. Based on the personal stories of Women’s Army Corps member Babette Peyton, who got court-martialed in Germany in 1975 for wearing her hair in cornrows, and Marie Davenport, teacher and beautician in Frankfurt, who desegregated the local military hair salon, this article uncovers black women’s mundane activism against racial and gender discrimination. Their experiences and perseverance demonstrate that black military women made critical contributions to the Civil Rights Movement while abroad in Germany.
{"title":"When things get hairy: afros, cornrows, and the desegregation of US military hair salons in West Germany","authors":"Felicitas R. Jaima","doi":"10.1080/17528631.2017.1363477","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17528631.2017.1363477","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article employs ‘hair’ as a lens for investigating the ways in which black women’s experiences in the US military and West Germany were racialized and, at the same time, gendered. Based on the personal stories of Women’s Army Corps member Babette Peyton, who got court-martialed in Germany in 1975 for wearing her hair in cornrows, and Marie Davenport, teacher and beautician in Frankfurt, who desegregated the local military hair salon, this article uncovers black women’s mundane activism against racial and gender discrimination. Their experiences and perseverance demonstrate that black military women made critical contributions to the Civil Rights Movement while abroad in Germany.","PeriodicalId":39013,"journal":{"name":"African and Black Diaspora","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/17528631.2017.1363477","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43323131","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-05-04DOI: 10.1080/17528631.2016.1189690
Kim D. Butler
ABSTRACT This article examines the ways in which black carnival clubs in Salvador, Bahia strategically used African themes and representations to negotiate social, political, and cultural space just after abolition in Brazil, which also coincided with the first years of the Republic. Contemporary newspaper accounts reveal a distinctly Bahian perspective on emerging black cosmopolitanism and pan-Africanism that deepens our understanding of this era in African diaspora history. The pioneer clubs Embaixada Africana (African Embassy) and the Pândegos da África (African Merrymakers) referenced high African civilization, royalty, and divinity in their themes at a time when Africans were being stereotyped as backwards and antithetical to national progress. In so doing, their carnival masquerades became a form of political speech and cultural contestation that was formally banned in 1905, but which laid the foundation for Afro-Bahian carnival expressions for the rest of the twentieth century.
本文考察了巴伊亚州萨尔瓦多的黑人狂欢节俱乐部在巴西废除奴隶制后战略性地利用非洲主题和代表来谈判社会、政治和文化空间的方式，这也与共和国的第一年相一致。当代报纸的报道揭示了对新兴黑人世界主义和泛非主义的独特巴伊亚观点，加深了我们对非洲侨民历史上这个时代的理解。先锋俱乐部Embaixada Africana(非洲大使馆)和p ndegos da África(非洲欢乐制造者)在他们的主题中提到了高度的非洲文明、皇室和神性，当时非洲人被视为落后和与国家进步相对的。在此过程中，他们的狂欢节假面舞会成为一种政治言论和文化辩论的形式，在1905年被正式禁止，但这为20世纪其余时间的非裔巴伊亚狂欢节表达奠定了基础。
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Pub Date : 2017-05-04DOI: 10.1080/17528631.2016.1224059
L. R. Danil
{"title":"Crossing the color line: race, sex, and the contested politics of colonialism in Ghana","authors":"L. R. Danil","doi":"10.1080/17528631.2016.1224059","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17528631.2016.1224059","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39013,"journal":{"name":"African and Black Diaspora","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/17528631.2016.1224059","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48915594","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-05-04DOI: 10.1080/17528631.2016.1189689
Merle L. Bowen
ABSTRACT In twenty-first century Brazil, Afro-Brazilians have embraced various cultural markers of their ethno-racial identity to improve their economic survival and well-being. Although these markers may take many forms across Brazil, this essay examines the growing enterprise of ethnic tourism in quilombos or communities of African descent. The work of John L. and Jean Comaroff, Ethnicity, Inc., is introduced as a point of departure to explore the two different manifestations of the ethnic commodity economy: the commodification of culture and the incorporation of identity. I argue that the ethno-commodity phenomenon is not a scalable or equitable model of development for Brazil’s quilombos. Case studies show that quilombolas or residents of these communities have adopted ethnic tourism primarily because of the loss of wage employment alternatives and environmental policies that threaten their livelihoods. The examples also illustrate that quilombolas continue to sell their labor, even as they are forced to insert themselves into the global economy by commodifying their culture.
在21世纪的巴西，非裔巴西人已经接受了他们的民族-种族身份的各种文化标志，以改善他们的经济生存和福祉。尽管这些标志在巴西各地可能有多种形式，但本文考察了在“歌伦波”或非洲裔社区中不断发展的民族旅游企业。本文以John L. and Jean Comaroff, Ethnicity, Inc.的作品为出发点，探讨民族商品经济的两种不同表现形式:文化的商品化和身份的整合。我认为，对巴西的歌伦波族来说，民族商品现象不是一种可扩展或公平的发展模式。案例研究表明，“歌伦波拉”或这些社区的居民之所以选择民族旅游，主要是因为他们失去了有工资的就业机会，环境政策也威胁到他们的生计。这些例子还表明，尽管“歌伦波拉”被迫通过将自己的文化商品化而融入全球经济，但他们仍在继续出售自己的劳动力。
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Pub Date : 2017-05-04DOI: 10.1080/17528631.2016.1189765
Sean T. Mitchell
The politics of race, citizenship, and history have long been intertwined in Brazil. After the abolition of Brazilian slavery in 1888, Brazilian governments attempted to relegate blackness and Afro-Brazilian people to Brazil’s past, through policies of immigration andmixture explicitly focused on branqueamento (whitening) (Cunha 1985; Schwarcz 1999; Skidmore 1993). In the mid-twentieth century, branqueamentowaned, as major Brazilian intellectuals and governing institutions fostered an ideology of ‘racial democracy’ – or harmonious racial mixture – as the depoliticizing, and supposedly deracializing cornerstone of Brazilian nationalism (Andrews 1996; Guimarães 2001; Hanchard 1994; Seyferth 1996). And in the early twenty-first century, both branqueamento and racial democracy have lost the hegemony they once held as ideologies linking race, citizenship, history, and the future of Brazil. Though long present, Afro-Brazilian activism gained force on the national scene after the end of the military regime in 1985 and celebrations marking the centenary of the abolition of slavery in 1988. New laws aimed at redressing racial inequality were placed on the books, communities identifying as quilombolas (maroon-descended) began to proliferate in the rural interior, and politicized Afro-Brazilian identified popular culture came to enjoy wide national appeal. Each year more of the population identifies as black (Guimarães 2012; Telles 2006) and few national political figures speak publicly of racial democracy – or of whitening. The politics of race, citizenship, and history in Brazil were and are intertwined, but in surprising and fast-changing ways. This special issue of African and Black Diaspora: an International Journal features articles by leading scholars conducting research on these transforming relations among history, race, and citizenship in Brazil. We bring together these articles – by anthropologists, political scientists, and historians, from Brazil, Canada, and the United States, and joining ethnographic and archival research – in the hope of helping shape the contours of future scholarly research on race politics in Brazil. The literature on race, history, and citizenship in Brazil is vast, but it is marked by key concerns that we hope to illuminate in new ways in this special issue. For the last few decades, much of the Brazilian literature on race has focused on contentious debates over new laws and institutional initiatives aimed at redressing Brazil’s racial inequality. Those debates have centered, to a large degree, on the ways in which these new initiatives might reshape a Brazilian racial order that was often extolled for its ambiguity during the twentieth century. The essays gathered here engage these contentious debates, but we approach them laterally. Together, these articles show how recent changes to ethnoracial identification and race politics in Brazil result less from changes to the law than from
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Pub Date : 2017-05-04DOI: 10.1080/17528631.2016.1189692
F. Gomes, Daniela Yabeta
ABSTRACT In this article, we analyze the relations among history, human rights, and citizenship through a study of quilombo (maroon) descended communities in Marambaia, in the south of Rio de Janeiro state. These communities have struggled to secure their territories through provisions in Brazil’s 1988 Constitution, as well as through regulations dating from the nineteenth century. Since the 1980s, the quilombolas of Marambaia – an area of plantations and quilombos formed in the nineteenth century – have resisted the actions of the Navy, the Federal Government, and the courts in order to secure their territories and cultures. We analyze the history of the conflict, its protagonists (quilombolas, lawyers, jurists, anthropologists, archeologists, non-governmental organizations, and representatives of federal and state governments), and the arguments about memory, history, and law these actors have used. We also present the transcription and analysis of unpublished documents on the quilombo occupation in the region in 1870.
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Pub Date : 2017-05-04DOI: 10.1080/17528631.2016.1189693
Sean T. Mitchell
ABSTRACT Recent policies to redress racial inequality in Brazil, including affirmative action and the protection of Afro-Brazilian land rights, have generated fierce debates about the character of race and racism in Brazilian society. In this article, I critically examine an assumption structuring these debates: that Brazil is characterized by a special tolerance for ethnoracial ambiguity that is threatened by these initiatives. Drawing on ethnographic research on conflicts between Afro-Brazilian communities and Brazil’s spaceport, I argue that an everyday imperative to social whitening shows how this ethnoracial ambiguity has been skewed toward one racial pole. Affirmative action policies do not eliminate ethnoracial ambiguity, but have helped to change the force of the everyday whitening that structures it. In this critique, I aim to clarify the nature of ethnoracial changes in Brazil, as the ideology of ‘racial democracy’ has lost the hegemony it held during much of Brazil’s twentieth century.
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Pub Date : 2017-05-04DOI: 10.1080/17528631.2016.1189694
LaShandra Sullivan
ABSTRACT This article centers attention on race, place, and space as co-produced concepts that reveal much about both how racial ideology operates and is constituted in contemporary Brazil. In Mato Grosso do Sul, Brazil, the ethno-racial order constructs the region as devoid of colonized people and consummately available for capital-intensive agribusiness production. Land protests in Mato Grosso do Sul by black and indigenous activists undermine popular fantasies of racial harmony embedded in Brazilian-ness. The regional variation of the latter denies the historical and contemporary presence of black Brazilians in narratives of the state’s founding and contemporary status as a ‘frontier’. This article argues that we may consider ‘coming out’ moments by blacks in the state as defiant counters, revealing identification processes that undermine the denial of full recognition of blacks as citizens.
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