Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.15-30
A. Martynov
The politics of the European Union are different from other organizations and states due to the unique nature of the EU. The common institutions mix the intergovernmental and supranational aspects of the EU. The EU treaties declare the EU to be based on representative democracy and direct elections take place to the European Parliament. The Parliament, together with the European Council, works for the legislative arm of the EU. The Council is composed of national governments thus representing the intergovernmental nature of the European Union. The central theme of this research is the influence of the European Union Political system the Results of May 2019 European Parliament Election. The EU supranational legislature plays an important role as a producer of legal norms in the process of European integration and parliamentary scrutiny of the activities of the EU executive. The European Parliament, as a representative institution of the European Union, helps to overcome the stereotypical notions of a “Brussels bureaucracy” that limits the sovereignty of EU member states. The European Parliament is a political field of interaction between European optimists and European skeptics. The new composition of the European Parliament presents political forces focused on a different vision of the strategy and tactics of the European integration process. European federalists in the “European People’s Party” and “European Socialists and Democrats” consider the strategic prospect of creating a confederate “United States of Europe”. The Brexit withdrawal from the EU could help the federalists win over European skeptics. Critics of the supranational project of European integration do not have a majority in the new composition of the European Parliament. But they are widely represented in many national parliaments of EU Member States. The conflicting interaction between European liberals and far-right populists is the political backdrop for much debate in the European Parliament. The result of this process is the medium term development vector of the European Union.
{"title":"The political system of European Union after European Parliament Election of 2019","authors":"A. Martynov","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.15-30","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.15-30","url":null,"abstract":"The politics of the European Union are different from other organizations and states due to the unique nature of the EU. The common institutions mix the intergovernmental and supranational aspects of the EU. The EU treaties declare the EU to be based on representative democracy and direct elections take place to the European Parliament. The Parliament, together with the European Council, works for the legislative arm of the EU. The Council is composed of national governments thus representing the intergovernmental nature of the European Union. The central theme of this research is the influence of the European Union Political system the Results of May 2019 European Parliament Election. The EU supranational legislature plays an important role as a producer of legal norms in the process of European integration and parliamentary scrutiny of the activities of the EU executive. The European Parliament, as a representative institution of the European Union, helps to overcome the stereotypical notions of a “Brussels bureaucracy” that limits the sovereignty of EU member states. The European Parliament is a political field of interaction between European optimists and European skeptics. The new composition of the European Parliament presents political forces focused on a different vision of the strategy and tactics of the European integration process. European federalists in the “European People’s Party” and “European Socialists and Democrats” consider the strategic prospect of creating a confederate “United States of Europe”. The Brexit withdrawal from the EU could help the federalists win over European skeptics. Critics of the supranational project of European integration do not have a majority in the new composition of the European Parliament. But they are widely represented in many national parliaments of EU Member States. The conflicting interaction between European liberals and far-right populists is the political backdrop for much debate in the European Parliament. The result of this process is the medium term development vector of the European Union.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114924821","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.6
V. Pavlenko, Oleksandr Komarenko
In this paper the international political situation, which was established in Europe and in the world in the latter half of the 30s of the 20th century, is investigated. The authors draw a comparison between the 20s and 30s of the 20th century, pointing out that the 30s brought a series of military conflicts, as well as say that the fear of a new great war has been appeared throughout the world. Attention is drawn to the inactivity of the League of Nations, which failed to ensure a collective security policy between 1936 and 1938. Special attention has been drawn to the appeasement policy and the role of Great Britain and France in this policy, who did not want to bring the situation to military confrontation. It is pointed out that by the mid-1930s Germany went on the offensive and set itself the goal of achieving supremacy in Europe. Special attention is drawn to the reaction of Western countries to Hitler’s aggressive policy, as well as the actions of the Soviet Union and the policy carried out by Moscow on the eve of World War II are assessed. It is stated that in 1938-1939 the world policy increasingly focused on particular regions, where the conflict number and intensity were increasing sharply. The role of the Munich Conference in September 1938 and the fact that the initiative in international affairs was completely transferred to A. Hitler upon the signing of the agreement are determined. The policy of Great Britain and France after the Munich Conspiracy is analysed; it is explained why London and Paris thought primarily about personal security. A special place in this paper is given to the explanation of why the existing international system could no longer ensure the world order and why war becomes inevitable. The authors come to the conclusion that although Hitler managed to win the diplomatic struggle on the eve of World War II, but he did not finally become a triumphant.
{"title":"HISTORY REPEATS ITSELF: THE INABILITY OF THE FORCES OF PEACE AND DEMOCRACY AROUND THE WORLD TO PREVENT THE OUTBREAK OF A PLANETARY WAR IN THE 2ND HALF OF THE 1930S","authors":"V. Pavlenko, Oleksandr Komarenko","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.6","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper the international political situation, which was established in Europe and in the world in the latter half of the 30s of the 20th century, is investigated. The authors draw a comparison between the 20s and 30s of the 20th century, pointing out that the 30s brought a series of military conflicts, as well as say that the fear of a new great war has been appeared throughout the world. Attention is drawn to the inactivity of the League of Nations, which failed to ensure a collective security policy between 1936 and 1938. Special attention has been drawn to the appeasement policy and the role of Great Britain and France in this policy, who did not want to bring the situation to military confrontation. It is pointed out that by the mid-1930s Germany went on the offensive and set itself the goal of achieving supremacy in Europe. Special attention is drawn to the reaction of Western countries to Hitler’s aggressive policy, as well as the actions of the Soviet Union and the policy carried out by Moscow on the eve of World War II are assessed. It is stated that in 1938-1939 the world policy increasingly focused on particular regions, where the conflict number and intensity were increasing sharply. The role of the Munich Conference in September 1938 and the fact that the initiative in international affairs was completely transferred to A. Hitler upon the signing of the agreement are determined. The policy of Great Britain and France after the Munich Conspiracy is analysed; it is explained why London and Paris thought primarily about personal security. A special place in this paper is given to the explanation of why the existing international system could no longer ensure the world order and why war becomes inevitable. The authors come to the conclusion that although Hitler managed to win the diplomatic struggle on the eve of World War II, but he did not finally become a triumphant.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127174783","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.157-182
Nataliia Papenko
The relevance of the topic is determined by the historical significance of the problems that are raised in it. In the article the author discovers the methods and forms of Germany’s colonial policy in the last third part of the 19th – in the beginning of the 20th centuries in China and Oceania. The German Empire was the last from the world’s leading states that entered the path of colonial seizures. The author emphasizes that German politicians generally were satisfied with the development of the country after 1871. For a long time, the range of interests of an imperial chancellor O. von Bismarck (1871 – 1890), as a politician, was limited to the territory of Europe and those countries that were bound by it. Colonies were only interesting for him as an instrument for putting a pressure on the leading countries of the world to solve their European problems. Trying to avoid conflicts with the leading European powers, especially with the Great Britain, O. von Bismarck had been deliberately refraining from colonial expansion until the mid-80’s of the 19th century. In addition, indifference to colonialism at that time was being expressed by some representatives of the party elite and business. However, in the last third part of the 19th century, the country gets full freedom of action in colonial politics, and therefore it begins to occupy territories in various parts of the world, including Africa, Asia and Oceania. The interference of the Second Reich in the division of China was one of the reasons for the massive Yihetuan Movement, and in the future, the deployment of a large-scale conflict – the Russian-Japanese war of 1904 – 1905. All this certainly became a part of the complex of reasons for the First World War. Therefore studying of the reasons for and effects of the colonial policy of Germany in the last third part of the 19th – early 20th centuries is quite important and of considerable scientific interest. In addition, the author notes that most of the politicians in the business circles of Germany considered the colonization of China and Oceania as an important stage not only for economic development of the country, but also for the growth of international authority in the world.
这个话题的相关性是由它所提出的问题的历史意义决定的。本文揭示了19世纪末20世纪初德国在中国和大洋洲实施殖民政策的方法和形式。德意志帝国是世界主要国家中最后一个踏上殖民掠夺之路的。作者强调，德国政治家普遍对1871年以后国家的发展感到满意。在很长一段时间里，作为政治家的帝国宰相O. von Bismarck(1871 - 1890)的利益范围仅限于欧洲领土和受其约束的国家。对他来说，殖民地只是一种向世界主要国家施加压力以解决欧洲问题的工具。为了避免与欧洲主要大国，尤其是英国发生冲突，欧文斯·冯·俾斯麦在19世纪80年代中期之前一直有意避免殖民扩张。此外，当时一些党内精英和商界代表对殖民主义表现出了漠不关心的态度。然而，在19世纪后半叶，国家在殖民政治中获得了充分的行动自由，因此它开始占领世界各地的领土，包括非洲，亚洲和大洋洲。所有这些当然成为了第一次世界大战的复杂原因的一部分。因此，研究19世纪后30年至20世纪初德国殖民政策的原因和影响是非常重要的，具有相当大的科学意义。此外，笔者注意到，德国商界的大多数政治家认为，对中国和大洋洲的殖民不仅是德国经济发展的重要阶段，也是德国在世界上国际权威增长的重要阶段。
{"title":"Colonial Policy of German Empire in China and Oceania in the Last Third of XIX – Beginning of XX Century","authors":"Nataliia Papenko","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.157-182","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.157-182","url":null,"abstract":"The relevance of the topic is determined by the historical significance of the problems that are raised in it.\u0000\u0000In the article the author discovers the methods and forms of Germany’s colonial policy in the last third part of the 19th – in the beginning of the 20th centuries in China and Oceania. The German Empire was the last from the world’s leading states that entered the path of colonial seizures. The author emphasizes that German politicians generally were satisfied with the development of the country after 1871. For a long time, the range of interests of an imperial chancellor O. von Bismarck (1871 – 1890), as a politician, was limited to the territory of Europe and those countries that were bound by it. Colonies were only interesting for him as an instrument for putting a pressure on the leading countries of the world to solve their European problems.\u0000\u0000Trying to avoid conflicts with the leading European powers, especially with the Great Britain, O. von Bismarck had been deliberately refraining from colonial expansion until the mid-80’s of the 19th century. In addition, indifference to colonialism at that time was being expressed by some representatives of the party elite and business. However, in the last third part of the 19th century, the country gets full freedom of action in colonial politics, and therefore it begins to occupy territories in various parts of the world, including Africa, Asia and Oceania.\u0000\u0000The interference of the Second Reich in the division of China was one of the reasons for the massive Yihetuan Movement, and in the future, the deployment of a large-scale conflict – the Russian-Japanese war of 1904 – 1905. All this certainly became a part of the complex of reasons for the First World War. Therefore studying of the reasons for and effects of the colonial policy of Germany in the last third part of the 19th – early 20th centuries is quite important and of considerable scientific interest.\u0000\u0000In addition, the author notes that most of the politicians in the business circles of Germany considered the colonization of China and Oceania as an important stage not only for economic development of the country, but also for the growth of international authority in the world.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127309605","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.170-175
O. Ivanov
This report describes the goal, mission, composition of participants, main events and results of the applied research seminar in the format of a field trip under the aforementioned name, which was organized and held during the summer semester 2019 by Jun.-Prof. Dr. Steffen Eckеhard (Ph.D. in Political Science at Konstanz University, Germany) for the MA-students of the International Administration and Conflict Management Program, with assistance from professors and students of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv’s Faculty of History. The seminar consisted of two parts. The first – preparatory-theoretical, was conducted at Konstanz University, Germany. The second – empirically-practical, was held for a week in Kyiv. Aside from Germans, as much as half of the research group consisted of exchange students from other countries: Great Britain, Netherlands, Canada, Lithuania, Italy, Turkey, Ukraine and Sweden. Overall, the students conducted 16 interview meetings with representatives of international, domestic, public and non-profit organizations in just five days. Such interviews were conducted with, among others, the students who took part in the Revolution of Dignity and military conflict in Donbas on Ukraine’s side. Besides, Ukrainian politicians, “NV” radio station’s editor-in-chief, political scientists and employees of international organizations such as the EU, OSCE and UN also helped the participants of the seminar to formulate their own view of the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. Based on the collected and analyzed information, 6 reports were prepared. They can be accessed in English at the official web-page of the research group: https://www.polver.uni-konstanz.de/eckhard/teaching/applied-teaching
本报告以上述名称的实地考察形式描述了应用研究研讨会的目标、任务、参与者的组成、主要活动和结果，该研讨会是由june - professor在2019年夏季学期组织和举行的。Steffen eckeurohard博士(德国康斯坦茨大学政治学博士)为国际行政和冲突管理项目的硕士生，在基辅塔拉斯舍甫琴科国立大学历史系教授和学生的帮助下。研讨会由两部分组成。第一个理论准备实验是在德国康斯坦茨大学进行的。第二次会议在基辅举行，为期一周。除德国人外，研究小组中有多达一半的交换学生来自其他国家:英国、荷兰、加拿大、立陶宛、意大利、土耳其、乌克兰和瑞典。总体而言，学生们在短短五天内与国际、国内、公共和非营利组织的代表进行了16次面试。采访对象包括参加过尊严革命(Revolution of Dignity)和乌克兰一方顿巴斯军事冲突的学生。此外，乌克兰政界人士、“NV”电台总编辑、政治学家以及欧盟、欧安组织、联合国等国际组织的工作人员也帮助与会者对乌克兰东部的冲突形成了自己的看法。根据收集和分析的信息，编写了6份报告。可以在研究小组的官方网页:https://www.polver.uni-konstanz.de/eckhard/teaching/applied-teaching上获得英文版本
{"title":"The politics of crisis management and conflict resolution in Ukraine: Konstanz University MA students’ field trip to Kyiv","authors":"O. Ivanov","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.170-175","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.170-175","url":null,"abstract":"This report describes the goal, mission, composition of participants, main events and results of the applied research seminar in the format of a field trip under the aforementioned name, which was organized and held during the summer semester 2019 by Jun.-Prof. Dr. Steffen Eckеhard (Ph.D. in Political Science at Konstanz University, Germany) for the MA-students of the International Administration and Conflict Management Program, with assistance from professors and students of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv’s Faculty of History.\u0000\u0000The seminar consisted of two parts. The first – preparatory-theoretical, was conducted at Konstanz University, Germany. The second – empirically-practical, was held for a week in Kyiv. Aside from Germans, as much as half of the research group consisted of exchange students from other countries: Great Britain, Netherlands, Canada, Lithuania, Italy, Turkey, Ukraine and Sweden. Overall, the students conducted 16 interview meetings with representatives of international, domestic, public and non-profit organizations in just five days.\u0000\u0000Such interviews were conducted with, among others, the students who took part in the Revolution of Dignity and military conflict in Donbas on Ukraine’s side. Besides, Ukrainian politicians, “NV” radio station’s editor-in-chief, political scientists and employees of international organizations such as the EU, OSCE and UN also helped the participants of the seminar to formulate their own view of the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. Based on the collected and analyzed information, 6 reports were prepared. They can be accessed in English at the official web-page of the research group: https://www.polver.uni-konstanz.de/eckhard/teaching/applied-teaching","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121497038","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.8-24
Mariia Georgiieva
On the basis of archival sources and studies of Bulgarian historians, the peculiarities of changes in production relations and productivity of the agrarian sector of the Bulgarian economy in the context of European integration are revealed. It is analyzed which sectors of agriculture developed, and which, on the contrary, were in a state of stagnation. In the process of Bulgaria’s accession to the European Union, the agrarian sector of the economy needed modernization of the management system and the reform of production relations.In the Bulgarian countryside, during the period of 1990-2007, a process of reforming agricultural production relations was taking place, accompanied by the conditions of European integration, which, in turn, led to the need for transformation of all spheres of agriculture in the country. One of the most important was the agrarian sphere. During the period of 1944 – 1989, the transformation in the agrarian sector of agricultural commodity production was rather controversial: the imperfection of land reform, namely land privatization, intensive process of agricultural co-operation, led to the creation of gaps in the development of all spheres of the agrarian sector. With the integration of Bulgaria into the European Union, the issue of harmonization of the agricultural production sector with the requirements of the European Union in the field of intensification of agricultural development and promotion of trade with the European Union with agrarian products became important. Given the current state of European integration processes in Ukraine, a comprehensive study of the historical conditions of the agricultural reforms in agriculture, which will allow us to analyze the problems and determine the prospects for its development on the path of integration into the European economic space, is relevant.
{"title":"Transformation of Production Relations in the Agricultural Sector of the Economy of Bulgaria in the Euro-Integration Conditions","authors":"Mariia Georgiieva","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.8-24","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.8-24","url":null,"abstract":"On the basis of archival sources and studies of Bulgarian historians, the peculiarities of changes in production relations and productivity of the agrarian sector of the Bulgarian economy in the context of European integration are revealed. It is analyzed which sectors of agriculture developed, and which, on the contrary, were in a state of stagnation. In the process of Bulgaria’s accession to the European Union, the agrarian sector of the economy needed modernization of the management system and the reform of production relations.In the Bulgarian countryside, during the period of 1990-2007, a process of reforming agricultural production relations was taking place, accompanied by the conditions of European integration, which, in turn, led to the need for transformation of all spheres of agriculture in the country. One of the most important was the agrarian sphere. During the period of 1944 – 1989, the transformation in the agrarian sector of agricultural commodity production was rather controversial: the imperfection of land reform, namely land privatization, intensive process of agricultural co-operation, led to the creation of gaps in the development of all spheres of the agrarian sector. With the integration of Bulgaria into the European Union, the issue of harmonization of the agricultural production sector with the requirements of the European Union in the field of intensification of agricultural development and promotion of trade with the European Union with agrarian products became important.\u0000\u0000Given the current state of European integration processes in Ukraine, a comprehensive study of the historical conditions of the agricultural reforms in agriculture, which will allow us to analyze the problems and determine the prospects for its development on the path of integration into the European economic space, is relevant.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132817226","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.09
Oleh Mashevskyi, Khrystyna Lazavenko
This research attempts to reassess the significance of the images of classical antiquity in Maximilien Robespierre’s political writings of 1789–1791 by analyzing their context, frequency, and their objectives for use and by creating statistical data to demonstrate main tendencies and patterns. It is necessary to admit that classical antiquity largely contributed to European culture by defining its basic virtues and vices and creating role models for future generations. Allusions and references to classical antiquity can be easily traced throughout European history. The French Revolution wasn’t an exception while its classical ancient traditions were clearly expressed in visual sources, political writings, and even in everyday life. It is commonly considered that the Jacobins used a large number of classical antiquity images in their political writings. We have to pay special attention to M. Robespierre as he was largely associated with the Jacobin party during the French Revolution as well as nowadays. However, the images of classical antiquity in his political writings are not regarded as an area of interest. Even if there are a few historical writings focused on this topic, they are usually concentrated on the Reign of Terror (1793–1794) while the period of the early Revolutionary years (1789–1791) is often neglected. In order to change this disproportion our research covers this very period. The results of our analysis proved the significance of the classical antiquity images in M. Robespierre’s political writings providing a set of statistical data and describing its main tendencies. It was proved that the number of references increases each year, pointing out that M. Robespierre clearly understood the differences between antiquity and his times even in the early years of the French Revolution. In addition to this, the research put forward authors’ classification of the classical antiquity images and demonstrating the predominance of some image types.
{"title":"The analysis of the images of antiquity in M. Robespierre’s political writings during the early years of the French revolution (1789–1791)","authors":"Oleh Mashevskyi, Khrystyna Lazavenko","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.09","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.09","url":null,"abstract":"This research attempts to reassess the significance of the images of classical antiquity in Maximilien Robespierre’s political writings of 1789–1791 by analyzing their context, frequency, and their objectives for use and by creating statistical data to demonstrate main tendencies and patterns. It is necessary to admit that classical antiquity largely contributed to European culture by defining its basic virtues and vices and creating role models for future generations. Allusions and references to classical antiquity can be easily traced throughout European history. The French Revolution wasn’t an exception while its classical ancient traditions were clearly expressed in visual sources, political writings, and even in everyday life. It is commonly considered that the Jacobins used a large number of classical antiquity images in their political writings. We have to pay special attention to M. Robespierre as he was largely associated with the Jacobin party during the French Revolution as well as nowadays. However, the images of classical antiquity in his political writings are not regarded as an area of interest. Even if there are a few historical writings focused on this topic, they are usually concentrated on the Reign of Terror (1793–1794) while the period of the early Revolutionary years (1789–1791) is often neglected. In order to change this disproportion our research covers this very period.\u0000The results of our analysis proved the significance of the classical antiquity images in M. Robespierre’s political writings providing a set of statistical data and describing its main tendencies. It was proved that the number of references increases each year, pointing out that M. Robespierre clearly understood the differences between antiquity and his times even in the early years of the French Revolution. In addition to this, the research put forward authors’ classification of the classical antiquity images and demonstrating the predominance of some image types.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"209 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114325299","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.5
Sergiy Saranov
In the presented article, the author defends the idea that the argumentation system of Quentin Skinner (Quentin Robert Duthie Skinner), Maurizio Viroli (Maurizio Viroli) regarding the methodological foundations of the origin of the political theory of Niccolo Machiavelli in The Sovereign cannot cast doubt on the approach of the German-American political philosopher Leo Strauss (Leo Strauss). The same emphasis is proposed to be used for the most part in the final value judgments regarding the meaning of the “Sovereign” within the framework of the problems of “state interest” (raison d’état) and the theory of absolutism. In addition, the strengths and weaknesses of the concept of the British historian Nicholas Henshall are comprehensively considered. It is argued, with the involvement of a wide background of historiographical assessments and methodological remarks, the productivity in the general historical context of a comparative analysis of the positions of Machiavelli and Guicciardini in the framework of the analysis of the theory of absolutism. The further development of the theory of absolutism, presented within the framework of social and political thought by the works of, first of all, Thomas Hobbes allows us to see a direct relationship with Machiavellianism as a phenomenon. The analysis of the positions of the representatives of British historiography on the studied issue shows the characteristic features of their evaluations of the interesting author of the issue. Thus, Nicholas Henschel in the work “The Myth of Absolutism” bypasses the analysis of “The Prince”, which would add an additional possibility in substantiating the insufficient character of the theory of absolute power. However, it seems to us that Henschel was perfectly aware in his work that it is difficult to blame the author of “The Sovereign” for the lack of justification of the goal in the expressed theory of absolute power. Turning to the comparative analysis of the positions of political thinkers of the Italian Renaissance is of significant interest for modern Ukrainian society in a practical sense. The Italian political crisis of the specified period was reflected in the persistent search by the best minds of the Renaissance era for ways out of it, a thorough understanding of the historical and political reality that surrounded Italians. The result was the emergence of impressive theoretical generalizations of key aspects of historical development. The author comes to the conclusion that without Machiavelli, the ideology of absolutism, which was further developed in the works of the same Thomas Hobbes, could not have received its inherent conceptual outlines. In order to accomplish this, Machiavelli had to make a break with the classical tradition of political philosophy, just as the formation of a centralized state required the concentration of political power in the hands of the monarch, that is, a break with the feudal tradition of political thinking in general.
在本文中，作者为昆汀·斯金纳(Quentin Robert Duthie Skinner)、毛里齐奥·维罗里(Maurizio Viroli)关于《君主》中尼科洛·马基雅维利政治理论起源的方法论基础的论证体系，不能对德裔美国政治哲学家利奥·施特劳斯(Leo Strauss)的方法产生怀疑。在“国家利益”(reason d’samdat)问题和专制主义理论的框架内，关于“君主”的意义的最终价值判断中，建议在很大程度上使用同样的重点。此外，对英国历史学家尼古拉斯·亨沙尔(Nicholas Henshall)概念的优缺点进行了综合考量。作者认为，在广泛的史学评估和方法论评论的背景下，在对专制主义理论分析的框架内，对马基雅维利和圭恰尔迪尼的立场进行比较分析的一般历史背景下的生产力。专制主义理论的进一步发展，在社会和政治思想的框架内呈现，首先，托马斯·霍布斯的作品，让我们看到了与马基雅维利主义的直接关系，作为一种现象。通过分析英国史学界代表人物对所研究问题的立场，可以看出他们对问题有趣作者的评价具有鲜明的特点。因此，尼古拉斯·亨舍尔在《专制主义的神话》一书中绕过了《君主论》的分析，这将为证实绝对权力理论的不足之处增加一种可能性。然而，在我们看来，亨舍尔在他的作品中完全意识到，很难因为绝对权力理论中表达的目标缺乏正当性而指责《君主论》的作者。转向意大利文艺复兴时期的政治思想家的立场的比较分析是在实际意义上的现代乌克兰社会的重大利益。意大利在特定时期的政治危机反映在文艺复兴时期最优秀的头脑对出路的不懈探索中，对意大利人周围的历史和政治现实的透彻理解。其结果是出现了令人印象深刻的理论概括的关键方面的历史发展。作者的结论是，如果没有马基雅维利，在霍布斯的著作中得到进一步发展的专制主义意识形态就不可能得到其固有的概念轮廓。为了做到这一点，马基雅维利不得不与政治哲学的古典传统决裂，正如中央集权国家的形成要求政治权力集中在君主手中一样，即与一般政治思想的封建传统决裂。
{"title":"HISTORIOGRAPHICAL AND METHODOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE APPROACHES OF FRANCESCO GUICCIARDINI AND NICOLLO MACHIAVELLI IN THE FRAMEWORK OF THE PROBLEMS OF “PUBLIC INTEREST” AND THE THEORY OF ABSOLUTISM","authors":"Sergiy Saranov","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.5","url":null,"abstract":"In the presented article, the author defends the idea that the argumentation system of Quentin Skinner (Quentin Robert Duthie Skinner), Maurizio Viroli (Maurizio Viroli) regarding the methodological foundations of the origin of the political theory of Niccolo Machiavelli in The Sovereign cannot cast doubt on the approach of the German-American political philosopher Leo Strauss (Leo Strauss). The same emphasis is proposed to be used for the most part in the final value judgments regarding the meaning of the “Sovereign” within the framework of the problems of “state interest” (raison d’état) and the theory of absolutism. In addition, the strengths and weaknesses of the concept of the British historian Nicholas Henshall are comprehensively considered. It is argued, with the involvement of a wide background of historiographical assessments and methodological remarks, the productivity in the general historical context of a comparative analysis of the positions of Machiavelli and Guicciardini in the framework of the analysis of the theory of absolutism. The further development of the theory of absolutism, presented within the framework of social and political thought by the works of, first of all, Thomas Hobbes allows us to see a direct relationship with Machiavellianism as a phenomenon. The analysis of the positions of the representatives of British historiography on the studied issue shows the characteristic features of their evaluations of the interesting author of the issue. Thus, Nicholas Henschel in the work “The Myth of Absolutism” bypasses the analysis of “The Prince”, which would add an additional possibility in substantiating the insufficient character of the theory of absolute power. However, it seems to us that Henschel was perfectly aware in his work that it is difficult to blame the author of “The Sovereign” for the lack of justification of the goal in the expressed theory of absolute power. Turning to the comparative analysis of the positions of political thinkers of the Italian Renaissance is of significant interest for modern Ukrainian society in a practical sense. The Italian political crisis of the specified period was reflected in the persistent search by the best minds of the Renaissance era for ways out of it, a thorough understanding of the historical and political reality that surrounded Italians. The result was the emergence of impressive theoretical generalizations of key aspects of historical development. The author comes to the conclusion that without Machiavelli, the ideology of absolutism, which was further developed in the works of the same Thomas Hobbes, could not have received its inherent conceptual outlines. In order to accomplish this, Machiavelli had to make a break with the classical tradition of political philosophy, just as the formation of a centralized state required the concentration of political power in the hands of the monarch, that is, a break with the feudal tradition of political thinking in general.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"55 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130327973","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.3
M. Georgieva
The importance of agriculture for the Bulgarian economy is reflected in historical and economic scientific research in the field of agrarian history, economics and law, influencing the growing interest of the scientific community in agrarian problems, including agrarian-ecological ones. In the conditions of the tense European agricultural market, despite numerous agreements, the state support of the Bulgarian agricultural producer in most developed countries is steadily increasing. Bulgaria, whose economy is organically and inextricably linked with agriculture, also found itself in the conditions of an urgent need to review, reassess the system of state support for ecological agriculture, in-depth analysis of the legal basis of its functioning, establishing ways of improvement and further development of ecologically oriented agricultural production. The problem of implementing ecological aspects of agricultural production in Bulgaria in the context of European integration is highlighted. The Bulgarian model of sustainable agricultural nature management is considered, and the main environmental problems that prevented its implementation are described. Attention is focused on the main aspects of state policy regarding the support of ecological agricultural production. Agricultural production, as one of the most common types of human activity, had a harmful effect on the surrounding natural environment, since industry and transport were considered the main violators of the natural balance at one time. Currently, agriculture is in the first place in terms of environmental pollution. The condition of the agricultural lands in Bulgaria is unsatisfactory. However, it was determined that serious problems for the environment arose due to the irregular use of mineral fertilizers and agrochemicals in agricultural production, which, together with rainwater and underground water, enter rivers and lakes, causing significant damage to large river basins, fish stocks and vegetation. As a result of the scientific research, it was established that the problem of forming the concept of biological agricultural production in Bulgaria has not been solved. The model of environmentally-oriented agricultural production required organizational and economic support for the management of sustainable agricultural nature management.
{"title":"Development of organic farming as a prospective way to environmental security of the Bulgarian village","authors":"M. Georgieva","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.3","url":null,"abstract":"The importance of agriculture for the Bulgarian economy is reflected in historical and economic scientific research in the field of agrarian history, economics and law, influencing the growing interest of the scientific community in agrarian problems, including agrarian-ecological ones. In the conditions of the tense European agricultural market, despite numerous agreements, the state support of the Bulgarian agricultural producer in most developed countries is steadily increasing. Bulgaria, whose economy is organically and inextricably linked with agriculture, also found itself in the conditions of an urgent need to review, reassess the system of state support for ecological agriculture, in-depth analysis of the legal basis of its functioning, establishing ways of improvement and further development of ecologically oriented agricultural production. The problem of implementing ecological aspects of agricultural production in Bulgaria in the context of European integration is highlighted. The Bulgarian model of sustainable agricultural nature management is considered, and the main environmental problems that prevented its implementation are described. Attention is focused on the main aspects of state policy regarding the support of ecological agricultural production. Agricultural production, as one of the most common types of human activity, had a harmful effect on the surrounding natural environment, since industry and transport were considered the main violators of the natural balance at one time. Currently, agriculture is in the first place in terms of environmental pollution. The condition of the agricultural lands in Bulgaria is unsatisfactory. However, it was determined that serious problems for the environment arose due to the irregular use of mineral fertilizers and agrochemicals in agricultural production, which, together with rainwater and underground water, enter rivers and lakes, causing significant damage to large river basins, fish stocks and vegetation. As a result of the scientific research, it was established that the problem of forming the concept of biological agricultural production in Bulgaria has not been solved. The model of environmentally-oriented agricultural production required organizational and economic support for the management of sustainable agricultural nature management.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129773456","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.25-50
V. Latenko
The article is devoted to the history of the creation and functioning of the Visegrad Group as a regional entity, which not only did not cease activities after achieving the goal of Atlantic and European integration, but also successfully develops it, already being a member of NATO and the European Union. Based on the use of a broad documentary framework, in particular, protocols and declarations as a result of meetings of various levels within the framework of the Visegrad Group, analyzed and identifies the concrete stages of its development and interaction with Ukraine in a wide range of components that form the essence of Euro-Atlantic integration. On concrete examples, it was illustrated that Ukraine has always been in the field of key interests of the Visegrad Four, received effective help and support from her side in a variety of forms. It is not just about practical issues of regional cooperation and security, but also about the many aspects of the value and civilization dimension. The participating countries of the Visegrad Group, having become the initiators of the “B4 + Ukraine” cooperation format, have never stood apart from the most important processes and transitional stages, through which Ukraine passed on its way to becoming and self-determination. The opinion is upheld, that the experience gained by the member countries of the Visegrad format is relevant and useful for Ukraine and today on the way of implementing its Euro-Atlantic integration aspirations. Despite the existing difficulties both within the European Union and between Ukraine and individual signatory countries of the Visegrad Declaration of 1991, cooperation with Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary is the most effective communication platform for intensifying the broad dialogue between Ukraine and European Union.
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Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.5
Valentyna Molotkina, I. Levchenko, Iryna Berezanska
The article highlights the peculiarities of language policy in education during the period of «stagnation». The author analyzes the legal acts related to the process of Russification of school education, in particular, the Resolution «On Further Improvement of Learning and Teaching of the Russian Language in the Union Republics» of June 1, 1978, the USSR Law «Fundamentals of the Legislation of the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics and the Union Republics on Public Education» of July 19, 1973, the Resolution of the Ministry of Education of the Ukrainian SSR «On Additional Measures to Improve the Teaching of the Russian Language in National Secondary Schools» of May 26, 1983, etc. The state educational policy of the Soviet government contributed to an increase in the number of Russian-language schools and classes for in-depth study of the Russian language, the establishment of allowances for Russian language teachers, the introduction of advanced training courses for Russian language teachers, and an increase in the number of textbooks on academic subjects written in Russian. The author traces the dynamics of the number of schools with one and two languages of instruction in the Ukrainian SSR during the 1959-1965 academic years. The analysis of the number of schools with one language of instruction during the mentioned period shows a decrease in the number of schools with Ukrainian as the language of instruction by 1725 units. As for the schools with Ukrainian-Russian language of instruction, there was a tendency to increase them by 107 units, and the number of schools with Russian-Ukrainian language of instruction increased by 73 units. It was found that the Russification of the educational process also took place in higher education. It was accompanied by the teaching of academic subjects in Russian, the dissemination of Russian-language literature, and the conduct of admission campaigns mainly in Russian. In spite of Russification and assimilation, prominent figures of the national liberation movement campaigned by distributing leaflets among the population, in which they opposed the reduction of Ukrainian-language educational institutions and pressure on the Ukrainian language. In response, the Soviet leadership took measures aimed at persecuting and eliminating active public figures. The Russification policy of the Soviet authorities in the field of education led to a national and cultural upsurge of student youth, who, despite the threat of persecution, distributed self-published literature among the general Ukrainian population, which truthfully covered the Russification policy of the Soviet leadership, the assimilation of the cultural and spiritual values of the Ukrainian people.
{"title":"LANGUAGE POLICY IN THE USSR IN THE FIELD OF EDUCATION (1960s–1980s)","authors":"Valentyna Molotkina, I. Levchenko, Iryna Berezanska","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.5","url":null,"abstract":"The article highlights the peculiarities of language policy in education during the period of «stagnation». The author analyzes the legal acts related to the process of Russification of school education, in particular, the Resolution «On Further Improvement of Learning and Teaching of the Russian Language in the Union Republics» of June 1, 1978, the USSR Law «Fundamentals of the Legislation of the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics and the Union Republics on Public Education» of July 19, 1973, the Resolution of the Ministry of Education of the Ukrainian SSR «On Additional Measures to Improve the Teaching of the Russian Language in National Secondary Schools» of May 26, 1983, etc. The state educational policy of the Soviet government contributed to an increase in the number of Russian-language schools and classes for in-depth study of the Russian language, the establishment of allowances for Russian language teachers, the introduction of advanced training courses for Russian language teachers, and an increase in the number of textbooks on academic subjects written in Russian. The author traces the dynamics of the number of schools with one and two languages of instruction in the Ukrainian SSR during the 1959-1965 academic years. The analysis of the number of schools with one language of instruction during the mentioned period shows a decrease in the number of schools with Ukrainian as the language of instruction by 1725 units. As for the schools with Ukrainian-Russian language of instruction, there was a tendency to increase them by 107 units, and the number of schools with Russian-Ukrainian language of instruction increased by 73 units. It was found that the Russification of the educational process also took place in higher education. It was accompanied by the teaching of academic subjects in Russian, the dissemination of Russian-language literature, and the conduct of admission campaigns mainly in Russian. In spite of Russification and assimilation, prominent figures of the national liberation movement campaigned by distributing leaflets among the population, in which they opposed the reduction of Ukrainian-language educational institutions and pressure on the Ukrainian language. In response, the Soviet leadership took measures aimed at persecuting and eliminating active public figures. The Russification policy of the Soviet authorities in the field of education led to a national and cultural upsurge of student youth, who, despite the threat of persecution, distributed self-published literature among the general Ukrainian population, which truthfully covered the Russification policy of the Soviet leadership, the assimilation of the cultural and spiritual values of the Ukrainian people.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"70 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116696469","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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