Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.8
Yehor Tsetsulnikov
The purpose of this article is to explore the political reforms of the government of Adolfo Suarez from July 1976, after his appointment by King Juan Carlos, to June 1977, when the democratic elections for the General Cortes were held by the government. The main prerequisite for the appointment of Adolfo Suarez as Prime Minister was the personality factor. He belonged to a new generation of politicians that was formed in the conditions of economic liberalization during the last 15 years of Francisco Franco’s rule. This contributed to his awareness of the obsolescence of existing institutions, and his readiness to implement real, not declarative, changes. Belonging to the ruling party, high reputation among representatives of the conservative part of the political community, made his candidacy for the position of the head of the government worthy of trust. In addition, the impossibility of taking a hard course against the democratic opposition played a role, which could end with unpredictable consequences for Spain. From July 1976 to June 1977, significant political transformations took place in Spain. Appointed by King Juan Carlos to the position of President of the Government (Prime Minister), Adolfo Suarez initiated the liquidation of political institutions that existed under the authoritarian regime of Francisco Franco. During Suarez’s tenure, the Spanish Cortes (legislative assembly under Franco) adopted the “Political Reform”. It became a legal instrument that allowed the government to legally change the previous state structures and appoint democratic elections. Thus, the way to the creation of a democratic state was paved. During Suarez’s rule, the social and political climate in Spain was liberalized. This was facilitated by the government’s dialogue with representatives of the democratic opposition, amnesty and the legalization of parties, in particular the communist party. In the first democratic elections after decades of dictatorship, a party system of “imperfect bipartisanship” was formed, on which subsequent Spanish governments relied.
{"title":"POLITICAL REFORMS OF THE SPANISH GOVERNMENT OF ADOLFO SUAREZ (JULY 1976 – JUNE 1977)","authors":"Yehor Tsetsulnikov","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.8","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this article is to explore the political reforms of the government of Adolfo Suarez from July 1976, after his appointment by King Juan Carlos, to June 1977, when the democratic elections for the General Cortes were held by the government. The main prerequisite for the appointment of Adolfo Suarez as Prime Minister was the personality factor. He belonged to a new generation of politicians that was formed in the conditions of economic liberalization during the last 15 years of Francisco Franco’s rule. This contributed to his awareness of the obsolescence of existing institutions, and his readiness to implement real, not declarative, changes. Belonging to the ruling party, high reputation among representatives of the conservative part of the political community, made his candidacy for the position of the head of the government worthy of trust. In addition, the impossibility of taking a hard course against the democratic opposition played a role, which could end with unpredictable consequences for Spain. From July 1976 to June 1977, significant political transformations took place in Spain. Appointed by King Juan Carlos to the position of President of the Government (Prime Minister), Adolfo Suarez initiated the liquidation of political institutions that existed under the authoritarian regime of Francisco Franco. During Suarez’s tenure, the Spanish Cortes (legislative assembly under Franco) adopted the “Political Reform”. It became a legal instrument that allowed the government to legally change the previous state structures and appoint democratic elections. Thus, the way to the creation of a democratic state was paved. During Suarez’s rule, the social and political climate in Spain was liberalized. This was facilitated by the government’s dialogue with representatives of the democratic opposition, amnesty and the legalization of parties, in particular the communist party. In the first democratic elections after decades of dictatorship, a party system of “imperfect bipartisanship” was formed, on which subsequent Spanish governments relied.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"270 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126704708","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.4
Oleksii Antoniuk, Yaroslav Antoniuk
The article considers the policy of the Polish communist power, which aimed at eliminating the temporary condition of church government and establishing a permanent church administration in the Western and Northern lands of Poland in 1945-1951. The attention of the party-state leadership to the preparation of an appeal to episcopate and to the conduct of a broad propaganda campaign in the press to eliminate the temporary condition in the “reunited lands” has been traced. Under the influence of pressure and threats from the authorities, the temporary church administrators of Wroclaw, Gdansk, Gorzow, Olsztyn and Opole resigned their posts. The election of permanent capitular vicars of these dioceses, organized by the government on the direct instructions of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party, indicates the determination of the authorities’ actions. Most of the newly elected diocesan leaders were clergymen who belonged to “patriotic priests”. The position of the episcopate on changing church governance in the Western and Northern lands of Poland has been highlighted. Trying to prevent further advance on church institutions of power structures, Primate S. Wyszynski, in agreement with the Main Commission of the Episcopate, allowed to take an oath “of allegiance to the Polish Republic and its People’s Democratic power” by five new capitular vicars. The difficulties of the negotiation process between the party-state leadership and the representatives of the episcopate have been clarified. Personal meetings between Primate S. Wyszynski and president of Poland B. Bierut were of particular importance for further church-state relations. Changes in the confessional sphere of state policy, which resulted in the direct intervention of the communist authorities in the personnel policy of the Catholic Church and the attempt to force the episcopate to recognize the supremacy of state power, have been analyzed.
{"title":"THE POLICY OF THE POLISH COMMUNIST POWER ON CHANGING CHURCH GOVERNANCE IN THE WESTERN AND NORTHERN LANDS OF POLAND (1945-1951)","authors":"Oleksii Antoniuk, Yaroslav Antoniuk","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.4","url":null,"abstract":"The article considers the policy of the Polish communist power, which aimed at eliminating the temporary condition of church government and establishing a permanent church administration in the Western and Northern lands of Poland in 1945-1951. The attention of the party-state leadership to the preparation of an appeal to episcopate and to the conduct of a broad propaganda campaign in the press to eliminate the temporary condition in the “reunited lands” has been traced. Under the influence of pressure and threats from the authorities, the temporary church administrators of Wroclaw, Gdansk, Gorzow, Olsztyn and Opole resigned their posts. The election of permanent capitular vicars of these dioceses, organized by the government on the direct instructions of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party, indicates the determination of the authorities’ actions. Most of the newly elected diocesan leaders were clergymen who belonged to “patriotic priests”. The position of the episcopate on changing church governance in the Western and Northern lands of Poland has been highlighted. Trying to prevent further advance on church institutions of power structures, Primate S. Wyszynski, in agreement with the Main Commission of the Episcopate, allowed to take an oath “of allegiance to the Polish Republic and its People’s Democratic power” by five new capitular vicars. The difficulties of the negotiation process between the party-state leadership and the representatives of the episcopate have been clarified. Personal meetings between Primate S. Wyszynski and president of Poland B. Bierut were of particular importance for further church-state relations. Changes in the confessional sphere of state policy, which resulted in the direct intervention of the communist authorities in the personnel policy of the Catholic Church and the attempt to force the episcopate to recognize the supremacy of state power, have been analyzed.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116112167","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.4
Valentyna Molotkina, I. Levchenko, Iryna Berezanska
The article reveals the influence of Soviet cinema on the change in the linguistic identity of the population of the Ukrainian SSR. The content, ideological context of the cinema of the 1960s – 1980s in the conditions of the Russification policy of the party nomenclature is analyzed. The role of the contemporary film industry in realizing the concept of a single community – the «Soviet people» is highlighted. It is worth highlighting the key reasons for this process: the attempt of the Soviet authorities to avoid free-thinking among workers in creative professions, the prevention of any manifestations of Ukrainian identity, the fight against dissidence, in particular the prevention of its manifestations, etc. The role of television in the life of a Soviet citizen in the 1960s – 1980s is revealed. The influence of the Soviet film industry on the worldview of the population is highlighted. The regulatory and legislative framework, which regulated the issue of cinematography, was considered. The characterization of this issue made it possible to detail the specifics and single out the trends of Soviet policy in the field of television and radio broadcasting. In general, Soviet cinema is considered as one of the means and methods of Russification of society, changing the ethnic and linguistic identity of the population. It was found out that the peculiarity of Soviet cinema was the ideological component, which permeated absolutely all spheres of life of the society at that time. One of the goals of the cinema was the formation of conviction in the individual about the common historical and cultural origin of all the peoples of the USSR, and most importantly, the awareness of oneself as a part of the «Soviet people». Regardless of the genre (artistic or documentary), Soviet cinema, like any other work of art, was intended to show the so-called greatness of the «Soviet people», to depict the simple «Soviet man» as a hero of his time, to highlight the main achievements of socialist construction etc. Of course, the realization of the tasks of the cinema required strict censorship, and in documentaries – falsifications and substitution of facts. Together with the spread of Russification, all these phenomena led to the renunciation of the linguistic, cultural, and household traditions of one’s ethnic group
{"title":"SOVIET CINEMATOGRAPHY IN THE TERRITORY OF THE USSR IN THE 1960S–1980S: THE PROBLEM OF BILINGUALISM","authors":"Valentyna Molotkina, I. Levchenko, Iryna Berezanska","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.4","url":null,"abstract":"The article reveals the influence of Soviet cinema on the change in the linguistic identity of the population of the Ukrainian SSR. The content, ideological context of the cinema of the 1960s – 1980s in the conditions of the Russification policy of the party nomenclature is analyzed. The role of the contemporary film industry in realizing the concept of a single community – the «Soviet people» is highlighted. It is worth highlighting the key reasons for this process: the attempt of the Soviet authorities to avoid free-thinking among workers in creative professions, the prevention of any manifestations of Ukrainian identity, the fight against dissidence, in particular the prevention of its manifestations, etc. The role of television in the life of a Soviet citizen in the 1960s – 1980s is revealed. The influence of the Soviet film industry on the worldview of the population is highlighted. The regulatory and legislative framework, which regulated the issue of cinematography, was considered. The characterization of this issue made it possible to detail the specifics and single out the trends of Soviet policy in the field of television and radio broadcasting. In general, Soviet cinema is considered as one of the means and methods of Russification of society, changing the ethnic and linguistic identity of the population. It was found out that the peculiarity of Soviet cinema was the ideological component, which permeated absolutely all spheres of life of the society at that time. One of the goals of the cinema was the formation of conviction in the individual about the common historical and cultural origin of all the peoples of the USSR, and most importantly, the awareness of oneself as a part of the «Soviet people». Regardless of the genre (artistic or documentary), Soviet cinema, like any other work of art, was intended to show the so-called greatness of the «Soviet people», to depict the simple «Soviet man» as a hero of his time, to highlight the main achievements of socialist construction etc. Of course, the realization of the tasks of the cinema required strict censorship, and in documentaries – falsifications and substitution of facts. Together with the spread of Russification, all these phenomena led to the renunciation of the linguistic, cultural, and household traditions of one’s ethnic group","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131349563","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.9
A. Shevchenko
The article analyzes the main international acts, treaties, conventions governing commercial shipping in the Lower Danube in the XIX – early XX centuries. Considerable attention is paid to the periodization and peculiarities of international diplomacy regarding commercial shipping on the Danube. The measures of European states for the introduction of a single legal regime and guarantees of safety of navigation on the Danube are considered. The attempts of the Russian Empire to establish political, economic and legal hegemony in the European international shipping trade are analyzed. The process of creation of the European Danube Commission (hereinafter – EDC) and its place in the deployment of international shipping in the region is studied. By the middle of the XIX century most often used bilateral diplomacy aimed at strengthening the presence of European countries on the Danube. Britain, Austria, and Russia actually imposed their conditions on the Ottoman Empire regarding shipping and trade relations. The Russian Empire almost monopolized its presence on the Lower Danube with the Peace of Bucharest (1812), the Peace of Andrianople (1829), and the Ackermann Convention of 1826, much to the displeasure of leading European countries. Therefore, from the middle of the XIX century efforts of European countries (including Britain, France, Austria) were aimed at ousting Russia not only from the Danube, but from the Budzhak region and the creation of an international commission (EDC), which would regulate commercial shipping. Russia’s defeat in the Crimean War of 1853-1856 and the loss of the Danube part of Budzhak temporarily drove it out of the Danube region. The legal alternative was the activity of the EDC, which was clearly regulated by international treaties and conventions. In addition to regulating the shipping regime, the EDC dealt with the issue of quarantine, arrangement of shipping channels, legal regime in the area of responsibility. Even the victory in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878 failed to restore Russia’s full presence. The agreements of 1878–1883, according to which Russia regained the Danube part of Budzhak and the Kiliia estuary, became a certain compromise, and the powers of the EDC extended to the entire Lower Danube. Until 1918, control over waterways continued to be exercised by the European Danube Commission, which in turn also did not take into account the interests of the newly formed Danube states (Romania, Serbia, Bulgaria).
{"title":"INTERNATIONAL SETTLEMENT OF COMMERCIAL SHIPPING ON THE LOWER DANUBE IN THE XIX – EARLY XX CENTURIES","authors":"A. Shevchenko","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.9","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the main international acts, treaties, conventions governing commercial shipping in the Lower Danube in the XIX – early XX centuries. Considerable attention is paid to the periodization and peculiarities of international diplomacy regarding commercial shipping on the Danube. The measures of European states for the introduction of a single legal regime and guarantees of safety of navigation on the Danube are considered. The attempts of the Russian Empire to establish political, economic and legal hegemony in the European international shipping trade are analyzed. The process of creation of the European Danube Commission (hereinafter – EDC) and its place in the deployment of international shipping in the region is studied. By the middle of the XIX century most often used bilateral diplomacy aimed at strengthening the presence of European countries on the Danube. Britain, Austria, and Russia actually imposed their conditions on the Ottoman Empire regarding shipping and trade relations. The Russian Empire almost monopolized its presence on the Lower Danube with the Peace of Bucharest (1812), the Peace of Andrianople (1829), and the Ackermann Convention of 1826, much to the displeasure of leading European countries. Therefore, from the middle of the XIX century efforts of European countries (including Britain, France, Austria) were aimed at ousting Russia not only from the Danube, but from the Budzhak region and the creation of an international commission (EDC), which would regulate commercial shipping. Russia’s defeat in the Crimean War of 1853-1856 and the loss of the Danube part of Budzhak temporarily drove it out of the Danube region. The legal alternative was the activity of the EDC, which was clearly regulated by international treaties and conventions. In addition to regulating the shipping regime, the EDC dealt with the issue of quarantine, arrangement of shipping channels, legal regime in the area of responsibility. Even the victory in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878 failed to restore Russia’s full presence. The agreements of 1878–1883, according to which Russia regained the Danube part of Budzhak and the Kiliia estuary, became a certain compromise, and the powers of the EDC extended to the entire Lower Danube. Until 1918, control over waterways continued to be exercised by the European Danube Commission, which in turn also did not take into account the interests of the newly formed Danube states (Romania, Serbia, Bulgaria).","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130245406","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.233-248
Valerii Yarovyj, Yaroslava Dmytruk
The article covers the issues of participation in the September 1939 campaign of representatives of national minorities who served at that time in the Polish Army. Also made an attempt to unbiased consideration of the problem. The authors paid attention to the issue of the number of members of national minorities in the Polish Army on the eve of the Second World War, as well as analyzed the attitude of this category of soldiers to fulfilling their military duty, in particular, based on the memoirs of participants in the events of that time. Also raised is the issue of cases of desertion from Polish armed forces members of national minorities during the September campaign. Unfortunately, the exact number of national minority soldiers who participated in the September 1939 campaign is very difficult to determine, since many documents from the period of the September campaign were destroyed, while during the war a part of the them went to the German and Soviet archives, where most of them were lost. On the basis of preserved materials, one can only say that the attitude of representatives of national minorities – Ukrainians, Belarusians, Germans or Jews, dressed in Polish forms in September 1939 – is somewhat different. Often, they selflessly fought, but there were cases of desertion, however, for the sake of justice, it should be noted that the practice of desertion in the early days of the war was also inherent in representatives of Polish nationality. On the basis of the material under study, have made sufficiently substantiated generalizations and conclusions regarding key aspects related to the participation of representatives of national minorities who served in the Polish Army in the September 1939 campaign. It is irrefutable that from the very first days of the war ordinary soldiers who came from national minorities, as well as Ukrainian contract officers began to defend the Polish state, and until the end continued to bravely and courageously fight the enemy, often at the cost of their own lives.
{"title":"The Role of National Minorities in the Polish Armed Forces During the September 1939 Campaign","authors":"Valerii Yarovyj, Yaroslava Dmytruk","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.233-248","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.233-248","url":null,"abstract":"The article covers the issues of participation in the September 1939 campaign of representatives of national minorities who served at that time in the Polish Army. Also made an attempt to unbiased consideration of the problem. The authors paid attention to the issue of the number of members of national minorities in the Polish Army on the eve of the Second World War, as well as analyzed the attitude of this category of soldiers to fulfilling their military duty, in particular, based on the memoirs of participants in the events of that time. Also raised is the issue of cases of desertion from Polish armed forces members of national minorities during the September campaign.\u0000\u0000Unfortunately, the exact number of national minority soldiers who participated in the September 1939 campaign is very difficult to determine, since many documents from the period of the September campaign were destroyed, while during the war a part of the them went to the German and Soviet archives, where most of them were lost. On the basis of preserved materials, one can only say that the attitude of representatives of national minorities – Ukrainians, Belarusians, Germans or Jews, dressed in Polish forms in September 1939 – is somewhat different. Often, they selflessly fought, but there were cases of desertion, however, for the sake of justice, it should be noted that the practice of desertion in the early days of the war was also inherent in representatives of Polish nationality.\u0000\u0000On the basis of the material under study, have made sufficiently substantiated generalizations and conclusions regarding key aspects related to the participation of representatives of national minorities who served in the Polish Army in the September 1939 campaign. It is irrefutable that from the very first days of the war ordinary soldiers who came from national minorities, as well as Ukrainian contract officers began to defend the Polish state, and until the end continued to bravely and courageously fight the enemy, often at the cost of their own lives.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130775243","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.19.3
Svitlana Motruk
On the basis of a wide range of documents the article analyzes main stages and factors of the Czech Republic integration with the North Atlantic Treaty Organizations. The author emphasizes that transition into a full NATO member in March 1999 was the result of a long, complicated and controversial process of «European Come Back», which started in the beginning of 1990’s and allowed the state’s government to solve a number of problems in the military-political and military-technical spheres. The article draws special attention to the results and consequences of the Czechia NATO membership, its participation in the structures and activities of the Alliance. Numerous facts provided in the paper allow to evaluate the state’s gains from the integration processes and to emphasize key tendencies, main challenges and new opportunities for the country. The study proves that Euro-Atlantic integration has contributed to the institutional and legal reconstruction of the entire system of foreign relations of the Czech Republic, has become an important stimulus to the transition to a democratic model of political system, stability and national security. The article examines the defense strategy of the Czech Republic, reveals its goals and objectives in the field of European security and defense at the present stage. It is noted that NATO Allies supported the proposal to update the 2010 Strategic Concept. Since its adoption the Alliance has faced a new security environment and Russia has turned from a potential strategic partner into an aggressor state. The Czech experience has revealed the advantages and vulnerabilities of the Euro-Atlantic vector. Last but not lease the article studies the causes of polyvariety of the Euro-Atlantic realities and prospects for Alliance enlargement. Based on the results of public opinion polls conducted by the Czech research organizations, the article examines the attitude of Czech political parties and citizens towards their country’s membership in NATO, the role of the North Atlantic Alliance in ensuring the security of the Czech Republic and international relations in general.
{"title":"EURO-ATLANTIC INTEGRATION OF THE CZECH REPUBLIC AS A FACTOR OF MODERNIZATION AND NATIONAL SECURITY","authors":"Svitlana Motruk","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.19.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.19.3","url":null,"abstract":"On the basis of a wide range of documents the article analyzes main stages and factors of the Czech Republic integration with the North Atlantic Treaty Organizations. The author emphasizes that transition into a full NATO member in March 1999 was the result of a long, complicated and controversial process of «European Come Back», which started in the beginning of 1990’s and allowed the state’s government to solve a number of problems in the military-political and military-technical spheres. The article draws special attention to the results and consequences of the Czechia NATO membership, its participation in the structures and activities of the Alliance. Numerous facts provided in the paper allow to evaluate the state’s gains from the integration processes and to emphasize key tendencies, main challenges and new opportunities for the country. The study proves that Euro-Atlantic integration has contributed to the institutional and legal reconstruction of the entire system of foreign relations of the Czech Republic, has become an important stimulus to the transition to a democratic model of political system, stability and national security. The article examines the defense strategy of the Czech Republic, reveals its goals and objectives in the field of European security and defense at the present stage. It is noted that NATO Allies supported the proposal to update the 2010 Strategic Concept. Since its adoption the Alliance has faced a new security environment and Russia has turned from a potential strategic partner into an aggressor state. The Czech experience has revealed the advantages and vulnerabilities of the Euro-Atlantic vector. Last but not lease the article studies the causes of polyvariety of the Euro-Atlantic realities and prospects for Alliance enlargement. Based on the results of public opinion polls conducted by the Czech research organizations, the article examines the attitude of Czech political parties and citizens towards their country’s membership in NATO, the role of the North Atlantic Alliance in ensuring the security of the Czech Republic and international relations in general.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126201891","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.1
A. Kyrydon, Svitlana Kosjak, Serhiy Troyan
The purpose of the article is violated in the studied and generalization of the main aspects of the policy of the European state, on the eve of the countries of the European Union, regarding countering the spread of the Covid-19 pandemic and the study of the features and effectiveness of the Swedish model to prevent similar threats in the future. The scientific novelty of the study is due to the seriousness of the challenges and the threat of a universal nature both for Europe and for the modern globalized and interdependent world. This is especially important given the global scale and scale of the Covid-19 pandemic that humanity has faced in early 2020. The world community, including all its regional segments, faced an unprecedented challenge of chronic disease, which belongs to asymmetric shocks that begin with a small shock and then quickly cover the whole world. Conclusions. The outbreak of the coronavirus disease at the beginning of 2020 came as a surprise to the whole world. The World Health Organization belatedly, but in March 2020, announced the pandemic and the need for a serious and urgent fight against it. The first patients with Covid-19 in European countries appeared in January 2020. At the same time, the first deaths from the coronavirus disease were recorded in Europe. Already in the first months of the pandemic, Italy, Spain, and France faced its severe consequences, including a large number of deaths. Most European countries, including Ukraine, have introduced strict restrictive measures, including mass self-isolation, restrictions on economic and trade activities, termination of the educational process with its subsequent transfer to distance education, etc. Almost all available resources of the national health care systems were mobilized to fight the pandemic. Sweden’s public policy to combat the spread of the pandemic was outstanding in the European democratic space. The Swedish model of public policy to combat the Covid-19 pandemic was based on the principle of public responsibility and reliance on a highly developed national health care system. The main place in the approach of the Swedish government to this problem was taken by the course on the development of collective immunity. The principle of voluntariness, which did not involve the introduction of a nationwide quarantine, played an important role. At the initial stage) the restrictive measures in Sweden were mild, were mainly of a recommendatory nature, and were based on the principle of situational response. The Swedish government did not introduce strict measures and restrictions for the economy, businesses and institutions were recommended to switch to remote work. Sweden was the only country in the European Union that did not introduce a lockdown at the height of the Covid-19 pandemic in Europe. In addition, the need to observe social distance, personal hygiene, and help the elderly was emphasized. The decline in economic and business activity in general was smal
{"title":"THE COVID–19 PANDEMIC IN EUROPE: CHALLENGES AND THE SEARCH FOR ANSWERS","authors":"A. Kyrydon, Svitlana Kosjak, Serhiy Troyan","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.1","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of the article is violated in the studied and generalization of the main aspects of the policy of the European state, on the eve of the countries of the European Union, regarding countering the spread of the Covid-19 pandemic and the study of the features and effectiveness of the Swedish model to prevent similar threats in the future. The scientific novelty of the study is due to the seriousness of the challenges and the threat of a universal nature both for Europe and for the modern globalized and interdependent world. This is especially important given the global scale and scale of the Covid-19 pandemic that humanity has faced in early 2020. The world community, including all its regional segments, faced an unprecedented challenge of chronic disease, which belongs to asymmetric shocks that begin with a small shock and then quickly cover the whole world. Conclusions. The outbreak of the coronavirus disease at the beginning of 2020 came as a surprise to the whole world. The World Health Organization belatedly, but in March 2020, announced the pandemic and the need for a serious and urgent fight against it. The first patients with Covid-19 in European countries appeared in January 2020. At the same time, the first deaths from the coronavirus disease were recorded in Europe. Already in the first months of the pandemic, Italy, Spain, and France faced its severe consequences, including a large number of deaths. Most European countries, including Ukraine, have introduced strict restrictive measures, including mass self-isolation, restrictions on economic and trade activities, termination of the educational process with its subsequent transfer to distance education, etc. Almost all available resources of the national health care systems were mobilized to fight the pandemic. Sweden’s public policy to combat the spread of the pandemic was outstanding in the European democratic space. The Swedish model of public policy to combat the Covid-19 pandemic was based on the principle of public responsibility and reliance on a highly developed national health care system. The main place in the approach of the Swedish government to this problem was taken by the course on the development of collective immunity. The principle of voluntariness, which did not involve the introduction of a nationwide quarantine, played an important role. At the initial stage) the restrictive measures in Sweden were mild, were mainly of a recommendatory nature, and were based on the principle of situational response. The Swedish government did not introduce strict measures and restrictions for the economy, businesses and institutions were recommended to switch to remote work. Sweden was the only country in the European Union that did not introduce a lockdown at the height of the Covid-19 pandemic in Europe. In addition, the need to observe social distance, personal hygiene, and help the elderly was emphasized. The decline in economic and business activity in general was smal","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114328529","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.4
O. Ivanov, M. Panasiuk
The article is based on the analysis of documentary sources of the political party “Alternative for Germany” 2013–2021. Also, it includes journalistic sources, analytical, informational, journalistic articles and interviews from various German print or electronic media. In addition, it reffers to scientific works of German and British researchers. Authors of this research try to highlight the main reasons of esteblishment and development of the political party “Alternatives for Germany” under the influence of various external and internal factors. The research revealed that the main reason of the party’s creation was the European debt crisis happened in early 2010s and the policy of assisting Chancellor Angela Merkel of Greece, which violated the principles of subsidiarity under the Maastricht Treaty. At the beginning of his existence the party was posing itself as “soft Euroskeptics”. The further radicalization of the party was caused by the confrontation between liberal and right-wing conservative forces and the beginning of the migration crisis in the mid-2010s. The authors emphesized that the parliamentary elections in the Bundestag in 2017 and 2021, when “Alternative for Germany” was able to gain a foothold in the German political landscape, despite internal party crises were important for the development of the party. After Russian troops invaded Ukraine, the party’s «Alternative for Germany» position is ambivalent. On the one hand, it has been calling Russia to cease hostilities, proclaiming itself to be «the party of peace». But on the other hand, the party «Alternative for Germany» speaks out against military aid for Ukraine, as well its NATO or EU membership. Furthermore, they opposed the economic sanctions imposed on Russia and freezing of «Nord Stream 2» cooperation. Its ambiguous position of the AfD on the war in Ukraine may call for strengthening internal party conflicts and reducing the number of party supporters.
本文基于对2013-2021年德国新选择党(Alternative for Germany)的文献来源的分析。此外，它还包括来自各种德国印刷或电子媒体的新闻来源、分析性、信息性、新闻文章和采访。此外，它还指德国和英国研究人员的科学著作。本研究的作者试图突出在各种外部和内部因素的影响下，“德国选择”政党成立和发展的主要原因。研究发现，该党成立的主要原因是2010年代初发生的欧债危机和援助希腊总理默克尔的政策违反了《马斯特里赫特条约》的辅助性原则。在他成立之初，该党自称为“软疑欧派”。自由党的进一步激进化是由于2010年代中期自由派和右翼保守派力量的对抗以及移民危机的开始。作者强调，2017年和2021年的联邦议院选举，“德国新选择党”在党内危机的情况下能够在德国政治格局中站稳脚跟，这对该党的发展至关重要。在俄罗斯军队入侵乌克兰后，该党的“德国新选择党”的立场是矛盾的。一方面，它一直呼吁俄罗斯停止敌对行动，宣称自己是“和平之党”。但另一方面，“德国新选择党”公开反对向乌克兰提供军事援助，反对乌克兰加入北约或欧盟。此外，他们反对对俄罗斯实施经济制裁和冻结“北溪- 2”合作。德国新选择党在乌克兰战争问题上的模棱两可立场可能会加剧党内冲突，减少该党支持者的数量。
{"title":"TRANSFORMATION OF THE IDEOLOGICAL PLATFORM AND PARTY DEVELOPMENT “ALTERNATIVES FOR GERMANY” (2013-2022)","authors":"O. Ivanov, M. Panasiuk","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.4","url":null,"abstract":"The article is based on the analysis of documentary sources of the political party “Alternative for Germany” 2013–2021. Also, it includes journalistic sources, analytical, informational, journalistic articles and interviews from various German print or electronic media. In addition, it reffers to scientific works of German and British researchers. Authors of this research try to highlight the main reasons of esteblishment and development of the political party “Alternatives for Germany” under the influence of various external and internal factors. The research revealed that the main reason of the party’s creation was the European debt crisis happened in early 2010s and the policy of assisting Chancellor Angela Merkel of Greece, which violated the principles of subsidiarity under the Maastricht Treaty. At the beginning of his existence the party was posing itself as “soft Euroskeptics”. The further radicalization of the party was caused by the confrontation between liberal and right-wing conservative forces and the beginning of the migration crisis in the mid-2010s. The authors emphesized that the parliamentary elections in the Bundestag in 2017 and 2021, when “Alternative for Germany” was able to gain a foothold in the German political landscape, despite internal party crises were important for the development of the party. After Russian troops invaded Ukraine, the party’s «Alternative for Germany» position is ambivalent. On the one hand, it has been calling Russia to cease hostilities, proclaiming itself to be «the party of peace». But on the other hand, the party «Alternative for Germany» speaks out against military aid for Ukraine, as well its NATO or EU membership. Furthermore, they opposed the economic sanctions imposed on Russia and freezing of «Nord Stream 2» cooperation. Its ambiguous position of the AfD on the war in Ukraine may call for strengthening internal party conflicts and reducing the number of party supporters.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129093516","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.03
A. Martynov
The article is devoted to Germany’s presidency in the European Union in the second half of 2020. This was a critical period in the modern history of the process of European integration. Conflicting tendencies emerged during the negotiations on the terms of the Brexit. The budget policy of the European Union required approval. The key tasks of the German presidency were the internal problems of the European Union. But it was not possible to focus exclusively on immanent issues. The pandemic has exacerbated international problems. German diplomacy joined in the settlement of the Greek-Turkish controversy. Germany and France have reached a common position on an agreement on the terms of Britain’s withdrawal from the Brexit. Germany has reached a compromise on the adoption of the European Union budget for the period up to 2027. A large fund was created to support the European economy during the pandemic. Germany has set trends for the development of the European Union’s relations with key partners: the United States, Russia, and China. Germany welcomed Joseph Biden’s victory in the US presidential election. The European Union is considering resuming negotiations on a transatlantic free trade area with the United States. The EU and the US are ready to renew the Euro-Atlantic partnership. The interaction between the EU and the US is designed to protect liberal democracy in the modern world. With the assistance of Germany, the European Union has signed an investment agreement with China. Beijing has pledged to introduce social security guarantees and limit human rights abuses. Russia’s authoritarian threats remain a challenge to the European integration process. During Germany’s presidency of the European Union, the results of the presidential election in Belarus and the poisoning of Russian opposition politician Alexei Navalny became conflicting issues. The German presidency was successful. In the internal policy of the European Union it was possible to form a strategy of ecological renewal of the European economy. The success of the environmental modernization of the EU economy systematically depends on the internal capacity of elites and European societies to implement this course and on the favorable balance of power in a globalized world.
{"title":"Presidency of Germany in the European Union as factor of development of European integration process (the second half 2020)","authors":"A. Martynov","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.03","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to Germany’s presidency in the European Union in the second half of 2020. This was a critical period in the modern history of the process of European integration. Conflicting tendencies emerged during the negotiations on the terms of the Brexit. The budget policy of the European Union required approval. The key tasks of the German presidency were the internal problems of the European Union. But it was not possible to focus exclusively on immanent issues. The pandemic has exacerbated international problems. German diplomacy joined in the settlement of the Greek-Turkish controversy. Germany and France have reached a common position on an agreement on the terms of Britain’s withdrawal from the Brexit. Germany has reached a compromise on the adoption of the European Union budget for the period up to 2027. A large fund was created to support the European economy during the pandemic. Germany has set trends for the development of the European Union’s relations with key partners: the United States, Russia, and China. Germany welcomed Joseph Biden’s victory in the US presidential election. The European Union is considering resuming negotiations on a transatlantic free trade area with the United States. The EU and the US are ready to renew the Euro-Atlantic partnership. The interaction between the EU and the US is designed to protect liberal democracy in the modern world. With the assistance of Germany, the European Union has signed an investment agreement with China. Beijing has pledged to introduce social security guarantees and limit human rights abuses. Russia’s authoritarian threats remain a challenge to the European integration process. During Germany’s presidency of the European Union, the results of the presidential election in Belarus and the poisoning of Russian opposition politician Alexei Navalny became conflicting issues. The German presidency was successful. In the internal policy of the European Union it was possible to form a strategy of ecological renewal of the European economy. The success of the environmental modernization of the EU economy systematically depends on the internal capacity of elites and European societies to implement this course and on the favorable balance of power in a globalized world.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121597109","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.7
A. Martynov
The article examines the impact of the 2021 parliamentary elections on German parliamentary democracy. The pandemic and climate change have affected the mood of German voters. The peculiarities of the activity of German parliamentary parties during the election campaign are analyzed. German voters have demonstrated the ability to make rational political decisions. This made it possible to renew the composition of the Bundestag and preserve the professionalism of the deputies. The «Christian Democrats» believed that Germany should become a climate-neutral industrial state. Following the election, the «Christian Democrats» showed the worst result. The Bavarian «Christian Social Union» maintained its political position. The winners of the election, the «Social Democrats», conducted an ideal election campaign. The «Green Party» ran an optimistic election campaign. Opponents have accused the Greens of failing to combine climate protection with economic growth. The opposition Left Party promoted climate-friendly socialism. In the new Bundestag, the left is represented by a victory in two majority districts. The «Alternative for Germany» party ran a passive election campaign. It is the only party to support Germany’s withdrawal from the European Union. All parliamentary parties campaigned against «Alternatives for Germany». The «Free Democratic Party» conducted an active and optimistic election campaign. Following the election, the «Social Democrats», the «Green Party» and the «Free Democrats» formed a «social-liberal green coalition», Chancellor Olaf Scholz promised to ensure the heredity of the development of a social market economy. The innovation concerned the intentions of the «Green Party» to create a climate-neutral German economy. The article notes that the new ruling German coalition opens up positive opportunities for the development of Ukrainian-German relations. Maintaining the political balance in Germany maintains stability in the European Union.
{"title":"GERMAN PARLIAMENTARY DEMOCRACY AFTER 2021 ELECTION","authors":"A. Martynov","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.7","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the impact of the 2021 parliamentary elections on German parliamentary democracy. The pandemic and climate change have affected the mood of German voters. The peculiarities of the activity of German parliamentary parties during the election campaign are analyzed. German voters have demonstrated the ability to make rational political decisions. This made it possible to renew the composition of the Bundestag and preserve the professionalism of the deputies. The «Christian Democrats» believed that Germany should become a climate-neutral industrial state. Following the election, the «Christian Democrats» showed the worst result. The Bavarian «Christian Social Union» maintained its political position. The winners of the election, the «Social Democrats», conducted an ideal election campaign. The «Green Party» ran an optimistic election campaign. Opponents have accused the Greens of failing to combine climate protection with economic growth. The opposition Left Party promoted climate-friendly socialism. In the new Bundestag, the left is represented by a victory in two majority districts. The «Alternative for Germany» party ran a passive election campaign. It is the only party to support Germany’s withdrawal from the European Union. All parliamentary parties campaigned against «Alternatives for Germany». The «Free Democratic Party» conducted an active and optimistic election campaign. Following the election, the «Social Democrats», the «Green Party» and the «Free Democrats» formed a «social-liberal green coalition», Chancellor Olaf Scholz promised to ensure the heredity of the development of a social market economy. The innovation concerned the intentions of the «Green Party» to create a climate-neutral German economy. The article notes that the new ruling German coalition opens up positive opportunities for the development of Ukrainian-German relations. Maintaining the political balance in Germany maintains stability in the European Union.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128134574","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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