Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.9
A. Shevchenko
The article analyzes the main international acts, treaties, conventions governing commercial shipping in the Lower Danube in the XIX – early XX centuries. Considerable attention is paid to the periodization and peculiarities of international diplomacy regarding commercial shipping on the Danube. The measures of European states for the introduction of a single legal regime and guarantees of safety of navigation on the Danube are considered. The attempts of the Russian Empire to establish political, economic and legal hegemony in the European international shipping trade are analyzed. The process of creation of the European Danube Commission (hereinafter – EDC) and its place in the deployment of international shipping in the region is studied. By the middle of the XIX century most often used bilateral diplomacy aimed at strengthening the presence of European countries on the Danube. Britain, Austria, and Russia actually imposed their conditions on the Ottoman Empire regarding shipping and trade relations. The Russian Empire almost monopolized its presence on the Lower Danube with the Peace of Bucharest (1812), the Peace of Andrianople (1829), and the Ackermann Convention of 1826, much to the displeasure of leading European countries. Therefore, from the middle of the XIX century efforts of European countries (including Britain, France, Austria) were aimed at ousting Russia not only from the Danube, but from the Budzhak region and the creation of an international commission (EDC), which would regulate commercial shipping. Russia’s defeat in the Crimean War of 1853-1856 and the loss of the Danube part of Budzhak temporarily drove it out of the Danube region. The legal alternative was the activity of the EDC, which was clearly regulated by international treaties and conventions. In addition to regulating the shipping regime, the EDC dealt with the issue of quarantine, arrangement of shipping channels, legal regime in the area of responsibility. Even the victory in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878 failed to restore Russia’s full presence. The agreements of 1878–1883, according to which Russia regained the Danube part of Budzhak and the Kiliia estuary, became a certain compromise, and the powers of the EDC extended to the entire Lower Danube. Until 1918, control over waterways continued to be exercised by the European Danube Commission, which in turn also did not take into account the interests of the newly formed Danube states (Romania, Serbia, Bulgaria).
{"title":"INTERNATIONAL SETTLEMENT OF COMMERCIAL SHIPPING ON THE LOWER DANUBE IN THE XIX – EARLY XX CENTURIES","authors":"A. Shevchenko","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.9","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the main international acts, treaties, conventions governing commercial shipping in the Lower Danube in the XIX – early XX centuries. Considerable attention is paid to the periodization and peculiarities of international diplomacy regarding commercial shipping on the Danube. The measures of European states for the introduction of a single legal regime and guarantees of safety of navigation on the Danube are considered. The attempts of the Russian Empire to establish political, economic and legal hegemony in the European international shipping trade are analyzed. The process of creation of the European Danube Commission (hereinafter – EDC) and its place in the deployment of international shipping in the region is studied. By the middle of the XIX century most often used bilateral diplomacy aimed at strengthening the presence of European countries on the Danube. Britain, Austria, and Russia actually imposed their conditions on the Ottoman Empire regarding shipping and trade relations. The Russian Empire almost monopolized its presence on the Lower Danube with the Peace of Bucharest (1812), the Peace of Andrianople (1829), and the Ackermann Convention of 1826, much to the displeasure of leading European countries. Therefore, from the middle of the XIX century efforts of European countries (including Britain, France, Austria) were aimed at ousting Russia not only from the Danube, but from the Budzhak region and the creation of an international commission (EDC), which would regulate commercial shipping. Russia’s defeat in the Crimean War of 1853-1856 and the loss of the Danube part of Budzhak temporarily drove it out of the Danube region. The legal alternative was the activity of the EDC, which was clearly regulated by international treaties and conventions. In addition to regulating the shipping regime, the EDC dealt with the issue of quarantine, arrangement of shipping channels, legal regime in the area of responsibility. Even the victory in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878 failed to restore Russia’s full presence. The agreements of 1878–1883, according to which Russia regained the Danube part of Budzhak and the Kiliia estuary, became a certain compromise, and the powers of the EDC extended to the entire Lower Danube. Until 1918, control over waterways continued to be exercised by the European Danube Commission, which in turn also did not take into account the interests of the newly formed Danube states (Romania, Serbia, Bulgaria).","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130245406","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.233-248
Valerii Yarovyj, Yaroslava Dmytruk
The article covers the issues of participation in the September 1939 campaign of representatives of national minorities who served at that time in the Polish Army. Also made an attempt to unbiased consideration of the problem. The authors paid attention to the issue of the number of members of national minorities in the Polish Army on the eve of the Second World War, as well as analyzed the attitude of this category of soldiers to fulfilling their military duty, in particular, based on the memoirs of participants in the events of that time. Also raised is the issue of cases of desertion from Polish armed forces members of national minorities during the September campaign. Unfortunately, the exact number of national minority soldiers who participated in the September 1939 campaign is very difficult to determine, since many documents from the period of the September campaign were destroyed, while during the war a part of the them went to the German and Soviet archives, where most of them were lost. On the basis of preserved materials, one can only say that the attitude of representatives of national minorities – Ukrainians, Belarusians, Germans or Jews, dressed in Polish forms in September 1939 – is somewhat different. Often, they selflessly fought, but there were cases of desertion, however, for the sake of justice, it should be noted that the practice of desertion in the early days of the war was also inherent in representatives of Polish nationality. On the basis of the material under study, have made sufficiently substantiated generalizations and conclusions regarding key aspects related to the participation of representatives of national minorities who served in the Polish Army in the September 1939 campaign. It is irrefutable that from the very first days of the war ordinary soldiers who came from national minorities, as well as Ukrainian contract officers began to defend the Polish state, and until the end continued to bravely and courageously fight the enemy, often at the cost of their own lives.
{"title":"The Role of National Minorities in the Polish Armed Forces During the September 1939 Campaign","authors":"Valerii Yarovyj, Yaroslava Dmytruk","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.233-248","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.233-248","url":null,"abstract":"The article covers the issues of participation in the September 1939 campaign of representatives of national minorities who served at that time in the Polish Army. Also made an attempt to unbiased consideration of the problem. The authors paid attention to the issue of the number of members of national minorities in the Polish Army on the eve of the Second World War, as well as analyzed the attitude of this category of soldiers to fulfilling their military duty, in particular, based on the memoirs of participants in the events of that time. Also raised is the issue of cases of desertion from Polish armed forces members of national minorities during the September campaign.\u0000\u0000Unfortunately, the exact number of national minority soldiers who participated in the September 1939 campaign is very difficult to determine, since many documents from the period of the September campaign were destroyed, while during the war a part of the them went to the German and Soviet archives, where most of them were lost. On the basis of preserved materials, one can only say that the attitude of representatives of national minorities – Ukrainians, Belarusians, Germans or Jews, dressed in Polish forms in September 1939 – is somewhat different. Often, they selflessly fought, but there were cases of desertion, however, for the sake of justice, it should be noted that the practice of desertion in the early days of the war was also inherent in representatives of Polish nationality.\u0000\u0000On the basis of the material under study, have made sufficiently substantiated generalizations and conclusions regarding key aspects related to the participation of representatives of national minorities who served in the Polish Army in the September 1939 campaign. It is irrefutable that from the very first days of the war ordinary soldiers who came from national minorities, as well as Ukrainian contract officers began to defend the Polish state, and until the end continued to bravely and courageously fight the enemy, often at the cost of their own lives.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130775243","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.19.6
Victor Pohromskyi
The end of the First World War was a consequence of a whole range of significant problems in the countries of Eastern Europe. These include the general poverty of the population, the decline of the rural industry and industrial production, the general political crisis that increased the popularity of radical communist movements, the change of geopolitical formation in Europe. The main factor that led to the destruction of the imperialist system was World War the first. On the ruins of empires, new independent countries are emerging, including the restored Republic of Poland or the Second Commonwealth. The whole list of problems that often reinforced each other was extremely difficult to overcome solely with the country inner capabilities and reserves. In fact, the period of the 20-30s of the twentieth century becomes the era of the expansion of the international philanthropic organizations activities, among which an important role was taken by American subsidiary organizations. These include the American Relief Administration (ARA), the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee (JDC) and some religious organizations such as the American Mennonites and others. Quite often these organizations were united, sometimes acting separately, or transferring the relay activity from one to another. The involvement of American philanthropic organizations in dealing with the needy countries of Eastern Europe has become possible due to a number of factors. The following of them are the departure from the policy of isolationism, the rapid increase in the US labor productivity, the crisis of overproduction, the formation within the American society of a humanists and philanthropists layer, mainly among the richest and the most influential entrepreneurs (Andrew Carnegie, John Rockefeller, Jacob Schiff, Herbert Hoover, etc.), who, having earned enormous wealth, created non-governmental charitable foundations with the aim of financing the philanthropic projects. Thus the activity of Herbert Hoover American humanitarian organization (the American Relief Administration (ARA)) which was started in 1919 in the US changed the general economic and social situation. Its main purpose was to provide food for Polish children needs. ARA launched a whole network of dining-rooms throughout Poland.
{"title":"ACTIVITIES OF THE POLISH AMERICAN CHILDREN’S AID COMMITTEE AND THE AMERICAN RELIFE ADMINISTRATION (ARA) ON THE TERRITORY OF POLISH REPUBLIC","authors":"Victor Pohromskyi","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.19.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.19.6","url":null,"abstract":"The end of the First World War was a consequence of a whole range of significant problems in the countries of Eastern Europe. These include the general poverty of the population, the decline of the rural industry and industrial production, the general political crisis that increased the popularity of radical communist movements, the change of geopolitical formation in Europe. The main factor that led to the destruction of the imperialist system was World War the first. On the ruins of empires, new independent countries are emerging, including the restored Republic of Poland or the Second Commonwealth. The whole list of problems that often reinforced each other was extremely difficult to overcome solely with the country inner capabilities and reserves. In fact, the period of the 20-30s of the twentieth century becomes the era of the expansion of the international philanthropic organizations activities, among which an important role was taken by American subsidiary organizations. These include the American Relief Administration (ARA), the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee (JDC) and some religious organizations such as the American Mennonites and others. Quite often these organizations were united, sometimes acting separately, or transferring the relay activity from one to another. The involvement of American philanthropic organizations in dealing with the needy countries of Eastern Europe has become possible due to a number of factors. The following of them are the departure from the policy of isolationism, the rapid increase in the US labor productivity, the crisis of overproduction, the formation within the American society of a humanists and philanthropists layer, mainly among the richest and the most influential entrepreneurs (Andrew Carnegie, John Rockefeller, Jacob Schiff, Herbert Hoover, etc.), who, having earned enormous wealth, created non-governmental charitable foundations with the aim of financing the philanthropic projects. Thus the activity of Herbert Hoover American humanitarian organization (the American Relief Administration (ARA)) which was started in 1919 in the US changed the general economic and social situation. Its main purpose was to provide food for Polish children needs. ARA launched a whole network of dining-rooms throughout Poland.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128294069","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.12
V. Pavlenko, Mykola Polovin
The article addresses the history of the Scottish and Welsh approaches towards nationalism within the United Kingdom and features inherent in them. Similarities and differences between the Scottish and Welsh independence movements have been shown. Analysis of historical underpinnings of the creation of the Scottish National Party and the Party of Wales has been conducted. Influence of the Scottish and Welsh nationalism’s unique characteristics on the parties’ electoral performance has been analyzed. Research on the Scottish and Welsh independence movements from the perspective of Anglo–Scottish and Anglo–Welsh relations has been carried out. Influence of the British colonial empire on the suppression of the nationalistic tendencies in Scotland in Wales has been demonstrated. Scottish and Welsh societies’ special features concerning the differences between the independence movements in these countries have been analyzed. Causes of the relative success of the Scottish independence movement and reasons behind the relatively low popularity of nationalism in Wales have been identified. Based on the tendencies in the Scottish and Welsh societies, an analysis of future outlook of the Scottish National Party and the Party of Wales has been conducted. Special attention is paid to the 1979 and 1997 referendums on the restoration of the Scottish Parliament and creation of the National Assembly of Wales. Research on the causes of the referendums has been carried out, electoral preferences have been demonstrated, differences between the Scottish and Welsh national movements and different levels of home rule support among the Scottish and Welsh have been shown. It is argued that independence movements in Scotland and Wales are different in their nature, from which stem the Scottish national party’s and Plaid Cymru’s contrasting electoral results. It is demonstrated that the causes of such electoral performances are not only the historical underpinnings that have shaped both countries throughout centuries, but also the differences in Scotland’s and Wales’ economic development and the ideological distinctions within the Scottish and Welsh independence movements.
{"title":"History of the Scottish and welsh independence movements: comparison and analysis","authors":"V. Pavlenko, Mykola Polovin","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.12","url":null,"abstract":"The article addresses the history of the Scottish and Welsh approaches towards nationalism within the United Kingdom and features inherent in them. Similarities and differences between the Scottish and Welsh independence movements have been shown. Analysis of historical underpinnings of the creation of the Scottish National Party and the Party of Wales has been conducted. Influence of the Scottish and Welsh nationalism’s unique characteristics on the parties’ electoral performance has been analyzed.\u0000Research on the Scottish and Welsh independence movements from the perspective of Anglo–Scottish and Anglo–Welsh relations has been carried out. Influence of the British colonial empire on the suppression of the nationalistic tendencies in Scotland in Wales has been demonstrated. Scottish and Welsh societies’ special features concerning the differences between the independence movements in these countries have been analyzed. Causes of the relative success of the Scottish independence movement and reasons behind the relatively low popularity of nationalism in Wales have been identified. Based on the tendencies in the Scottish and Welsh societies, an analysis of future outlook of the Scottish National Party and the Party of Wales has been conducted.\u0000Special attention is paid to the 1979 and 1997 referendums on the restoration of the Scottish Parliament and creation of the National Assembly of Wales. Research on the causes of the referendums has been carried out, electoral preferences have been demonstrated, differences between the Scottish and Welsh national movements and different levels of home rule support among the Scottish and Welsh have been shown.\u0000It is argued that independence movements in Scotland and Wales are different in their nature, from which stem the Scottish national party’s and Plaid Cymru’s contrasting electoral results. It is demonstrated that the causes of such electoral performances are not only the historical underpinnings that have shaped both countries throughout centuries, but also the differences in Scotland’s and Wales’ economic development and the ideological distinctions within the Scottish and Welsh independence movements.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128435831","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.4
Oleksii Antoniuk, Yaroslav Antoniuk
The article considers the policy of the Polish communist power, which aimed at eliminating the temporary condition of church government and establishing a permanent church administration in the Western and Northern lands of Poland in 1945-1951. The attention of the party-state leadership to the preparation of an appeal to episcopate and to the conduct of a broad propaganda campaign in the press to eliminate the temporary condition in the “reunited lands” has been traced. Under the influence of pressure and threats from the authorities, the temporary church administrators of Wroclaw, Gdansk, Gorzow, Olsztyn and Opole resigned their posts. The election of permanent capitular vicars of these dioceses, organized by the government on the direct instructions of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party, indicates the determination of the authorities’ actions. Most of the newly elected diocesan leaders were clergymen who belonged to “patriotic priests”. The position of the episcopate on changing church governance in the Western and Northern lands of Poland has been highlighted. Trying to prevent further advance on church institutions of power structures, Primate S. Wyszynski, in agreement with the Main Commission of the Episcopate, allowed to take an oath “of allegiance to the Polish Republic and its People’s Democratic power” by five new capitular vicars. The difficulties of the negotiation process between the party-state leadership and the representatives of the episcopate have been clarified. Personal meetings between Primate S. Wyszynski and president of Poland B. Bierut were of particular importance for further church-state relations. Changes in the confessional sphere of state policy, which resulted in the direct intervention of the communist authorities in the personnel policy of the Catholic Church and the attempt to force the episcopate to recognize the supremacy of state power, have been analyzed.
{"title":"THE POLICY OF THE POLISH COMMUNIST POWER ON CHANGING CHURCH GOVERNANCE IN THE WESTERN AND NORTHERN LANDS OF POLAND (1945-1951)","authors":"Oleksii Antoniuk, Yaroslav Antoniuk","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.4","url":null,"abstract":"The article considers the policy of the Polish communist power, which aimed at eliminating the temporary condition of church government and establishing a permanent church administration in the Western and Northern lands of Poland in 1945-1951. The attention of the party-state leadership to the preparation of an appeal to episcopate and to the conduct of a broad propaganda campaign in the press to eliminate the temporary condition in the “reunited lands” has been traced. Under the influence of pressure and threats from the authorities, the temporary church administrators of Wroclaw, Gdansk, Gorzow, Olsztyn and Opole resigned their posts. The election of permanent capitular vicars of these dioceses, organized by the government on the direct instructions of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party, indicates the determination of the authorities’ actions. Most of the newly elected diocesan leaders were clergymen who belonged to “patriotic priests”. The position of the episcopate on changing church governance in the Western and Northern lands of Poland has been highlighted. Trying to prevent further advance on church institutions of power structures, Primate S. Wyszynski, in agreement with the Main Commission of the Episcopate, allowed to take an oath “of allegiance to the Polish Republic and its People’s Democratic power” by five new capitular vicars. The difficulties of the negotiation process between the party-state leadership and the representatives of the episcopate have been clarified. Personal meetings between Primate S. Wyszynski and president of Poland B. Bierut were of particular importance for further church-state relations. Changes in the confessional sphere of state policy, which resulted in the direct intervention of the communist authorities in the personnel policy of the Catholic Church and the attempt to force the episcopate to recognize the supremacy of state power, have been analyzed.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116112167","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.4
Valentyna Molotkina, I. Levchenko, Iryna Berezanska
The article reveals the influence of Soviet cinema on the change in the linguistic identity of the population of the Ukrainian SSR. The content, ideological context of the cinema of the 1960s – 1980s in the conditions of the Russification policy of the party nomenclature is analyzed. The role of the contemporary film industry in realizing the concept of a single community – the «Soviet people» is highlighted. It is worth highlighting the key reasons for this process: the attempt of the Soviet authorities to avoid free-thinking among workers in creative professions, the prevention of any manifestations of Ukrainian identity, the fight against dissidence, in particular the prevention of its manifestations, etc. The role of television in the life of a Soviet citizen in the 1960s – 1980s is revealed. The influence of the Soviet film industry on the worldview of the population is highlighted. The regulatory and legislative framework, which regulated the issue of cinematography, was considered. The characterization of this issue made it possible to detail the specifics and single out the trends of Soviet policy in the field of television and radio broadcasting. In general, Soviet cinema is considered as one of the means and methods of Russification of society, changing the ethnic and linguistic identity of the population. It was found out that the peculiarity of Soviet cinema was the ideological component, which permeated absolutely all spheres of life of the society at that time. One of the goals of the cinema was the formation of conviction in the individual about the common historical and cultural origin of all the peoples of the USSR, and most importantly, the awareness of oneself as a part of the «Soviet people». Regardless of the genre (artistic or documentary), Soviet cinema, like any other work of art, was intended to show the so-called greatness of the «Soviet people», to depict the simple «Soviet man» as a hero of his time, to highlight the main achievements of socialist construction etc. Of course, the realization of the tasks of the cinema required strict censorship, and in documentaries – falsifications and substitution of facts. Together with the spread of Russification, all these phenomena led to the renunciation of the linguistic, cultural, and household traditions of one’s ethnic group
{"title":"SOVIET CINEMATOGRAPHY IN THE TERRITORY OF THE USSR IN THE 1960S–1980S: THE PROBLEM OF BILINGUALISM","authors":"Valentyna Molotkina, I. Levchenko, Iryna Berezanska","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.4","url":null,"abstract":"The article reveals the influence of Soviet cinema on the change in the linguistic identity of the population of the Ukrainian SSR. The content, ideological context of the cinema of the 1960s – 1980s in the conditions of the Russification policy of the party nomenclature is analyzed. The role of the contemporary film industry in realizing the concept of a single community – the «Soviet people» is highlighted. It is worth highlighting the key reasons for this process: the attempt of the Soviet authorities to avoid free-thinking among workers in creative professions, the prevention of any manifestations of Ukrainian identity, the fight against dissidence, in particular the prevention of its manifestations, etc. The role of television in the life of a Soviet citizen in the 1960s – 1980s is revealed. The influence of the Soviet film industry on the worldview of the population is highlighted. The regulatory and legislative framework, which regulated the issue of cinematography, was considered. The characterization of this issue made it possible to detail the specifics and single out the trends of Soviet policy in the field of television and radio broadcasting. In general, Soviet cinema is considered as one of the means and methods of Russification of society, changing the ethnic and linguistic identity of the population. It was found out that the peculiarity of Soviet cinema was the ideological component, which permeated absolutely all spheres of life of the society at that time. One of the goals of the cinema was the formation of conviction in the individual about the common historical and cultural origin of all the peoples of the USSR, and most importantly, the awareness of oneself as a part of the «Soviet people». Regardless of the genre (artistic or documentary), Soviet cinema, like any other work of art, was intended to show the so-called greatness of the «Soviet people», to depict the simple «Soviet man» as a hero of his time, to highlight the main achievements of socialist construction etc. Of course, the realization of the tasks of the cinema required strict censorship, and in documentaries – falsifications and substitution of facts. Together with the spread of Russification, all these phenomena led to the renunciation of the linguistic, cultural, and household traditions of one’s ethnic group","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131349563","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.03
A. Martynov
The article is devoted to Germany’s presidency in the European Union in the second half of 2020. This was a critical period in the modern history of the process of European integration. Conflicting tendencies emerged during the negotiations on the terms of the Brexit. The budget policy of the European Union required approval. The key tasks of the German presidency were the internal problems of the European Union. But it was not possible to focus exclusively on immanent issues. The pandemic has exacerbated international problems. German diplomacy joined in the settlement of the Greek-Turkish controversy. Germany and France have reached a common position on an agreement on the terms of Britain’s withdrawal from the Brexit. Germany has reached a compromise on the adoption of the European Union budget for the period up to 2027. A large fund was created to support the European economy during the pandemic. Germany has set trends for the development of the European Union’s relations with key partners: the United States, Russia, and China. Germany welcomed Joseph Biden’s victory in the US presidential election. The European Union is considering resuming negotiations on a transatlantic free trade area with the United States. The EU and the US are ready to renew the Euro-Atlantic partnership. The interaction between the EU and the US is designed to protect liberal democracy in the modern world. With the assistance of Germany, the European Union has signed an investment agreement with China. Beijing has pledged to introduce social security guarantees and limit human rights abuses. Russia’s authoritarian threats remain a challenge to the European integration process. During Germany’s presidency of the European Union, the results of the presidential election in Belarus and the poisoning of Russian opposition politician Alexei Navalny became conflicting issues. The German presidency was successful. In the internal policy of the European Union it was possible to form a strategy of ecological renewal of the European economy. The success of the environmental modernization of the EU economy systematically depends on the internal capacity of elites and European societies to implement this course and on the favorable balance of power in a globalized world.
{"title":"Presidency of Germany in the European Union as factor of development of European integration process (the second half 2020)","authors":"A. Martynov","doi":"10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.03","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to Germany’s presidency in the European Union in the second half of 2020. This was a critical period in the modern history of the process of European integration. Conflicting tendencies emerged during the negotiations on the terms of the Brexit. The budget policy of the European Union required approval. The key tasks of the German presidency were the internal problems of the European Union. But it was not possible to focus exclusively on immanent issues. The pandemic has exacerbated international problems. German diplomacy joined in the settlement of the Greek-Turkish controversy. Germany and France have reached a common position on an agreement on the terms of Britain’s withdrawal from the Brexit. Germany has reached a compromise on the adoption of the European Union budget for the period up to 2027. A large fund was created to support the European economy during the pandemic. Germany has set trends for the development of the European Union’s relations with key partners: the United States, Russia, and China. Germany welcomed Joseph Biden’s victory in the US presidential election. The European Union is considering resuming negotiations on a transatlantic free trade area with the United States. The EU and the US are ready to renew the Euro-Atlantic partnership. The interaction between the EU and the US is designed to protect liberal democracy in the modern world. With the assistance of Germany, the European Union has signed an investment agreement with China. Beijing has pledged to introduce social security guarantees and limit human rights abuses. Russia’s authoritarian threats remain a challenge to the European integration process. During Germany’s presidency of the European Union, the results of the presidential election in Belarus and the poisoning of Russian opposition politician Alexei Navalny became conflicting issues. The German presidency was successful. In the internal policy of the European Union it was possible to form a strategy of ecological renewal of the European economy. The success of the environmental modernization of the EU economy systematically depends on the internal capacity of elites and European societies to implement this course and on the favorable balance of power in a globalized world.","PeriodicalId":394953,"journal":{"name":"European Historical Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121597109","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.170-175
O. Ivanov
This report describes the goal, mission, composition of participants, main events and results of the applied research seminar in the format of a field trip under the aforementioned name, which was organized and held during the summer semester 2019 by Jun.-Prof. Dr. Steffen Eckеhard (Ph.D. in Political Science at Konstanz University, Germany) for the MA-students of the International Administration and Conflict Management Program, with assistance from professors and students of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv’s Faculty of History. The seminar consisted of two parts. The first – preparatory-theoretical, was conducted at Konstanz University, Germany. The second – empirically-practical, was held for a week in Kyiv. Aside from Germans, as much as half of the research group consisted of exchange students from other countries: Great Britain, Netherlands, Canada, Lithuania, Italy, Turkey, Ukraine and Sweden. Overall, the students conducted 16 interview meetings with representatives of international, domestic, public and non-profit organizations in just five days. Such interviews were conducted with, among others, the students who took part in the Revolution of Dignity and military conflict in Donbas on Ukraine’s side. Besides, Ukrainian politicians, “NV” radio station’s editor-in-chief, political scientists and employees of international organizations such as the EU, OSCE and UN also helped the participants of the seminar to formulate their own view of the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. Based on the collected and analyzed information, 6 reports were prepared. They can be accessed in English at the official web-page of the research group: https://www.polver.uni-konstanz.de/eckhard/teaching/applied-teaching
本报告以上述名称的实地考察形式描述了应用研究研讨会的目标、任务、参与者的组成、主要活动和结果，该研讨会是由june - professor在2019年夏季学期组织和举行的。Steffen eckeurohard博士(德国康斯坦茨大学政治学博士)为国际行政和冲突管理项目的硕士生，在基辅塔拉斯舍甫琴科国立大学历史系教授和学生的帮助下。研讨会由两部分组成。第一个理论准备实验是在德国康斯坦茨大学进行的。第二次会议在基辅举行，为期一周。除德国人外，研究小组中有多达一半的交换学生来自其他国家:英国、荷兰、加拿大、立陶宛、意大利、土耳其、乌克兰和瑞典。总体而言，学生们在短短五天内与国际、国内、公共和非营利组织的代表进行了16次面试。采访对象包括参加过尊严革命(Revolution of Dignity)和乌克兰一方顿巴斯军事冲突的学生。此外，乌克兰政界人士、“NV”电台总编辑、政治学家以及欧盟、欧安组织、联合国等国际组织的工作人员也帮助与会者对乌克兰东部的冲突形成了自己的看法。根据收集和分析的信息，编写了6份报告。可以在研究小组的官方网页:https://www.polver.uni-konstanz.de/eckhard/teaching/applied-teaching上获得英文版本
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Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.15-30
A. Martynov
The politics of the European Union are different from other organizations and states due to the unique nature of the EU. The common institutions mix the intergovernmental and supranational aspects of the EU. The EU treaties declare the EU to be based on representative democracy and direct elections take place to the European Parliament. The Parliament, together with the European Council, works for the legislative arm of the EU. The Council is composed of national governments thus representing the intergovernmental nature of the European Union. The central theme of this research is the influence of the European Union Political system the Results of May 2019 European Parliament Election. The EU supranational legislature plays an important role as a producer of legal norms in the process of European integration and parliamentary scrutiny of the activities of the EU executive. The European Parliament, as a representative institution of the European Union, helps to overcome the stereotypical notions of a “Brussels bureaucracy” that limits the sovereignty of EU member states. The European Parliament is a political field of interaction between European optimists and European skeptics. The new composition of the European Parliament presents political forces focused on a different vision of the strategy and tactics of the European integration process. European federalists in the “European People’s Party” and “European Socialists and Democrats” consider the strategic prospect of creating a confederate “United States of Europe”. The Brexit withdrawal from the EU could help the federalists win over European skeptics. Critics of the supranational project of European integration do not have a majority in the new composition of the European Parliament. But they are widely represented in many national parliaments of EU Member States. The conflicting interaction between European liberals and far-right populists is the political backdrop for much debate in the European Parliament. The result of this process is the medium term development vector of the European Union.
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Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.157-182
Nataliia Papenko
The relevance of the topic is determined by the historical significance of the problems that are raised in it. In the article the author discovers the methods and forms of Germany’s colonial policy in the last third part of the 19th – in the beginning of the 20th centuries in China and Oceania. The German Empire was the last from the world’s leading states that entered the path of colonial seizures. The author emphasizes that German politicians generally were satisfied with the development of the country after 1871. For a long time, the range of interests of an imperial chancellor O. von Bismarck (1871 – 1890), as a politician, was limited to the territory of Europe and those countries that were bound by it. Colonies were only interesting for him as an instrument for putting a pressure on the leading countries of the world to solve their European problems. Trying to avoid conflicts with the leading European powers, especially with the Great Britain, O. von Bismarck had been deliberately refraining from colonial expansion until the mid-80’s of the 19th century. In addition, indifference to colonialism at that time was being expressed by some representatives of the party elite and business. However, in the last third part of the 19th century, the country gets full freedom of action in colonial politics, and therefore it begins to occupy territories in various parts of the world, including Africa, Asia and Oceania. The interference of the Second Reich in the division of China was one of the reasons for the massive Yihetuan Movement, and in the future, the deployment of a large-scale conflict – the Russian-Japanese war of 1904 – 1905. All this certainly became a part of the complex of reasons for the First World War. Therefore studying of the reasons for and effects of the colonial policy of Germany in the last third part of the 19th – early 20th centuries is quite important and of considerable scientific interest. In addition, the author notes that most of the politicians in the business circles of Germany considered the colonization of China and Oceania as an important stage not only for economic development of the country, but also for the growth of international authority in the world.
这个话题的相关性是由它所提出的问题的历史意义决定的。本文揭示了19世纪末20世纪初德国在中国和大洋洲实施殖民政策的方法和形式。德意志帝国是世界主要国家中最后一个踏上殖民掠夺之路的。作者强调，德国政治家普遍对1871年以后国家的发展感到满意。在很长一段时间里，作为政治家的帝国宰相O. von Bismarck(1871 - 1890)的利益范围仅限于欧洲领土和受其约束的国家。对他来说，殖民地只是一种向世界主要国家施加压力以解决欧洲问题的工具。为了避免与欧洲主要大国，尤其是英国发生冲突，欧文斯·冯·俾斯麦在19世纪80年代中期之前一直有意避免殖民扩张。此外，当时一些党内精英和商界代表对殖民主义表现出了漠不关心的态度。然而，在19世纪后半叶，国家在殖民政治中获得了充分的行动自由，因此它开始占领世界各地的领土，包括非洲，亚洲和大洋洲。所有这些当然成为了第一次世界大战的复杂原因的一部分。因此，研究19世纪后30年至20世纪初德国殖民政策的原因和影响是非常重要的，具有相当大的科学意义。此外，笔者注意到，德国商界的大多数政治家认为，对中国和大洋洲的殖民不仅是德国经济发展的重要阶段，也是德国在世界上国际权威增长的重要阶段。
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