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African and Black Diaspora最新文献

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Editorial Board 编辑委员会
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/17528631.2017.1367531
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引用次数: 0
Charity and terror in eighteenth-century Jamaica: The Kingston Hospital and Asylum for Deserted ‘Negroes’ 18世纪牙买加的慈善与恐怖:金斯顿医院和被遗弃的“黑人”收容所
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/17528631.2016.1157930
Rana A. Hogarth
ABSTRACT The Hospital and Asylum for Deserted Negroes in Kingston, Jamaica, was a major site of care for indigent blacks in one of the most densely populated urban centers on one of Britain's most valuable sugar islands. When the hospital opened, sometime after 1788, blacks outnumbered whites ten to one in Jamaica, and the island's whites continued to enact oppressive measures to control the colony's restive black population. This article shows how the Hospital and Asylum for Deserted Negroes became a strategic component in this scheme, joining an expansive network of workhouses and gaols the colonial government used to instill racialized law and order. From its early inception, one of the hospital's unspoken goals was to prevent lawlessness in a space marred by slave resistance. Finally, this article demonstrates how the early development of Jamaica's public health medical infrastructure was, in a large part, nurtured by the slave system.
摘要牙买加金斯敦的被遗弃黑人医院和收容所是英国最有价值的糖岛上人口最稠密的城市中心之一,是照顾贫困黑人的主要场所。1788年后的某个时候,当医院开业时,牙买加的黑人人数比白人多出十分之一,岛上的白人继续采取压迫措施来控制殖民地难以控制的黑人人口。这篇文章展示了被遗弃黑人医院和庇护中心如何成为这一计划的战略组成部分,加入了殖民政府用来灌输种族化法律和秩序的济贫院和监狱的庞大网络。从医院成立之初,医院的一个不言而喻的目标就是防止在一个被奴隶抵抗破坏的空间里无法无天。最后,本文展示了牙买加公共卫生医疗基础设施的早期发展在很大程度上是由奴隶制度培育的。
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引用次数: 3
When things get hairy: afros, cornrows, and the desegregation of US military hair salons in West Germany 当事情变得棘手时:afros、玉米穗和西德美军美发沙龙的种族隔离
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-08-07 DOI: 10.1080/17528631.2017.1363477
Felicitas R. Jaima
ABSTRACT This article employs ‘hair’ as a lens for investigating the ways in which black women’s experiences in the US military and West Germany were racialized and, at the same time, gendered. Based on the personal stories of Women’s Army Corps member Babette Peyton, who got court-martialed in Germany in 1975 for wearing her hair in cornrows, and Marie Davenport, teacher and beautician in Frankfurt, who desegregated the local military hair salon, this article uncovers black women’s mundane activism against racial and gender discrimination. Their experiences and perseverance demonstrate that black military women made critical contributions to the Civil Rights Movement while abroad in Germany.
本文以“头发”为视角,研究黑人女性在美国军队和西德的经历是如何被种族化的,同时也被性别化的。这篇文章以女子军团成员巴贝特·佩顿(Babette Peyton)和玛丽·达文波特(Marie Davenport)的个人故事为基础,揭示了黑人女性反对种族和性别歧视的世俗行动。巴贝特·佩顿于1975年在德国因扎起辫子而受到军事法庭的审判,玛丽·达文波特是法兰克福的教师兼美容师,她废除了当地军事美发沙龙的种族隔离制度。她们的经历和毅力表明,黑人女兵在德国为民权运动做出了重要贡献。
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引用次数: 1
Masquerading Africa in the Carnival of Salvador, Bahia, Brazil 1895–1905 巴西巴伊亚州萨尔瓦多狂欢节上的假面舞会
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/17528631.2016.1189690
Kim D. Butler
ABSTRACT This article examines the ways in which black carnival clubs in Salvador, Bahia strategically used African themes and representations to negotiate social, political, and cultural space just after abolition in Brazil, which also coincided with the first years of the Republic. Contemporary newspaper accounts reveal a distinctly Bahian perspective on emerging black cosmopolitanism and pan-Africanism that deepens our understanding of this era in African diaspora history. The pioneer clubs Embaixada Africana (African Embassy) and the Pândegos da África (African Merrymakers) referenced high African civilization, royalty, and divinity in their themes at a time when Africans were being stereotyped as backwards and antithetical to national progress. In so doing, their carnival masquerades became a form of political speech and cultural contestation that was formally banned in 1905, but which laid the foundation for Afro-Bahian carnival expressions for the rest of the twentieth century.
本文考察了巴伊亚州萨尔瓦多的黑人狂欢节俱乐部在巴西废除奴隶制后战略性地利用非洲主题和代表来谈判社会、政治和文化空间的方式,这也与共和国的第一年相一致。当代报纸的报道揭示了对新兴黑人世界主义和泛非主义的独特巴伊亚观点,加深了我们对非洲侨民历史上这个时代的理解。先锋俱乐部Embaixada Africana(非洲大使馆)和p ndegos da África(非洲欢乐制造者)在他们的主题中提到了高度的非洲文明、皇室和神性,当时非洲人被视为落后和与国家进步相对的。在此过程中,他们的狂欢节假面舞会成为一种政治言论和文化辩论的形式,在1905年被正式禁止,但这为20世纪其余时间的非裔巴伊亚狂欢节表达奠定了基础。
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引用次数: 3
Crossing the color line: race, sex, and the contested politics of colonialism in Ghana 跨越肤色界限:种族、性别和加纳有争议的殖民主义政治
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/17528631.2016.1224059
L. R. Danil
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引用次数: 0
Who owns paradise? Afro-Brazilians and ethnic tourism in Brazil’s quilombos 谁拥有天堂?非裔巴西人与巴西“歌伦波”的民族旅游
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/17528631.2016.1189689
Merle L. Bowen
ABSTRACT In twenty-first century Brazil, Afro-Brazilians have embraced various cultural markers of their ethno-racial identity to improve their economic survival and well-being. Although these markers may take many forms across Brazil, this essay examines the growing enterprise of ethnic tourism in quilombos or communities of African descent. The work of John L. and Jean Comaroff, Ethnicity, Inc., is introduced as a point of departure to explore the two different manifestations of the ethnic commodity economy: the commodification of culture and the incorporation of identity. I argue that the ethno-commodity phenomenon is not a scalable or equitable model of development for Brazil’s quilombos. Case studies show that quilombolas or residents of these communities have adopted ethnic tourism primarily because of the loss of wage employment alternatives and environmental policies that threaten their livelihoods. The examples also illustrate that quilombolas continue to sell their labor, even as they are forced to insert themselves into the global economy by commodifying their culture.
在21世纪的巴西,非裔巴西人已经接受了他们的民族-种族身份的各种文化标志,以改善他们的经济生存和福祉。尽管这些标志在巴西各地可能有多种形式,但本文考察了在“歌伦波”或非洲裔社区中不断发展的民族旅游企业。本文以John L. and Jean Comaroff, Ethnicity, Inc.的作品为出发点,探讨民族商品经济的两种不同表现形式:文化的商品化和身份的整合。我认为,对巴西的歌伦波族来说,民族商品现象不是一种可扩展或公平的发展模式。案例研究表明,“歌伦波拉”或这些社区的居民之所以选择民族旅游,主要是因为他们失去了有工资的就业机会,环境政策也威胁到他们的生计。这些例子还表明,尽管“歌伦波拉”被迫通过将自己的文化商品化而融入全球经济,但他们仍在继续出售自己的劳动力。
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引用次数: 5
Afro-Brazilian citizenship and the politics of history 非裔巴西公民身份和历史政治
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/17528631.2016.1189765
Sean T. Mitchell
The politics of race, citizenship, and history have long been intertwined in Brazil. After the abolition of Brazilian slavery in 1888, Brazilian governments attempted to relegate blackness and Afro-Brazilian people to Brazil’s past, through policies of immigration andmixture explicitly focused on branqueamento (whitening) (Cunha 1985; Schwarcz 1999; Skidmore 1993). In the mid-twentieth century, branqueamentowaned, as major Brazilian intellectuals and governing institutions fostered an ideology of ‘racial democracy’ – or harmonious racial mixture – as the depoliticizing, and supposedly deracializing cornerstone of Brazilian nationalism (Andrews 1996; Guimarães 2001; Hanchard 1994; Seyferth 1996). And in the early twenty-first century, both branqueamento and racial democracy have lost the hegemony they once held as ideologies linking race, citizenship, history, and the future of Brazil. Though long present, Afro-Brazilian activism gained force on the national scene after the end of the military regime in 1985 and celebrations marking the centenary of the abolition of slavery in 1988. New laws aimed at redressing racial inequality were placed on the books, communities identifying as quilombolas (maroon-descended) began to proliferate in the rural interior, and politicized Afro-Brazilian identified popular culture came to enjoy wide national appeal. Each year more of the population identifies as black (Guimarães 2012; Telles 2006) and few national political figures speak publicly of racial democracy – or of whitening. The politics of race, citizenship, and history in Brazil were and are intertwined, but in surprising and fast-changing ways. This special issue of African and Black Diaspora: an International Journal features articles by leading scholars conducting research on these transforming relations among history, race, and citizenship in Brazil. We bring together these articles – by anthropologists, political scientists, and historians, from Brazil, Canada, and the United States, and joining ethnographic and archival research – in the hope of helping shape the contours of future scholarly research on race politics in Brazil. The literature on race, history, and citizenship in Brazil is vast, but it is marked by key concerns that we hope to illuminate in new ways in this special issue. For the last few decades, much of the Brazilian literature on race has focused on contentious debates over new laws and institutional initiatives aimed at redressing Brazil’s racial inequality. Those debates have centered, to a large degree, on the ways in which these new initiatives might reshape a Brazilian racial order that was often extolled for its ambiguity during the twentieth century. The essays gathered here engage these contentious debates, but we approach them laterally. Together, these articles show how recent changes to ethnoracial identification and race politics in Brazil result less from changes to the law than from
种族、公民身份和历史的政治在巴西早已交织在一起。1888年废除巴西奴隶制后,巴西政府试图通过移民和混合政策,将黑人和非裔巴西人贬为巴西的过去,明确关注branqueamento(白化)(Cunha 1985;Schwarcz 1999;Skidmore 1993)。在20世纪中期,作为巴西主要知识分子和治理机构,布兰克亚门托瓦培养了一种“种族民主”的意识形态,即和谐的种族混合,作为巴西民族主义的非政治化和所谓的去社会化基石(Andrews 1996;吉马良斯2001;汉查德1994;塞弗斯1996)。在21世纪初,branqueamento和种族民主都失去了他们曾经作为联系种族、公民身份、历史和巴西未来的意识形态所拥有的霸权。尽管存在已久,但在1985年军事政权结束和1988年纪念废除奴隶制一百周年的庆祝活动后,非裔巴西激进主义在全国范围内获得了影响力。旨在解决种族不平等问题的新法律被载入史册,被认定为quilombolas(栗色后裔)的社区开始在内陆农村激增,被政治化的非裔巴西人认定的流行文化开始在全国范围内广受欢迎。每年都有更多的人认为自己是黑人(Guimarães 2012;Telles 2006),很少有国家政治人物公开谈论种族民主或白人化。巴西的种族、公民身份和历史政治过去和现在都交织在一起,但以令人惊讶和快速变化的方式。本期《非洲和黑人侨民:国际期刊》特刊刊登了顶尖学者的文章,他们对巴西历史、种族和公民身份之间的这些转变关系进行了研究。我们汇集了来自巴西、加拿大和美国的人类学家、政治学家和历史学家的这些文章,并加入了民族志和档案研究,希望有助于塑造巴西未来种族政治学术研究的轮廓。关于巴西种族、历史和公民身份的文献很多,但其中有一些关键问题,我们希望在本期特刊中以新的方式加以阐述。在过去的几十年里,巴西关于种族的大部分文献都集中在关于旨在纠正巴西种族不平等的新法律和制度举措的有争议的辩论上。这些辩论在很大程度上集中在这些新举措可能重塑巴西种族秩序的方式上,而巴西种族秩序在20世纪经常因其模糊性而受到赞扬。聚集在这里的文章涉及这些有争议的辩论,但我们从侧面处理它们。这些文章共同展示了巴西最近种族认同和种族政治的变化与其说是法律的变化,不如说是
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引用次数: 0
Other legacies, heritage, and memories of emancipation: peasantry, quilombolas, and citizenship in Brazil (nineteenth to twenty-first centuries) 其他关于解放的遗产、遗产和记忆:19至21世纪巴西的农民、“歌伦波拉”和公民身份
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/17528631.2016.1189692
F. Gomes, Daniela Yabeta
ABSTRACT In this article, we analyze the relations among history, human rights, and citizenship through a study of quilombo (maroon) descended communities in Marambaia, in the south of Rio de Janeiro state. These communities have struggled to secure their territories through provisions in Brazil’s 1988 Constitution, as well as through regulations dating from the nineteenth century. Since the 1980s, the quilombolas of Marambaia – an area of plantations and quilombos formed in the nineteenth century – have resisted the actions of the Navy, the Federal Government, and the courts in order to secure their territories and cultures. We analyze the history of the conflict, its protagonists (quilombolas, lawyers, jurists, anthropologists, archeologists, non-governmental organizations, and representatives of federal and state governments), and the arguments about memory, history, and law these actors have used. We also present the transcription and analysis of unpublished documents on the quilombo occupation in the region in 1870.
摘要在这篇文章中,我们通过对里约热内卢州南部马兰比亚的基隆博(栗色)后裔社区的研究,分析了历史、人权和公民身份之间的关系。这些社区一直在努力通过巴西1988年《宪法》的条款以及19世纪的法规来保护自己的领土。自20世纪80年代以来,Marambaia的quilombolas人——一个19世纪形成的种植园和quilombos地区——一直抵制海军、联邦政府和法院的行动,以保护他们的领土和文化。我们分析了这场冲突的历史,冲突的主角(quilombolas、律师、法学家、人类学家、考古学家、非政府组织以及联邦和州政府的代表),以及这些参与者使用的关于记忆、历史和法律的论点。我们还对1870年基隆博占领该地区的未发表文件进行了转录和分析。
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引用次数: 2
Whitening and racial ambiguity: racialization and ethnoracial citizenship in contemporary Brazil 白人化与种族模糊:当代巴西的种族化与民族-种族公民身份
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/17528631.2016.1189693
Sean T. Mitchell
ABSTRACT Recent policies to redress racial inequality in Brazil, including affirmative action and the protection of Afro-Brazilian land rights, have generated fierce debates about the character of race and racism in Brazilian society. In this article, I critically examine an assumption structuring these debates: that Brazil is characterized by a special tolerance for ethnoracial ambiguity that is threatened by these initiatives. Drawing on ethnographic research on conflicts between Afro-Brazilian communities and Brazil’s spaceport, I argue that an everyday imperative to social whitening shows how this ethnoracial ambiguity has been skewed toward one racial pole. Affirmative action policies do not eliminate ethnoracial ambiguity, but have helped to change the force of the everyday whitening that structures it. In this critique, I aim to clarify the nature of ethnoracial changes in Brazil, as the ideology of ‘racial democracy’ has lost the hegemony it held during much of Brazil’s twentieth century.
摘要巴西最近为纠正种族不平等而采取的政策,包括平权行动和保护非裔巴西人的土地权,引发了关于巴西社会中种族和种族主义特征的激烈辩论。在这篇文章中,我批判性地研究了构成这些辩论的一个假设:巴西的特点是对种族-种族模糊性有着特殊的容忍,而这些倡议正威胁着这种容忍。根据对非裔巴西社区和巴西太空港之间冲突的民族志研究,我认为,每天都必须进行社会白化,这表明这种种族-种族的模糊性是如何向一个种族极点倾斜的。平权行动政策并没有消除种族主义的模糊性,但有助于改变构成它的日常白化的力量。在这篇评论中,我的目的是澄清巴西种族主义变化的本质,因为“种族民主”的意识形态已经失去了它在巴西20世纪大部分时间所拥有的霸权。
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引用次数: 9
Black invisibility on a Brazilian ‘frontier’: land and identity in Mato Grosso do Sul, Brazil 巴西“边境”上的黑人隐形:巴西南马托格罗索州的土地和身份
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/17528631.2016.1189694
LaShandra Sullivan
ABSTRACT This article centers attention on race, place, and space as co-produced concepts that reveal much about both how racial ideology operates and is constituted in contemporary Brazil. In Mato Grosso do Sul, Brazil, the ethno-racial order constructs the region as devoid of colonized people and consummately available for capital-intensive agribusiness production. Land protests in Mato Grosso do Sul by black and indigenous activists undermine popular fantasies of racial harmony embedded in Brazilian-ness. The regional variation of the latter denies the historical and contemporary presence of black Brazilians in narratives of the state’s founding and contemporary status as a ‘frontier’. This article argues that we may consider ‘coming out’ moments by blacks in the state as defiant counters, revealing identification processes that undermine the denial of full recognition of blacks as citizens.
本文关注种族、地点和空间这三个共同产生的概念,揭示了当代巴西种族意识形态是如何运作和构成的。在巴西南马托格罗索州,民族-种族秩序将该地区构建为没有殖民人口的地区,并完全适合资本密集型的农业综合企业生产。在南马托格罗索州,黑人和土著活动人士发起的土地抗议,破坏了人们普遍认为的巴西民族内部种族和谐的幻想。后者的地区差异否认了黑人巴西人在国家建立和当代“边疆”地位叙事中的历史和当代存在。本文认为,我们可以将该州黑人的“出柜”时刻视为挑衅的反击,揭示了认同过程,这些过程破坏了对黑人作为公民的完全承认。
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引用次数: 6
期刊
African and Black Diaspora
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