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Peter Boehler’s Universalist Letter 彼得·勃勒的普遍主义信
0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.5325/jmorahist.23.2.0129
Jared S. Burkholder
ABSTRACT Although the belief in universalism has been attributed to Peter Boehler since the eighteenth century, the matter has not been clearly documented. However, a letter, written by Boehler and preserved in the Moravian Archives, provides greater clarity as it contains a defense of a future “restitution of all things.” Possibly sent to George Whitefield, the letter detailed in this article not only provides evidence of Boehler’s restorationist beliefs, but also points to the role that universalism may have played in the Moravians’ 1740 schism with Whitefield.
虽然自18世纪以来,普遍主义的信仰一直被认为是彼得·勃勒的功劳,但这件事并没有得到明确的记载。然而,一封保存在摩拉维亚档案馆的伯勒写的信提供了更清晰的信息,因为它包含了对未来“归还所有东西”的辩护。这封信可能是寄给乔治·怀特菲尔德的,这篇文章中详述的这封信不仅提供了勃勒的修复主义信仰的证据,而且还指出了普遍主义在1740年摩拉维亚人与怀特菲尔德的分裂中可能发挥的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Missionaries and Modernity: Education in the British Empire, 1830–1910 传教士与现代性:1830-1910年大英帝国的教育
0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.5325/jmorahist.23.2.0157
Jenna M. Gibbs
Felicity Jensz’s deeply researched, well-written monograph, Missionaries and Modernity: Education in the British Empire, 1830–1910, is an ambitious, transnational analysis of the “civilizing” imperative of empire, education, and missionizing in both colonies and metropole. Jensz focuses throughout on the confluences yet conflicts between governmental and mission education agendas in diverse geopolitical and chronological colonial contexts. Throughout, she argues for the tension between, on the one hand, “colonial modernity” (a term coined by David Scott to broadly describe colonial governments’ attempts to “modernize” colonial subjects through, for example, voting, political participation and secular education) and, on the other hand, what Jensz dubs “missionary modernity.” Missionary modernity, Jensz posits, was a religious, rather than political, rationale that encompassed the liberal ideas of colonial modernity—“economic independence of individuals . . . universal education, and female emancipation from ‘traditional’ roles” (2–3), yet also transcended those secular goals by making central the goal instilling of “church order and moral discipline to shape non-Europeans into religious subjects” (3). Jensz posits that there was a “constant struggle to reconcile missionary and government ideals” (26), one that manifested in site-specific ways in various colonial and chronological contexts.To illustrate this ongoing struggle between colonial and missionary modernity, she fruitfully hinges her analysis on the intersections between mission directives, governmental institutional organizations, parliamentary activities, and discourses in pivotal axes that include: the Negro Educational Grant and subsequent 1838 parliamentary reports on post-emancipation education in the British West Indies (chap. 1); the Select Committee on Aborigines, founded in 1836–37 to provide oversight of the education and treatment of indigenous people in British settlements such as South Africa, New Zealand, and Australia (chap. 2); the 1860 Liverpool Missionary Conference and its focus on female education (chap. 3); the mid-to-late nineteenth-century secularization of mission schools through colonial governmental interventions in Sri Lanka and elsewhere (chap. 4); and the Edinburgh World Missionary Conference of 1920 (chap. 5). The conflict between the goals of colonial and missionary education peaked at the Edinburgh conference with the findings of a commissioned report compiled by European and Euro-American missionary educators, Education in Relation to the Christianisation of National Life. The report revealed a crisis for missionary education that was galvanized by the increasingly secular education implemented by colonial governments.One of the great strengths of the book is that, while Jensz sustains throughout her overarching argument about the competing ideas of colonial and missionary modernity, she pays nuanced attention to how this plays out disparately in different
相反,詹斯在书中加入了一些人物,这些人物既是特定文化时刻和地点的特有人物,也是殖民政府和传教士教育以及“文明”话语和倡议的更大曲折的象征,使这本书读起来生动有趣。举几个例子:在第二章关于黑人教育拨款的讨论中,我们遇到了查尔斯·约瑟夫·拉特罗布,他受议会委托撰写关于英属西印度群岛解放后教育的报告,还有惠灵顿公爵阿瑟·韦尔斯利爵士,他反对不符合传统的“自由和综合教育”(51页)。第四章分析了斯里兰卡的宗教学校和殖民政府,其中包括一个小节,“当地教师的自传笔记”,读者从中了解到当地教育工作者的观点。在第五章中,我们看到了贝哈里·拉尔·辛格(Behari Lal Singh),她是当时加尔各答的苏格兰自由教会(Free Church of Scotland)的传教士,19世纪中期,她在孟加拉倡导女性教育,认为这是“殖民地社会道德的必要条件”(123)。因此,受过教育的妇女是传教现代性发展的关键。在1860年的利物浦传教士会议上,他积极参与了关于女性教育的辩论。拉尔·辛格(Lal Singh)在女性教育方面的工作和他的个人传记是詹斯如何将个人个性和弱点与殖民政府和传教士在教育和“现代化”方面的更大范围的尝试相互作用的方式呈现出来的典型。这最后一点让我想到了一个关键的问题:在《传教士与现代性》中,詹斯使用“现代性”、“现代化”和“现代化”这三个词,在某种程度上是可以互换的,没有明确的概念。这些术语有时也与“世俗化”交替使用。例如,在讨论利物浦传教士会议时,詹森总结道,“现代性带来了世俗化,随后在传教士和政府机构以及当地人之间产生了紧张关系”(151)。“现代性”一词的含义本身就受到历史学家的争议,“现代化”也是如此。Jensz自己也承认,对于“启蒙运动、现代化和世俗化之间的连续体”,“没有主宰叙事”(13)。可以肯定的是,正如已经提到的,她非常准确地定义了她所说的传教士(相对于殖民)现代性。尽管如此,如果她能更精确地界定“现代性”、“现代化”和“现代化”这些模糊而杂乱的含义,使这些术语在不同的地缘政治地点和时期的自由散布,在概念上更有区别和精确,那将会有所帮助。《传教士与现代性》对传教研究、教育和人道主义等新兴领域做出了宝贵的贡献,应该成为许多研究生课程的关键指定读物,也应该成为任何进一步讨论帝国主义、传教教育以及“现代性”和主体性的竞争性定义的话语关键。
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引用次数: 0
Babel of the Atlantic 大西洋的巴别塔
0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.5325/jmorahist.23.2.0160
Emily Eubanks
Babel of the Atlantic explores the multilingualism of life in the colonial mid-Atlantic, which many colonists and visitors critically compared to the polyglot, biblical city of Babel. Wiggin and the volume’s contributors reconsider the negative associations of polyglot Pennsylvania, revealing instead the richness of a multicultural, multiethnic place. Beyond demonstrating the pervasiveness of various languages in colonial Pennsylvania and its surroundings, including Delaware, Dutch, English, French, German, and Mohican, the book’s authors highlight the ways translation and language were used to enforce power relations, define communities, and reflect interrelations among the diverse body of speakers in and around Philadelphia. The four parts of the book approach these linguistic processes from an interdisciplinary array of perspectives, including religion, education, race, and material culture.Part I, titled “New Worlds, New Religions,” investigates the languages used in religious disputes, education, and relationships. In chapter 1, Patrick Erben investigates a printed attack on the German printer Christoph Saur to reveal how Benjamin Franklin and William Smith used bilingualism and translation as a tool for simultaneously coercing and assimilating German immigrants. Studying the social efforts and theological teachings of the Moravian communities in British North America, Craig Atwood’s chapter demonstrates how the multilingualism and ecumenism of Moravians was considered a threat to established European cultural, racial, ethnic, gender, and sexuality norms. Katherine Faull continues the focus on Moravians by mapping the movements and networks of four Moravian women missionaries. By tracing the migrations and social lives of these women, Faull highlights how their everyday work facilitated cultural and linguistic translation in the Susquehanna Valley, particularly through their personal relationships with Native women.In Part II, Jürgen Overhoff and Wolfgang Flügel investigate the ways educational institutions and pastoral practices contributed to the preservation of German language and culture. Tracing how the founders of the nondenominational University of Pennsylvania modeled the school’s high level of discipline and prioritization of modern languages on European universities, Overhoff argues that the promotion of modern languages over biblical languages reflected a broader agenda to foster multilingual, American citizens. In chapter 5, Flügel explores how Lutheran pastors grappled with a loss of the German language among their German congregants in the late eighteenth century. In the increasingly multilingual world of early Pennsylvania, their adoption of the local English language reflected broader trends of German identity that had grown increasingly separated from linguistic affiliations and more closely tied to conceptions of ethnicity.Part III, “Languages of Race and (Anti-)Slavery,” begins with Katharine Gerbner’s study on German and
Falk和Lisa Minardi承担了一项任务,考虑从大西洋中部殖民地幸存下来的材料文物如何作为宾夕法尼亚州居民的交流手段。福尔克分析了两栋日耳曼城住宅的美学和功能特征,展示了它们如何体现了18世纪中叶宾夕法尼亚州日益标准化的建筑形式和风格,跨越了文化界限。米纳尔迪的这一章是一个合适的最后研究,因为它使本书的主要目标重新集中起来,即挑战以前对大西洋中部殖民地人民的单一语言和单一民族的看法。Minardi探索了费城殖民地时期家具和住宅的建造、设计和社会历史,他认为这些材料文物并不是简单地复制德国风格和建筑方法,而是反映了这一时期种族身份的流动性和混合性。由于德国的建筑商和消费者优先考虑的是精致而不是种族,他们参与了米纳尔迪所描述的“混合身份的形成,这种身份日益多元文化-和美国-而不是德国或英国”(295)。正如Wiggin在引言中明确指出的,《大西洋巴别塔》的目的是挑战大西洋中部单一语言的主流叙事,以便为正在进行的关于德裔美国人历史和更广泛的早期美国历史的非殖民化工作做出贡献。本书的各种贡献突出了个人和社区应对多语言挑战和机遇的不同方式,这些挑战和机遇来自生活在大西洋中部的多元文化、多民族地区。然而,尽管试图认识到许多不同背景的宾夕法尼亚人使用土著、非洲和欧洲语言的方式,该卷作为一个整体优先考虑德语和英语的历史。这本书中的许多章节可能源于2012年一场名为“展望‘旧世界’”的会议,该会议主要关注宾夕法尼亚州早期讲德语的人。福尔的这一章特别指出了未来可能的研究途径,重点是与德语和英语以外的语言的互动和影响,以及方言的作用。这本书最大的优势之一是它不仅考虑了沟通的内容,而且考虑了沟通的过程是如何进行的。特别是第四部分,提供了探索各种交流方式的有趣方法,包括物质文化。虽然福尔克和米纳尔迪将他们的研究重点限制在家庭和家具上,但他们的贡献提出了更多的问题,即服装和时尚、饮食方式、音乐和其他非语言、非文本的人工制品可能被用来在共享语言内部和跨语言之间进行交流。将交流的定义扩展到文本之外,还可以考虑严格的口头传统的语言和方言。Minardi关于混合身份的兴起的讨论指出,类似的语言和方言混合的过程很可能出现在宾夕法尼亚早期的“接触区”,非洲人、欧洲人和母语者在那里互动。由于本卷中使用的大部分证据都来自摩拉维亚教会的广泛语言,民族历史和文化记录,本书还提供了摩拉维亚历史的重要新见解。卷中提出的关于语言混合过程的问题在有意多语言、多种族、多地理的摩拉维亚教会中得到了验证。研究摩拉维亚历史的学者可能会发现阿特伍德、福尔和杰克逊的章节特别有用。在强调摩拉维亚社区普遍使用多种语言的同时,他们的贡献也揭示了摩拉维亚人如何利用语言和翻译跨越种族和文化边界,以建立广泛和有影响力的网络,这些网络在当地和全球都有影响。
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引用次数: 0
Spangenberg’s 1760 Letter about Slaveholding in St. Thomas and Bethlehem 斯潘根伯格1760年写的关于圣托马斯和伯利恒蓄奴的信
0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.5325/jmorahist.23.2.0143
Scott Paul Gordon, Josef Köstlbauer
ABSTRACT This article offers a transcription and translation of August Gottlieb Spangenberg’s important letter (1760) about slavery and slaveholding in St. Thomas and in Bethlehem. A full translation of this letter has never been published.
本文提供了奥古斯特·戈特利布·施潘根贝格(August Gottlieb Spangenberg)关于圣托马斯和伯利恒的奴隶制和蓄奴的重要信件(1760)的抄写和翻译。这封信的完整译文从未发表过。
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引用次数: 1
Slavery in Bethlehem: Difference and Indifference in Northampton County’s Moravian Settlements 伯利恒的奴隶制:北安普顿县摩拉维亚定居点的差异与冷漠
0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.5325/jmorahist.23.2.0077
Scott Paul Gordon
ABSTRACT This article offers a new history of slavery in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania: how enslaved men and women were brought to Bethlehem, who owned these enslaved men and women, how some became free, and whether the lives of enslaved Moravians differed from those of free Moravians. The prevailing account states that the Moravian congregation itself purchased enslaved men and women soon after Bethlehem was settled to augment its labor force. But most Afro-Moravians got to Bethlehem, this article shows, through a haphazard process that the congregation did not manage: enslavers (Moravians elsewhere) sent men, women, and children to Bethlehem or brought them when they moved to the backcountry community. Moravian authorities claimed that there was “no difference” in Bethlehem between these enslaved people and White Moravians. The archive that the congregation produced tends to reinforce that view: church registers, membership catalogs, diaries, and memoirs are mostly silent, for instance, about individuals’ legal status. But amplifying voices that have been overlooked of enslaved and free Afro-Moravians, as well as exploring the neglected 1780 Register of enslaved persons in Northampton County, reveals that differences based on race shaped the lives of people of African descent in Bethlehem and Northampton County’s other Moravian communities.
本文提供了宾夕法尼亚州伯利恒奴隶制的新历史:被奴役的男女如何被带到伯利恒,谁拥有这些被奴役的男女,其中一些人如何获得自由,以及被奴役的摩拉维亚人的生活是否与自由的摩拉维亚人不同。普遍的说法是,摩拉维亚会众在伯利恒定居后不久就购买了被奴役的男女,以增加其劳动力。但这篇文章显示,大多数非裔摩拉维亚人是通过一个偶然的过程到达伯利恒的,这个过程是教会无法管理的:奴隶主(其他地方的摩拉维亚人)把男人、女人和孩子送到伯利恒,或者在他们搬到偏远地区的时候把他们带来。摩拉维亚当局声称,在伯利恒,这些被奴役的人和白人摩拉维亚人“没有区别”。教会提供的档案倾向于强化这种观点:例如,教会登记、会员目录、日记和回忆录大多对个人的法律地位保持沉默。但是,放大被奴役和自由的非裔摩拉维亚人的声音,以及探索被忽视的1780年北安普顿县被奴役者登记册,揭示了基于种族的差异塑造了伯利恒和北安普顿县其他摩拉维亚社区非洲人后裔的生活。
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引用次数: 1
Jens Haven (1724–1796) and Captain James Cook (1728–1779) in Newfoundland 延斯·哈文(1724-1796)和詹姆斯·库克船长(1728-1779)在纽芬兰
IF 0.6 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.5325/jmorahist.23.1.0001
Hans J. Rollmann
abstract:Jens Haven, a former missionary to Greenland, established contact with Inuit from Labrador in 1764. Governor Palliser of Newfoundland saw in Haven's missionary efforts an opportunity to improve the hitherto hostile relations between the English and Inuit. On his exploration journey, Haven met Captain James Cook near Quirpon on Newfoundland's Great Northern Peninsula and stayed on his ship. Governor Palliser's recommendation of Jens Haven to English naval officers in Newfoundland and Labrador provides the context for Haven's dealings with Captain James Cook. Haven sought to demonstrate throughout the journey his British loyalty. He also found confirmation for an ethnic kinship between Inuit in Labrador and Greenland. The missionary's relations with Captain Cook are explored here fully by considering all extant archival materials available for the trip, including the German records that he kept from British authorities as well as a later reflection about the trip in 1784.
前格陵兰传教士延斯·哈文于1764年与拉布拉多的因纽特人建立了联系。纽芬兰总督帕利瑟在哈文的传教努力中看到了一个改善英国人和因纽特人之间迄今为止敌对关系的机会。在他的探险之旅中,哈文在纽芬兰大北方半岛的奎尔彭附近遇到了詹姆斯·库克船长,并留在了他的船上。帕利瑟总督向纽芬兰和拉布拉多的英国海军军官推荐延斯·哈文,为哈文与詹姆斯·库克船长的交往提供了背景。哈文试图在旅途中展示他对英国人的忠诚。他还证实了拉布拉多和格陵兰的因纽特人之间的种族亲缘关系。通过考虑此次旅行的所有现存档案材料,包括他向英国当局保存的德国记录,以及后来对1784年旅行的反思,我们在这里充分探讨了这位传教士与库克船长的关系。
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引用次数: 0
Herrnhut: The Formation of a Moravian Community, 1722–1732: Pietist, Moravian, and Anabaptist Studies, Herrnhut 1722–1732. Entstehung und Entwicklung einer philadelphischen Gemeinschaft: Arbeiten zur Geschichte des Pietismus, 67 哈特:“mor阿维社区组成”,1732:pie读取,mor阿维和回音研究。关于“不公义”的起源和发展,第67篇
IF 0.6 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.5325/jmorahist.23.1.0070
Alexander Schunka
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引用次数: 2
Sounding Moravian Identity at the Salem Centennial of 1866 在1866年塞勒姆百年庆典上探寻摩拉维亚人的身份
IF 0.6 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.5325/jmorahist.23.1.0043
Ryan M. Malone
abstract:In January 1866, Moravians in Salem, North Carolina, began formulating plans to celebrate the community's centennial. Cognizant of their restrained financial resources in the wake of the American Civil War, the community resolved to "get up a celebration in every respect, both outwardly and inwardly." While organizers' visions revealed novel approaches to many aspects of the two-day-long affair, Edward Leinbach's approach to the musical components of the celebration bore out in ways that left enduring marks on a community in need of revitalization, growth, and a renewed sense of community. While dutifully honoring the past, the program Leinbach devised and executed performed Moravianism in distinctly new ways that foreshadowed the cultivation of a postbellum Southern Moravian identity.
1866年1月,北卡罗来纳州塞勒姆的马里人开始制定庆祝社区百年的计划。意识到美国内战后他们的财政资源受到限制,社区决心“在各个方面,从外表和内心,都举办一场庆祝活动。”虽然组织者的愿景揭示了这场为期两天的活动的许多方面的新颖方法,Edward Leinbach对庆典音乐元素的处理方式给一个需要振兴、成长和重新树立社区意识的社区留下了持久的印记。在尽职尽责地纪念过去的同时,莱恩巴赫设计和执行的项目以全新的方式表演了摩拉维亚主义,预示着战后南摩拉维亚身份的培养。
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引用次数: 0
The Letters of Mary Penry: A Single Moravian Woman in Early America ed. by Scott Paul Gordon (review) 《玛丽·潘瑞的书信:一位早期美国的摩拉维亚单身女性》,斯科特·保罗·戈登主编(书评)
IF 0.6 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.5325/jmorahist.23.1.0073
Jared S. Burkholder
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引用次数: 0
Performing Music from Moravian Collections 表演来自摩拉维亚收藏的音乐
IF 0.6 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.5325/jmorahist.23.1.0015
C. Ekström
abstract:A significant amount of historical musical repertoire primarily from the eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries exists in collections of the Moravian Church. This is a resource for extended knowledge of music aesthetics' of the Moravian Church, as well as for historical music in a wider perspective. This article focuses on musical performance practices and proposes a theoretical framework that can promote a performance taking into account significant aspects of the social context. Key concepts include emotion for feelings per se, emotional community for a collective where participants developed and shared a matrix for emotions and emotive as an operational concept in the work process of the musical performance. The concepts are motivated by the emphasis on the affective dimension in the spirituality. Finally, a suite of three duets with instrumental accompaniment by Christian Gregor serves as an example of application of emotive in the process of preparing a musical performance.
摘要:摩拉维亚教堂收藏了大量的历史曲目,主要是18世纪和19世纪的曲目。这是对摩拉维亚教会音乐美学知识的扩展,也是对历史音乐更广阔视野的资源。本文关注音乐表演实践,并提出了一个理论框架,可以在考虑社会背景重要方面的情况下促进表演。关键概念包括情感对情感本身,参与者开发和共享情感矩阵的集体情感社区,以及情感作为音乐表演工作过程中的一个操作概念。这些概念的动机是强调精神中的情感维度。最后,由克里斯蒂安·格雷戈(Christian Gregor)伴奏的三首二重奏组曲是在准备音乐表演的过程中运用情感的一个例子。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Moravian History
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