Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.6
V. Pavlenko, Oleksandr Komarenko
In this paper the international political situation, which was established in Europe and in the world in the latter half of the 30s of the 20th century, is investigated. The authors draw a comparison between the 20s and 30s of the 20th century, pointing out that the 30s brought a series of military conflicts, as well as say that the fear of a new great war has been appeared throughout the world. Attention is drawn to the inactivity of the League of Nations, which failed to ensure a collective security policy between 1936 and 1938. Special attention has been drawn to the appeasement policy and the role of Great Britain and France in this policy, who did not want to bring the situation to military confrontation. It is pointed out that by the mid-1930s Germany went on the offensive and set itself the goal of achieving supremacy in Europe. Special attention is drawn to the reaction of Western countries to Hitler’s aggressive policy, as well as the actions of the Soviet Union and the policy carried out by Moscow on the eve of World War II are assessed. It is stated that in 1938-1939 the world policy increasingly focused on particular regions, where the conflict number and intensity were increasing sharply. The role of the Munich Conference in September 1938 and the fact that the initiative in international affairs was completely transferred to A. Hitler upon the signing of the agreement are determined. The policy of Great Britain and France after the Munich Conspiracy is analysed; it is explained why London and Paris thought primarily about personal security. A special place in this paper is given to the explanation of why the existing international system could no longer ensure the world order and why war becomes inevitable. The authors come to the conclusion that although Hitler managed to win the diplomatic struggle on the eve of World War II, but he did not finally become a triumphant.
{"title":"HISTORY REPEATS ITSELF: THE INABILITY OF THE FORCES OF PEACE AND DEMOCRACY AROUND THE WORLD TO PREVENT THE OUTBREAK OF A PLANETARY WAR IN THE 2ND HALF OF THE 1930S","authors":"V. Pavlenko, Oleksandr Komarenko","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.6","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper the international political situation, which was established in Europe and in the world in the latter half of the 30s of the 20th century, is investigated. The authors draw a comparison between the 20s and 30s of the 20th century, pointing out that the 30s brought a series of military conflicts, as well as say that the fear of a new great war has been appeared throughout the world. Attention is drawn to the inactivity of the League of Nations, which failed to ensure a collective security policy between 1936 and 1938. Special attention has been drawn to the appeasement policy and the role of Great Britain and France in this policy, who did not want to bring the situation to military confrontation. It is pointed out that by the mid-1930s Germany went on the offensive and set itself the goal of achieving supremacy in Europe. Special attention is drawn to the reaction of Western countries to Hitler’s aggressive policy, as well as the actions of the Soviet Union and the policy carried out by Moscow on the eve of World War II are assessed. It is stated that in 1938-1939 the world policy increasingly focused on particular regions, where the conflict number and intensity were increasing sharply. The role of the Munich Conference in September 1938 and the fact that the initiative in international affairs was completely transferred to A. Hitler upon the signing of the agreement are determined. The policy of Great Britain and France after the Munich Conspiracy is analysed; it is explained why London and Paris thought primarily about personal security. A special place in this paper is given to the explanation of why the existing international system could no longer ensure the world order and why war becomes inevitable. The authors come to the conclusion that although Hitler managed to win the diplomatic struggle on the eve of World War II, but he did not finally become a triumphant.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127174783","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.4
O. Ivanov, M. Panasiuk
The article is based on the analysis of documentary sources of the political party “Alternative for Germany” 2013–2021. Also, it includes journalistic sources, analytical, informational, journalistic articles and interviews from various German print or electronic media. In addition, it reffers to scientific works of German and British researchers. Authors of this research try to highlight the main reasons of esteblishment and development of the political party “Alternatives for Germany” under the influence of various external and internal factors. The research revealed that the main reason of the party’s creation was the European debt crisis happened in early 2010s and the policy of assisting Chancellor Angela Merkel of Greece, which violated the principles of subsidiarity under the Maastricht Treaty. At the beginning of his existence the party was posing itself as “soft Euroskeptics”. The further radicalization of the party was caused by the confrontation between liberal and right-wing conservative forces and the beginning of the migration crisis in the mid-2010s. The authors emphesized that the parliamentary elections in the Bundestag in 2017 and 2021, when “Alternative for Germany” was able to gain a foothold in the German political landscape, despite internal party crises were important for the development of the party. After Russian troops invaded Ukraine, the party’s «Alternative for Germany» position is ambivalent. On the one hand, it has been calling Russia to cease hostilities, proclaiming itself to be «the party of peace». But on the other hand, the party «Alternative for Germany» speaks out against military aid for Ukraine, as well its NATO or EU membership. Furthermore, they opposed the economic sanctions imposed on Russia and freezing of «Nord Stream 2» cooperation. Its ambiguous position of the AfD on the war in Ukraine may call for strengthening internal party conflicts and reducing the number of party supporters.
本文基于对2013-2021年德国新选择党(Alternative for Germany)的文献来源的分析。此外，它还包括来自各种德国印刷或电子媒体的新闻来源、分析性、信息性、新闻文章和采访。此外，它还指德国和英国研究人员的科学著作。本研究的作者试图突出在各种外部和内部因素的影响下，“德国选择”政党成立和发展的主要原因。研究发现，该党成立的主要原因是2010年代初发生的欧债危机和援助希腊总理默克尔的政策违反了《马斯特里赫特条约》的辅助性原则。在他成立之初，该党自称为“软疑欧派”。自由党的进一步激进化是由于2010年代中期自由派和右翼保守派力量的对抗以及移民危机的开始。作者强调，2017年和2021年的联邦议院选举，“德国新选择党”在党内危机的情况下能够在德国政治格局中站稳脚跟，这对该党的发展至关重要。在俄罗斯军队入侵乌克兰后，该党的“德国新选择党”的立场是矛盾的。一方面，它一直呼吁俄罗斯停止敌对行动，宣称自己是“和平之党”。但另一方面，“德国新选择党”公开反对向乌克兰提供军事援助，反对乌克兰加入北约或欧盟。此外，他们反对对俄罗斯实施经济制裁和冻结“北溪- 2”合作。德国新选择党在乌克兰战争问题上的模棱两可立场可能会加剧党内冲突，减少该党支持者的数量。
{"title":"TRANSFORMATION OF THE IDEOLOGICAL PLATFORM AND PARTY DEVELOPMENT “ALTERNATIVES FOR GERMANY” (2013-2022)","authors":"O. Ivanov, M. Panasiuk","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.4","url":null,"abstract":"The article is based on the analysis of documentary sources of the political party “Alternative for Germany” 2013–2021. Also, it includes journalistic sources, analytical, informational, journalistic articles and interviews from various German print or electronic media. In addition, it reffers to scientific works of German and British researchers. Authors of this research try to highlight the main reasons of esteblishment and development of the political party “Alternatives for Germany” under the influence of various external and internal factors. The research revealed that the main reason of the party’s creation was the European debt crisis happened in early 2010s and the policy of assisting Chancellor Angela Merkel of Greece, which violated the principles of subsidiarity under the Maastricht Treaty. At the beginning of his existence the party was posing itself as “soft Euroskeptics”. The further radicalization of the party was caused by the confrontation between liberal and right-wing conservative forces and the beginning of the migration crisis in the mid-2010s. The authors emphesized that the parliamentary elections in the Bundestag in 2017 and 2021, when “Alternative for Germany” was able to gain a foothold in the German political landscape, despite internal party crises were important for the development of the party. After Russian troops invaded Ukraine, the party’s «Alternative for Germany» position is ambivalent. On the one hand, it has been calling Russia to cease hostilities, proclaiming itself to be «the party of peace». But on the other hand, the party «Alternative for Germany» speaks out against military aid for Ukraine, as well its NATO or EU membership. Furthermore, they opposed the economic sanctions imposed on Russia and freezing of «Nord Stream 2» cooperation. Its ambiguous position of the AfD on the war in Ukraine may call for strengthening internal party conflicts and reducing the number of party supporters.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129093516","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.7
A. Martynov
The article examines the impact of the 2021 parliamentary elections on German parliamentary democracy. The pandemic and climate change have affected the mood of German voters. The peculiarities of the activity of German parliamentary parties during the election campaign are analyzed. German voters have demonstrated the ability to make rational political decisions. This made it possible to renew the composition of the Bundestag and preserve the professionalism of the deputies. The «Christian Democrats» believed that Germany should become a climate-neutral industrial state. Following the election, the «Christian Democrats» showed the worst result. The Bavarian «Christian Social Union» maintained its political position. The winners of the election, the «Social Democrats», conducted an ideal election campaign. The «Green Party» ran an optimistic election campaign. Opponents have accused the Greens of failing to combine climate protection with economic growth. The opposition Left Party promoted climate-friendly socialism. In the new Bundestag, the left is represented by a victory in two majority districts. The «Alternative for Germany» party ran a passive election campaign. It is the only party to support Germany’s withdrawal from the European Union. All parliamentary parties campaigned against «Alternatives for Germany». The «Free Democratic Party» conducted an active and optimistic election campaign. Following the election, the «Social Democrats», the «Green Party» and the «Free Democrats» formed a «social-liberal green coalition», Chancellor Olaf Scholz promised to ensure the heredity of the development of a social market economy. The innovation concerned the intentions of the «Green Party» to create a climate-neutral German economy. The article notes that the new ruling German coalition opens up positive opportunities for the development of Ukrainian-German relations. Maintaining the political balance in Germany maintains stability in the European Union.
{"title":"GERMAN PARLIAMENTARY DEMOCRACY AFTER 2021 ELECTION","authors":"A. Martynov","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.7","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the impact of the 2021 parliamentary elections on German parliamentary democracy. The pandemic and climate change have affected the mood of German voters. The peculiarities of the activity of German parliamentary parties during the election campaign are analyzed. German voters have demonstrated the ability to make rational political decisions. This made it possible to renew the composition of the Bundestag and preserve the professionalism of the deputies. The «Christian Democrats» believed that Germany should become a climate-neutral industrial state. Following the election, the «Christian Democrats» showed the worst result. The Bavarian «Christian Social Union» maintained its political position. The winners of the election, the «Social Democrats», conducted an ideal election campaign. The «Green Party» ran an optimistic election campaign. Opponents have accused the Greens of failing to combine climate protection with economic growth. The opposition Left Party promoted climate-friendly socialism. In the new Bundestag, the left is represented by a victory in two majority districts. The «Alternative for Germany» party ran a passive election campaign. It is the only party to support Germany’s withdrawal from the European Union. All parliamentary parties campaigned against «Alternatives for Germany». The «Free Democratic Party» conducted an active and optimistic election campaign. Following the election, the «Social Democrats», the «Green Party» and the «Free Democrats» formed a «social-liberal green coalition», Chancellor Olaf Scholz promised to ensure the heredity of the development of a social market economy. The innovation concerned the intentions of the «Green Party» to create a climate-neutral German economy. The article notes that the new ruling German coalition opens up positive opportunities for the development of Ukrainian-German relations. Maintaining the political balance in Germany maintains stability in the European Union.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128134574","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.1
A. Kyrydon, Svitlana Kosjak, Serhiy Troyan
The purpose of the article is violated in the studied and generalization of the main aspects of the policy of the European state, on the eve of the countries of the European Union, regarding countering the spread of the Covid-19 pandemic and the study of the features and effectiveness of the Swedish model to prevent similar threats in the future. The scientific novelty of the study is due to the seriousness of the challenges and the threat of a universal nature both for Europe and for the modern globalized and interdependent world. This is especially important given the global scale and scale of the Covid-19 pandemic that humanity has faced in early 2020. The world community, including all its regional segments, faced an unprecedented challenge of chronic disease, which belongs to asymmetric shocks that begin with a small shock and then quickly cover the whole world. Conclusions. The outbreak of the coronavirus disease at the beginning of 2020 came as a surprise to the whole world. The World Health Organization belatedly, but in March 2020, announced the pandemic and the need for a serious and urgent fight against it. The first patients with Covid-19 in European countries appeared in January 2020. At the same time, the first deaths from the coronavirus disease were recorded in Europe. Already in the first months of the pandemic, Italy, Spain, and France faced its severe consequences, including a large number of deaths. Most European countries, including Ukraine, have introduced strict restrictive measures, including mass self-isolation, restrictions on economic and trade activities, termination of the educational process with its subsequent transfer to distance education, etc. Almost all available resources of the national health care systems were mobilized to fight the pandemic. Sweden’s public policy to combat the spread of the pandemic was outstanding in the European democratic space. The Swedish model of public policy to combat the Covid-19 pandemic was based on the principle of public responsibility and reliance on a highly developed national health care system. The main place in the approach of the Swedish government to this problem was taken by the course on the development of collective immunity. The principle of voluntariness, which did not involve the introduction of a nationwide quarantine, played an important role. At the initial stage) the restrictive measures in Sweden were mild, were mainly of a recommendatory nature, and were based on the principle of situational response. The Swedish government did not introduce strict measures and restrictions for the economy, businesses and institutions were recommended to switch to remote work. Sweden was the only country in the European Union that did not introduce a lockdown at the height of the Covid-19 pandemic in Europe. In addition, the need to observe social distance, personal hygiene, and help the elderly was emphasized. The decline in economic and business activity in general was smal
{"title":"THE COVID–19 PANDEMIC IN EUROPE: CHALLENGES AND THE SEARCH FOR ANSWERS","authors":"A. Kyrydon, Svitlana Kosjak, Serhiy Troyan","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.1","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of the article is violated in the studied and generalization of the main aspects of the policy of the European state, on the eve of the countries of the European Union, regarding countering the spread of the Covid-19 pandemic and the study of the features and effectiveness of the Swedish model to prevent similar threats in the future. The scientific novelty of the study is due to the seriousness of the challenges and the threat of a universal nature both for Europe and for the modern globalized and interdependent world. This is especially important given the global scale and scale of the Covid-19 pandemic that humanity has faced in early 2020. The world community, including all its regional segments, faced an unprecedented challenge of chronic disease, which belongs to asymmetric shocks that begin with a small shock and then quickly cover the whole world. Conclusions. The outbreak of the coronavirus disease at the beginning of 2020 came as a surprise to the whole world. The World Health Organization belatedly, but in March 2020, announced the pandemic and the need for a serious and urgent fight against it. The first patients with Covid-19 in European countries appeared in January 2020. At the same time, the first deaths from the coronavirus disease were recorded in Europe. Already in the first months of the pandemic, Italy, Spain, and France faced its severe consequences, including a large number of deaths. Most European countries, including Ukraine, have introduced strict restrictive measures, including mass self-isolation, restrictions on economic and trade activities, termination of the educational process with its subsequent transfer to distance education, etc. Almost all available resources of the national health care systems were mobilized to fight the pandemic. Sweden’s public policy to combat the spread of the pandemic was outstanding in the European democratic space. The Swedish model of public policy to combat the Covid-19 pandemic was based on the principle of public responsibility and reliance on a highly developed national health care system. The main place in the approach of the Swedish government to this problem was taken by the course on the development of collective immunity. The principle of voluntariness, which did not involve the introduction of a nationwide quarantine, played an important role. At the initial stage) the restrictive measures in Sweden were mild, were mainly of a recommendatory nature, and were based on the principle of situational response. The Swedish government did not introduce strict measures and restrictions for the economy, businesses and institutions were recommended to switch to remote work. Sweden was the only country in the European Union that did not introduce a lockdown at the height of the Covid-19 pandemic in Europe. In addition, the need to observe social distance, personal hygiene, and help the elderly was emphasized. The decline in economic and business activity in general was smal","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114328529","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.8-24
Mariia Georgiieva
On the basis of archival sources and studies of Bulgarian historians, the peculiarities of changes in production relations and productivity of the agrarian sector of the Bulgarian economy in the context of European integration are revealed. It is analyzed which sectors of agriculture developed, and which, on the contrary, were in a state of stagnation. In the process of Bulgaria’s accession to the European Union, the agrarian sector of the economy needed modernization of the management system and the reform of production relations.In the Bulgarian countryside, during the period of 1990-2007, a process of reforming agricultural production relations was taking place, accompanied by the conditions of European integration, which, in turn, led to the need for transformation of all spheres of agriculture in the country. One of the most important was the agrarian sphere. During the period of 1944 – 1989, the transformation in the agrarian sector of agricultural commodity production was rather controversial: the imperfection of land reform, namely land privatization, intensive process of agricultural co-operation, led to the creation of gaps in the development of all spheres of the agrarian sector. With the integration of Bulgaria into the European Union, the issue of harmonization of the agricultural production sector with the requirements of the European Union in the field of intensification of agricultural development and promotion of trade with the European Union with agrarian products became important. Given the current state of European integration processes in Ukraine, a comprehensive study of the historical conditions of the agricultural reforms in agriculture, which will allow us to analyze the problems and determine the prospects for its development on the path of integration into the European economic space, is relevant.
{"title":"Transformation of Production Relations in the Agricultural Sector of the Economy of Bulgaria in the Euro-Integration Conditions","authors":"Mariia Georgiieva","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.8-24","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.8-24","url":null,"abstract":"On the basis of archival sources and studies of Bulgarian historians, the peculiarities of changes in production relations and productivity of the agrarian sector of the Bulgarian economy in the context of European integration are revealed. It is analyzed which sectors of agriculture developed, and which, on the contrary, were in a state of stagnation. In the process of Bulgaria’s accession to the European Union, the agrarian sector of the economy needed modernization of the management system and the reform of production relations.In the Bulgarian countryside, during the period of 1990-2007, a process of reforming agricultural production relations was taking place, accompanied by the conditions of European integration, which, in turn, led to the need for transformation of all spheres of agriculture in the country. One of the most important was the agrarian sphere. During the period of 1944 – 1989, the transformation in the agrarian sector of agricultural commodity production was rather controversial: the imperfection of land reform, namely land privatization, intensive process of agricultural co-operation, led to the creation of gaps in the development of all spheres of the agrarian sector. With the integration of Bulgaria into the European Union, the issue of harmonization of the agricultural production sector with the requirements of the European Union in the field of intensification of agricultural development and promotion of trade with the European Union with agrarian products became important.\u0000\u0000Given the current state of European integration processes in Ukraine, a comprehensive study of the historical conditions of the agricultural reforms in agriculture, which will allow us to analyze the problems and determine the prospects for its development on the path of integration into the European economic space, is relevant.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132817226","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.09
Oleh Mashevskyi, Khrystyna Lazavenko
This research attempts to reassess the significance of the images of classical antiquity in Maximilien Robespierre’s political writings of 1789–1791 by analyzing their context, frequency, and their objectives for use and by creating statistical data to demonstrate main tendencies and patterns. It is necessary to admit that classical antiquity largely contributed to European culture by defining its basic virtues and vices and creating role models for future generations. Allusions and references to classical antiquity can be easily traced throughout European history. The French Revolution wasn’t an exception while its classical ancient traditions were clearly expressed in visual sources, political writings, and even in everyday life. It is commonly considered that the Jacobins used a large number of classical antiquity images in their political writings. We have to pay special attention to M. Robespierre as he was largely associated with the Jacobin party during the French Revolution as well as nowadays. However, the images of classical antiquity in his political writings are not regarded as an area of interest. Even if there are a few historical writings focused on this topic, they are usually concentrated on the Reign of Terror (1793–1794) while the period of the early Revolutionary years (1789–1791) is often neglected. In order to change this disproportion our research covers this very period. The results of our analysis proved the significance of the classical antiquity images in M. Robespierre’s political writings providing a set of statistical data and describing its main tendencies. It was proved that the number of references increases each year, pointing out that M. Robespierre clearly understood the differences between antiquity and his times even in the early years of the French Revolution. In addition to this, the research put forward authors’ classification of the classical antiquity images and demonstrating the predominance of some image types.
{"title":"The analysis of the images of antiquity in M. Robespierre’s political writings during the early years of the French revolution (1789–1791)","authors":"Oleh Mashevskyi, Khrystyna Lazavenko","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.09","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.09","url":null,"abstract":"This research attempts to reassess the significance of the images of classical antiquity in Maximilien Robespierre’s political writings of 1789–1791 by analyzing their context, frequency, and their objectives for use and by creating statistical data to demonstrate main tendencies and patterns. It is necessary to admit that classical antiquity largely contributed to European culture by defining its basic virtues and vices and creating role models for future generations. Allusions and references to classical antiquity can be easily traced throughout European history. The French Revolution wasn’t an exception while its classical ancient traditions were clearly expressed in visual sources, political writings, and even in everyday life. It is commonly considered that the Jacobins used a large number of classical antiquity images in their political writings. We have to pay special attention to M. Robespierre as he was largely associated with the Jacobin party during the French Revolution as well as nowadays. However, the images of classical antiquity in his political writings are not regarded as an area of interest. Even if there are a few historical writings focused on this topic, they are usually concentrated on the Reign of Terror (1793–1794) while the period of the early Revolutionary years (1789–1791) is often neglected. In order to change this disproportion our research covers this very period.\u0000The results of our analysis proved the significance of the classical antiquity images in M. Robespierre’s political writings providing a set of statistical data and describing its main tendencies. It was proved that the number of references increases each year, pointing out that M. Robespierre clearly understood the differences between antiquity and his times even in the early years of the French Revolution. In addition to this, the research put forward authors’ classification of the classical antiquity images and demonstrating the predominance of some image types.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"209 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114325299","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.5
Sergiy Saranov
In the presented article, the author defends the idea that the argumentation system of Quentin Skinner (Quentin Robert Duthie Skinner), Maurizio Viroli (Maurizio Viroli) regarding the methodological foundations of the origin of the political theory of Niccolo Machiavelli in The Sovereign cannot cast doubt on the approach of the German-American political philosopher Leo Strauss (Leo Strauss). The same emphasis is proposed to be used for the most part in the final value judgments regarding the meaning of the “Sovereign” within the framework of the problems of “state interest” (raison d’état) and the theory of absolutism. In addition, the strengths and weaknesses of the concept of the British historian Nicholas Henshall are comprehensively considered. It is argued, with the involvement of a wide background of historiographical assessments and methodological remarks, the productivity in the general historical context of a comparative analysis of the positions of Machiavelli and Guicciardini in the framework of the analysis of the theory of absolutism. The further development of the theory of absolutism, presented within the framework of social and political thought by the works of, first of all, Thomas Hobbes allows us to see a direct relationship with Machiavellianism as a phenomenon. The analysis of the positions of the representatives of British historiography on the studied issue shows the characteristic features of their evaluations of the interesting author of the issue. Thus, Nicholas Henschel in the work “The Myth of Absolutism” bypasses the analysis of “The Prince”, which would add an additional possibility in substantiating the insufficient character of the theory of absolute power. However, it seems to us that Henschel was perfectly aware in his work that it is difficult to blame the author of “The Sovereign” for the lack of justification of the goal in the expressed theory of absolute power. Turning to the comparative analysis of the positions of political thinkers of the Italian Renaissance is of significant interest for modern Ukrainian society in a practical sense. The Italian political crisis of the specified period was reflected in the persistent search by the best minds of the Renaissance era for ways out of it, a thorough understanding of the historical and political reality that surrounded Italians. The result was the emergence of impressive theoretical generalizations of key aspects of historical development. The author comes to the conclusion that without Machiavelli, the ideology of absolutism, which was further developed in the works of the same Thomas Hobbes, could not have received its inherent conceptual outlines. In order to accomplish this, Machiavelli had to make a break with the classical tradition of political philosophy, just as the formation of a centralized state required the concentration of political power in the hands of the monarch, that is, a break with the feudal tradition of political thinking in general.
在本文中，作者为昆汀·斯金纳(Quentin Robert Duthie Skinner)、毛里齐奥·维罗里(Maurizio Viroli)关于《君主》中尼科洛·马基雅维利政治理论起源的方法论基础的论证体系，不能对德裔美国政治哲学家利奥·施特劳斯(Leo Strauss)的方法产生怀疑。在“国家利益”(reason d’samdat)问题和专制主义理论的框架内，关于“君主”的意义的最终价值判断中，建议在很大程度上使用同样的重点。此外，对英国历史学家尼古拉斯·亨沙尔(Nicholas Henshall)概念的优缺点进行了综合考量。作者认为，在广泛的史学评估和方法论评论的背景下，在对专制主义理论分析的框架内，对马基雅维利和圭恰尔迪尼的立场进行比较分析的一般历史背景下的生产力。专制主义理论的进一步发展，在社会和政治思想的框架内呈现，首先，托马斯·霍布斯的作品，让我们看到了与马基雅维利主义的直接关系，作为一种现象。通过分析英国史学界代表人物对所研究问题的立场，可以看出他们对问题有趣作者的评价具有鲜明的特点。因此，尼古拉斯·亨舍尔在《专制主义的神话》一书中绕过了《君主论》的分析，这将为证实绝对权力理论的不足之处增加一种可能性。然而，在我们看来，亨舍尔在他的作品中完全意识到，很难因为绝对权力理论中表达的目标缺乏正当性而指责《君主论》的作者。转向意大利文艺复兴时期的政治思想家的立场的比较分析是在实际意义上的现代乌克兰社会的重大利益。意大利在特定时期的政治危机反映在文艺复兴时期最优秀的头脑对出路的不懈探索中，对意大利人周围的历史和政治现实的透彻理解。其结果是出现了令人印象深刻的理论概括的关键方面的历史发展。作者的结论是，如果没有马基雅维利，在霍布斯的著作中得到进一步发展的专制主义意识形态就不可能得到其固有的概念轮廓。为了做到这一点，马基雅维利不得不与政治哲学的古典传统决裂，正如中央集权国家的形成要求政治权力集中在君主手中一样，即与一般政治思想的封建传统决裂。
{"title":"HISTORIOGRAPHICAL AND METHODOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE APPROACHES OF FRANCESCO GUICCIARDINI AND NICOLLO MACHIAVELLI IN THE FRAMEWORK OF THE PROBLEMS OF “PUBLIC INTEREST” AND THE THEORY OF ABSOLUTISM","authors":"Sergiy Saranov","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.5","url":null,"abstract":"In the presented article, the author defends the idea that the argumentation system of Quentin Skinner (Quentin Robert Duthie Skinner), Maurizio Viroli (Maurizio Viroli) regarding the methodological foundations of the origin of the political theory of Niccolo Machiavelli in The Sovereign cannot cast doubt on the approach of the German-American political philosopher Leo Strauss (Leo Strauss). The same emphasis is proposed to be used for the most part in the final value judgments regarding the meaning of the “Sovereign” within the framework of the problems of “state interest” (raison d’état) and the theory of absolutism. In addition, the strengths and weaknesses of the concept of the British historian Nicholas Henshall are comprehensively considered. It is argued, with the involvement of a wide background of historiographical assessments and methodological remarks, the productivity in the general historical context of a comparative analysis of the positions of Machiavelli and Guicciardini in the framework of the analysis of the theory of absolutism. The further development of the theory of absolutism, presented within the framework of social and political thought by the works of, first of all, Thomas Hobbes allows us to see a direct relationship with Machiavellianism as a phenomenon. The analysis of the positions of the representatives of British historiography on the studied issue shows the characteristic features of their evaluations of the interesting author of the issue. Thus, Nicholas Henschel in the work “The Myth of Absolutism” bypasses the analysis of “The Prince”, which would add an additional possibility in substantiating the insufficient character of the theory of absolute power. However, it seems to us that Henschel was perfectly aware in his work that it is difficult to blame the author of “The Sovereign” for the lack of justification of the goal in the expressed theory of absolute power. Turning to the comparative analysis of the positions of political thinkers of the Italian Renaissance is of significant interest for modern Ukrainian society in a practical sense. The Italian political crisis of the specified period was reflected in the persistent search by the best minds of the Renaissance era for ways out of it, a thorough understanding of the historical and political reality that surrounded Italians. The result was the emergence of impressive theoretical generalizations of key aspects of historical development. The author comes to the conclusion that without Machiavelli, the ideology of absolutism, which was further developed in the works of the same Thomas Hobbes, could not have received its inherent conceptual outlines. In order to accomplish this, Machiavelli had to make a break with the classical tradition of political philosophy, just as the formation of a centralized state required the concentration of political power in the hands of the monarch, that is, a break with the feudal tradition of political thinking in general.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"55 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130327973","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.3
M. Georgieva
The importance of agriculture for the Bulgarian economy is reflected in historical and economic scientific research in the field of agrarian history, economics and law, influencing the growing interest of the scientific community in agrarian problems, including agrarian-ecological ones. In the conditions of the tense European agricultural market, despite numerous agreements, the state support of the Bulgarian agricultural producer in most developed countries is steadily increasing. Bulgaria, whose economy is organically and inextricably linked with agriculture, also found itself in the conditions of an urgent need to review, reassess the system of state support for ecological agriculture, in-depth analysis of the legal basis of its functioning, establishing ways of improvement and further development of ecologically oriented agricultural production. The problem of implementing ecological aspects of agricultural production in Bulgaria in the context of European integration is highlighted. The Bulgarian model of sustainable agricultural nature management is considered, and the main environmental problems that prevented its implementation are described. Attention is focused on the main aspects of state policy regarding the support of ecological agricultural production. Agricultural production, as one of the most common types of human activity, had a harmful effect on the surrounding natural environment, since industry and transport were considered the main violators of the natural balance at one time. Currently, agriculture is in the first place in terms of environmental pollution. The condition of the agricultural lands in Bulgaria is unsatisfactory. However, it was determined that serious problems for the environment arose due to the irregular use of mineral fertilizers and agrochemicals in agricultural production, which, together with rainwater and underground water, enter rivers and lakes, causing significant damage to large river basins, fish stocks and vegetation. As a result of the scientific research, it was established that the problem of forming the concept of biological agricultural production in Bulgaria has not been solved. The model of environmentally-oriented agricultural production required organizational and economic support for the management of sustainable agricultural nature management.
{"title":"Development of organic farming as a prospective way to environmental security of the Bulgarian village","authors":"M. Georgieva","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.3","url":null,"abstract":"The importance of agriculture for the Bulgarian economy is reflected in historical and economic scientific research in the field of agrarian history, economics and law, influencing the growing interest of the scientific community in agrarian problems, including agrarian-ecological ones. In the conditions of the tense European agricultural market, despite numerous agreements, the state support of the Bulgarian agricultural producer in most developed countries is steadily increasing. Bulgaria, whose economy is organically and inextricably linked with agriculture, also found itself in the conditions of an urgent need to review, reassess the system of state support for ecological agriculture, in-depth analysis of the legal basis of its functioning, establishing ways of improvement and further development of ecologically oriented agricultural production. The problem of implementing ecological aspects of agricultural production in Bulgaria in the context of European integration is highlighted. The Bulgarian model of sustainable agricultural nature management is considered, and the main environmental problems that prevented its implementation are described. Attention is focused on the main aspects of state policy regarding the support of ecological agricultural production. Agricultural production, as one of the most common types of human activity, had a harmful effect on the surrounding natural environment, since industry and transport were considered the main violators of the natural balance at one time. Currently, agriculture is in the first place in terms of environmental pollution. The condition of the agricultural lands in Bulgaria is unsatisfactory. However, it was determined that serious problems for the environment arose due to the irregular use of mineral fertilizers and agrochemicals in agricultural production, which, together with rainwater and underground water, enter rivers and lakes, causing significant damage to large river basins, fish stocks and vegetation. As a result of the scientific research, it was established that the problem of forming the concept of biological agricultural production in Bulgaria has not been solved. The model of environmentally-oriented agricultural production required organizational and economic support for the management of sustainable agricultural nature management.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129773456","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.25-50
V. Latenko
The article is devoted to the history of the creation and functioning of the Visegrad Group as a regional entity, which not only did not cease activities after achieving the goal of Atlantic and European integration, but also successfully develops it, already being a member of NATO and the European Union. Based on the use of a broad documentary framework, in particular, protocols and declarations as a result of meetings of various levels within the framework of the Visegrad Group, analyzed and identifies the concrete stages of its development and interaction with Ukraine in a wide range of components that form the essence of Euro-Atlantic integration. On concrete examples, it was illustrated that Ukraine has always been in the field of key interests of the Visegrad Four, received effective help and support from her side in a variety of forms. It is not just about practical issues of regional cooperation and security, but also about the many aspects of the value and civilization dimension. The participating countries of the Visegrad Group, having become the initiators of the “B4 + Ukraine” cooperation format, have never stood apart from the most important processes and transitional stages, through which Ukraine passed on its way to becoming and self-determination. The opinion is upheld, that the experience gained by the member countries of the Visegrad format is relevant and useful for Ukraine and today on the way of implementing its Euro-Atlantic integration aspirations. Despite the existing difficulties both within the European Union and between Ukraine and individual signatory countries of the Visegrad Declaration of 1991, cooperation with Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary is the most effective communication platform for intensifying the broad dialogue between Ukraine and European Union.
{"title":"Visegrad Group: History of Creation and Experience of Cooperation with Ukraine in the Context of European Integration","authors":"V. Latenko","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.25-50","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.25-50","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the history of the creation and functioning of the Visegrad Group as a regional entity, which not only did not cease activities after achieving the goal of Atlantic and European integration, but also successfully develops it, already being a member of NATO and the European Union. Based on the use of a broad documentary framework, in particular, protocols and declarations as a result of meetings of various levels within the framework of the Visegrad Group, analyzed and identifies the concrete stages of its development and interaction with Ukraine in a wide range of components that form the essence of Euro-Atlantic integration. On concrete examples, it was illustrated that Ukraine has always been in the field of key interests of the Visegrad Four, received effective help and support from her side in a variety of forms. It is not just about practical issues of regional cooperation and security, but also about the many aspects of the value and civilization dimension. The participating countries of the Visegrad Group, having become the initiators of the “B4 + Ukraine” cooperation format, have never stood apart from the most important processes and transitional stages, through which Ukraine passed on its way to becoming and self-determination. The opinion is upheld, that the experience gained by the member countries of the Visegrad format is relevant and useful for Ukraine and today on the way of implementing its Euro-Atlantic integration aspirations. Despite the existing difficulties both within the European Union and between Ukraine and individual signatory countries of the Visegrad Declaration of 1991, cooperation with Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary is the most effective communication platform for intensifying the broad dialogue between Ukraine and European Union.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"75 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124252848","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.5
Valentyna Molotkina, I. Levchenko, Iryna Berezanska
The article highlights the peculiarities of language policy in education during the period of «stagnation». The author analyzes the legal acts related to the process of Russification of school education, in particular, the Resolution «On Further Improvement of Learning and Teaching of the Russian Language in the Union Republics» of June 1, 1978, the USSR Law «Fundamentals of the Legislation of the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics and the Union Republics on Public Education» of July 19, 1973, the Resolution of the Ministry of Education of the Ukrainian SSR «On Additional Measures to Improve the Teaching of the Russian Language in National Secondary Schools» of May 26, 1983, etc. The state educational policy of the Soviet government contributed to an increase in the number of Russian-language schools and classes for in-depth study of the Russian language, the establishment of allowances for Russian language teachers, the introduction of advanced training courses for Russian language teachers, and an increase in the number of textbooks on academic subjects written in Russian. The author traces the dynamics of the number of schools with one and two languages of instruction in the Ukrainian SSR during the 1959-1965 academic years. The analysis of the number of schools with one language of instruction during the mentioned period shows a decrease in the number of schools with Ukrainian as the language of instruction by 1725 units. As for the schools with Ukrainian-Russian language of instruction, there was a tendency to increase them by 107 units, and the number of schools with Russian-Ukrainian language of instruction increased by 73 units. It was found that the Russification of the educational process also took place in higher education. It was accompanied by the teaching of academic subjects in Russian, the dissemination of Russian-language literature, and the conduct of admission campaigns mainly in Russian. In spite of Russification and assimilation, prominent figures of the national liberation movement campaigned by distributing leaflets among the population, in which they opposed the reduction of Ukrainian-language educational institutions and pressure on the Ukrainian language. In response, the Soviet leadership took measures aimed at persecuting and eliminating active public figures. The Russification policy of the Soviet authorities in the field of education led to a national and cultural upsurge of student youth, who, despite the threat of persecution, distributed self-published literature among the general Ukrainian population, which truthfully covered the Russification policy of the Soviet leadership, the assimilation of the cultural and spiritual values of the Ukrainian people.
{"title":"LANGUAGE POLICY IN THE USSR IN THE FIELD OF EDUCATION (1960s–1980s)","authors":"Valentyna Molotkina, I. Levchenko, Iryna Berezanska","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.5","url":null,"abstract":"The article highlights the peculiarities of language policy in education during the period of «stagnation». The author analyzes the legal acts related to the process of Russification of school education, in particular, the Resolution «On Further Improvement of Learning and Teaching of the Russian Language in the Union Republics» of June 1, 1978, the USSR Law «Fundamentals of the Legislation of the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics and the Union Republics on Public Education» of July 19, 1973, the Resolution of the Ministry of Education of the Ukrainian SSR «On Additional Measures to Improve the Teaching of the Russian Language in National Secondary Schools» of May 26, 1983, etc. The state educational policy of the Soviet government contributed to an increase in the number of Russian-language schools and classes for in-depth study of the Russian language, the establishment of allowances for Russian language teachers, the introduction of advanced training courses for Russian language teachers, and an increase in the number of textbooks on academic subjects written in Russian. The author traces the dynamics of the number of schools with one and two languages of instruction in the Ukrainian SSR during the 1959-1965 academic years. The analysis of the number of schools with one language of instruction during the mentioned period shows a decrease in the number of schools with Ukrainian as the language of instruction by 1725 units. As for the schools with Ukrainian-Russian language of instruction, there was a tendency to increase them by 107 units, and the number of schools with Russian-Ukrainian language of instruction increased by 73 units. It was found that the Russification of the educational process also took place in higher education. It was accompanied by the teaching of academic subjects in Russian, the dissemination of Russian-language literature, and the conduct of admission campaigns mainly in Russian. In spite of Russification and assimilation, prominent figures of the national liberation movement campaigned by distributing leaflets among the population, in which they opposed the reduction of Ukrainian-language educational institutions and pressure on the Ukrainian language. In response, the Soviet leadership took measures aimed at persecuting and eliminating active public figures. The Russification policy of the Soviet authorities in the field of education led to a national and cultural upsurge of student youth, who, despite the threat of persecution, distributed self-published literature among the general Ukrainian population, which truthfully covered the Russification policy of the Soviet leadership, the assimilation of the cultural and spiritual values of the Ukrainian people.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"70 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116696469","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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