Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu21.2022.203
K. Witczak, M. Rychło
This paper examines the Scandinavian terminology for ‘soot’ in connection with a number of Saami appellatives with a view to deciding which of them are native and which result from borrowing. Special attention is paid to the problem of adopting loanwords in Northern Europe, especially in the Scandinavian Peninsula. Two Proto- Germanic words denoting ‘soot’ are discussed from the morphological and etymological point of view. It is suggested that the West Germanic noun *hrōta- m./n. ‘soot’ is closely related to PG. *sōta- n. ‘soot’, which, in turn, is derived from the Proto-Indo- European verbal root *sed- ‘to sit’. The present authors intend to demonstrate that WG. *hrōta- derives from the Indo-European archetype *ku̯u-sōdo- ‘bad soot; thick layer of soot’, originally ‘what a soot!’. The original semantic distinction between PG. *sōta- and WG. *hrōta- seems to be preserved in the use of two independent Saamic loanwords, cf. Saa.N suohtti ‘soot (in the chimney)’ and ruohtti ‘big layer of soot’. The remaining Northern Saami words under analysis include čađđa ‘charcoal, soot’ (< Proto-Saamic *će̮δe̮ ‘carbon, charcoal, soot, grime’ < Ur. *ćüδ́i ‘coal, charcoal’), giehpa ‘soot’ (< PSaa. *kēpe̮ ‘id.’, probably a Proto-Baltic loanword) and gožu ~ gohčču- ‘soot, layer of soot, deposit of smoke or soot on things near a fireplace’ (< PSaa. *kočɔ̄j ‘soot’). Establishing the etymologies of this rich Saami terminology concerning ‘soot’ is significant to the gradual change of Saami lifestyle from a nomadic hunter-gatherer one towards a nonperipatetic community reliant on farming, animal husbandry and fishing.
{"title":"Soot in the Saami and Germanic languages","authors":"K. Witczak, M. Rychło","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu21.2022.203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu21.2022.203","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the Scandinavian terminology for ‘soot’ in connection with a number of Saami appellatives with a view to deciding which of them are native and which result from borrowing. Special attention is paid to the problem of adopting loanwords in Northern Europe, especially in the Scandinavian Peninsula. Two Proto- Germanic words denoting ‘soot’ are discussed from the morphological and etymological point of view. It is suggested that the West Germanic noun *hrōta- m./n. ‘soot’ is closely related to PG. *sōta- n. ‘soot’, which, in turn, is derived from the Proto-Indo- European verbal root *sed- ‘to sit’. The present authors intend to demonstrate that WG. *hrōta- derives from the Indo-European archetype *ku̯u-sōdo- ‘bad soot; thick layer of soot’, originally ‘what a soot!’. The original semantic distinction between PG. *sōta- and WG. *hrōta- seems to be preserved in the use of two independent Saamic loanwords, cf. Saa.N suohtti ‘soot (in the chimney)’ and ruohtti ‘big layer of soot’. The remaining Northern Saami words under analysis include čađđa ‘charcoal, soot’ (< Proto-Saamic *će̮δe̮ ‘carbon, charcoal, soot, grime’ < Ur. *ćüδ́i ‘coal, charcoal’), giehpa ‘soot’ (< PSaa. *kēpe̮ ‘id.’, probably a Proto-Baltic loanword) and gožu ~ gohčču- ‘soot, layer of soot, deposit of smoke or soot on things near a fireplace’ (< PSaa. *kočɔ̄j ‘soot’). Establishing the etymologies of this rich Saami terminology concerning ‘soot’ is significant to the gradual change of Saami lifestyle from a nomadic hunter-gatherer one towards a nonperipatetic community reliant on farming, animal husbandry and fishing.","PeriodicalId":40525,"journal":{"name":"Philologia Classica","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67775559","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu21.2022.211
A. Gekht
This article tells about the main stages of the biography of the famous Scandinavian painter Prince Eugene, a representative of the Bernadotte dynasty, who left a noticeable mark on the history of Swedish culture. Having no prospects of ever taking the royal throne, Eugene, after receiving the traditional upbringing and education for the heir to the throne, devoted himself to the study of painting. Having experienced the serious influence of the French Impressionist masters of the last third of the 19th century during his studies in Paris, he worked fruitfully in various genres for a long time, leaving an extensive creative legacy: his brush owns not only numerous canvases presented both in leading museums in Sweden and world-class collections (the British Museum, the Metropolitan Museum), but also monuments of monumental painting — in particular, frescoes in the Stockholm City Hall and the Royal Drama Theater. The activity of Prince Eugene as a representative of the Swedish royal court during the period on the eve of the dissolution of the Swedish-Norwegian union is a significant research interest. Prince Eugene made certain efforts to preserve the unity of Sweden and Norway by popularizing such ideas in the Norwegian creative environment, where he had wide acquaintances and a certain popularity and was even proposed by such famous figures of Norwegian culture as K. Hamsun and B. Bjornson as a possible candidate for the role of king of Norway. The prince-artist is also noteworthy as a public figure who held anti-Nazi positions during the period before and during World War II: he not only condemned the policies of the Third Reich, but also criticized Swedish public figures who expressed sympathy for the actions of the Nazi regime in Germany. Nowadays, the extensive creative heritage of Prince Eugene is on display in the collection of the art museum located in his estate Waldemarsudde in Stockholm, where he lived and worked for most of his life and where he was buried after his death.
{"title":"Prince Eugene of Sweden. A painter’s brief biography","authors":"A. Gekht","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu21.2022.211","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu21.2022.211","url":null,"abstract":"This article tells about the main stages of the biography of the famous Scandinavian painter Prince Eugene, a representative of the Bernadotte dynasty, who left a noticeable mark on the history of Swedish culture. Having no prospects of ever taking the royal throne, Eugene, after receiving the traditional upbringing and education for the heir to the throne, devoted himself to the study of painting. Having experienced the serious influence of the French Impressionist masters of the last third of the 19th century during his studies in Paris, he worked fruitfully in various genres for a long time, leaving an extensive creative legacy: his brush owns not only numerous canvases presented both in leading museums in Sweden and world-class collections (the British Museum, the Metropolitan Museum), but also monuments of monumental painting — in particular, frescoes in the Stockholm City Hall and the Royal Drama Theater. The activity of Prince Eugene as a representative of the Swedish royal court during the period on the eve of the dissolution of the Swedish-Norwegian union is a significant research interest. Prince Eugene made certain efforts to preserve the unity of Sweden and Norway by popularizing such ideas in the Norwegian creative environment, where he had wide acquaintances and a certain popularity and was even proposed by such famous figures of Norwegian culture as K. Hamsun and B. Bjornson as a possible candidate for the role of king of Norway. The prince-artist is also noteworthy as a public figure who held anti-Nazi positions during the period before and during World War II: he not only condemned the policies of the Third Reich, but also criticized Swedish public figures who expressed sympathy for the actions of the Nazi regime in Germany. Nowadays, the extensive creative heritage of Prince Eugene is on display in the collection of the art museum located in his estate Waldemarsudde in Stockholm, where he lived and worked for most of his life and where he was buried after his death.","PeriodicalId":40525,"journal":{"name":"Philologia Classica","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67775307","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu21.2022.212
Elena Dorofeeva
The article deals with the main works of the poet and translator Sofya Alexandrovna Sviridova (1882 — not earlier than 1928, pseudonyms S. Sviridenko, G. Sviridova), first of all, the history of the creation and first publication of the first complete translation into Russian of the Elder Edda (1910, 1st volume published in 1917), in a manuscript awarded the Academic Prize of M. N. Akhmatov. Archival materials found by the author of the publication shed light on some episodes from Sviridova’s biography, including the years of her studies at the St Petersburg Higher Women’s (Bestuzhev) Courses. The article deals with the episodes that influenced the life and creative destiny of Sophia Sviridova, such as, for example, acquaintance with Professor F. A. Brown, who became her teacher and then chief reviewer, collaborated with A. Blok, who systematically gave the translator a job at the “World Literature” publishing house. Particular attention is paid to the description of the second volume of the complete translation of the Old Norse epic Elder Edda, which to this day remains in the manuscript and is stored in the archive of the publisher M. V. Sabashnikov. This study can serve as a theoretical basis for the publication of the second volume of the translation of the Elder Edda by S. Sviridenko (Sviridova), or the publication of the entire work in one book — this is exactly how it seemed logical and correct to the translator herself. Hopefully some other works from the rich literary heritage of S. A. Sviridova will be published in the future.
本文涉及诗人和翻译家索菲亚·亚历山德罗夫娜·斯维里多娃(1882年-不早于1928年，笔名S. Sviridenko, G. Sviridova)的主要作品，首先是创作历史和第一次完整翻译成俄语的埃达(1910年，第一卷出版于1917年)，在手稿中获得了M. N.阿赫马托夫的学术奖。该出版物的作者发现的档案材料揭示了Sviridova传记中的一些片段，包括她在圣彼得堡高等妇女(Bestuzhev)课程学习的岁月。这篇文章讲述了影响索菲亚·斯维里多娃的生活和创作命运的事件，例如，她与f·a·布朗教授的相识，布朗教授后来成为她的老师和首席评论家，与a·布洛克合作，后者在“世界文学”出版社系统地给了这位翻译一份工作。特别注意的是对古挪威史诗《埃达长老》完整翻译的第二卷的描述，直到今天仍保留在手稿中，存放在出版商M. V. Sabashnikov的档案中。这项研究可以作为S. Sviridenko (Sviridova)翻译的《埃达长老》第二卷的出版的理论基础，或者将整部作品出版在一本书中——这正是译者自己认为合乎逻辑和正确的。希望s·a·斯维里多瓦丰富的文学遗产中的其他一些作品将在未来出版。
{"title":"The history of the creation and publication of the first complete translation of the Elder Edda: To the 140th anniversary of the birth of S. A. Sviridova (Sviridenko)","authors":"Elena Dorofeeva","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu21.2022.212","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu21.2022.212","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the main works of the poet and translator Sofya Alexandrovna Sviridova (1882 — not earlier than 1928, pseudonyms S. Sviridenko, G. Sviridova), first of all, the history of the creation and first publication of the first complete translation into Russian of the Elder Edda (1910, 1st volume published in 1917), in a manuscript awarded the Academic Prize of M. N. Akhmatov. Archival materials found by the author of the publication shed light on some episodes from Sviridova’s biography, including the years of her studies at the St Petersburg Higher Women’s (Bestuzhev) Courses. The article deals with the episodes that influenced the life and creative destiny of Sophia Sviridova, such as, for example, acquaintance with Professor F. A. Brown, who became her teacher and then chief reviewer, collaborated with A. Blok, who systematically gave the translator a job at the “World Literature” publishing house. Particular attention is paid to the description of the second volume of the complete translation of the Old Norse epic Elder Edda, which to this day remains in the manuscript and is stored in the archive of the publisher M. V. Sabashnikov. This study can serve as a theoretical basis for the publication of the second volume of the translation of the Elder Edda by S. Sviridenko (Sviridova), or the publication of the entire work in one book — this is exactly how it seemed logical and correct to the translator herself. Hopefully some other works from the rich literary heritage of S. A. Sviridova will be published in the future.","PeriodicalId":40525,"journal":{"name":"Philologia Classica","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67775370","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu21.2022.112
Boris Zharov
The first Danish-Russian dictionary (Dansk-Russisk Ordbog) was published in Denmark in 1949. Author Ivan Stchelkunoff was born in Copenhagen to a family that moved from Russia. He received a good education, studied at the prestigious Metropolitan School, then at the University of Copenhagen, majoring in Latin, Greek and English. In 1901–1910 he was an Orthodox deacon in Athens. The years after returning to Denmark until 1917 were very successful. He was priest of the Imperial Diplomatic Mission of Russia, priest of the Alexander Nevsky Church in Copenhagen. He implemented several projects related to Russia. He published a book based on the history of Russia, Letters of Empress Catherine to the Dowager Queen Juliane Maria, a translation of I. S. Turgenev’s novel The Day Before, Russian Textbook for Beginners, Russian Commercial Correspondence, and two pocket dictionaries: Danish-Russian and Russian- Danish. In the early 1920s he moved from Copenhagen to Bornholm, where he became a teacher. He told about his life in the book Fifty years under the golden domes. Denmark, Greece, Russia. The publication of translations of L. N. Tolstoy’s novel Anna Karenina and two Ehrenburg books belongs to this period. In 1945, after the surrender of Germany, Soviet soldiers had to liberate the island due to the ridiculous orders of the German command. In 1945–1946, when they were on the island, Stchelkunoff was “an interpreter for Russian soldiers.” The Danish-Russian dictionary was created for a long time, from 1934 to 1946. In the preface, the author expresses gratitude to professor Holger Pedersen, who helped him. The dictionary was published in 1949 shortly after the adoption of changes in Danish spelling, but they could not be taken into account. Danish-Russian Dictionary is aimed at Danish users “who want to learn Russian, but it can be useful for Russians who want to get directly acquainted with Danish literature while reading.” Therefore, the author made do with minimal grammatical explanations. There are no lists of abbreviations and geographical names that are given in the corpus. The dictionary is satisfactory for this volume (about 30.000 words), although there are non-obvious lexemes for this pair of languages. In general, the dictionary can be assessed as reliable, conscientiously made and very timely appeared.
{"title":"From the history of Danish-Russian bilingual lexicography. Ivan Stscelkunoff (1870–1966) and his dictionary","authors":"Boris Zharov","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu21.2022.112","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu21.2022.112","url":null,"abstract":"The first Danish-Russian dictionary (Dansk-Russisk Ordbog) was published in Denmark in 1949. Author Ivan Stchelkunoff was born in Copenhagen to a family that moved from Russia. He received a good education, studied at the prestigious Metropolitan School, then at the University of Copenhagen, majoring in Latin, Greek and English. In 1901–1910 he was an Orthodox deacon in Athens. The years after returning to Denmark until 1917 were very successful. He was priest of the Imperial Diplomatic Mission of Russia, priest of the Alexander Nevsky Church in Copenhagen. He implemented several projects related to Russia. He published a book based on the history of Russia, Letters of Empress Catherine to the Dowager Queen Juliane Maria, a translation of I. S. Turgenev’s novel The Day Before, Russian Textbook for Beginners, Russian Commercial Correspondence, and two pocket dictionaries: Danish-Russian and Russian- Danish. In the early 1920s he moved from Copenhagen to Bornholm, where he became a teacher. He told about his life in the book Fifty years under the golden domes. Denmark, Greece, Russia. The publication of translations of L. N. Tolstoy’s novel Anna Karenina and two Ehrenburg books belongs to this period. In 1945, after the surrender of Germany, Soviet soldiers had to liberate the island due to the ridiculous orders of the German command. In 1945–1946, when they were on the island, Stchelkunoff was “an interpreter for Russian soldiers.” The Danish-Russian dictionary was created for a long time, from 1934 to 1946. In the preface, the author expresses gratitude to professor Holger Pedersen, who helped him. The dictionary was published in 1949 shortly after the adoption of changes in Danish spelling, but they could not be taken into account. Danish-Russian Dictionary is aimed at Danish users “who want to learn Russian, but it can be useful for Russians who want to get directly acquainted with Danish literature while reading.” Therefore, the author made do with minimal grammatical explanations. There are no lists of abbreviations and geographical names that are given in the corpus. The dictionary is satisfactory for this volume (about 30.000 words), although there are non-obvious lexemes for this pair of languages. In general, the dictionary can be assessed as reliable, conscientiously made and very timely appeared.","PeriodicalId":40525,"journal":{"name":"Philologia Classica","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67775511","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu21.2022.201
E. Astakhova, A. Yakovleva
In modern Russia, with the current level of integration, international trade and the blurring of information borders, the culture of the Netherlands was bound to leave traces in the language in the form of a number of recognizable combinations and cliches. This study focuses on the description of lexicographically fixed combinations and attributive from the Internet including the adjectives нидерландский [Netherlandish] and голландский [Dutch] in order to supplement and expand the description of the stereotypical idea of the Dutch in Russia today, as well as to conclude about the presence/ absence of a certain image of the inhabitants of the Netherlands in the Russianspeaking space and/or any stereotypical idea about this country. The national character should be understood as a fragment of the linguistic picture of the world, reconstructed on the basis of linguistic data and stereotypes reflected in culture. Due to historical reasons, but also due to the articulatory complexity, the adjective нидерландский [Netherlandish] has not become widely used in the Russian language. Two types of syntagmas with the adjective голландский [Dutch] were found in the Russian language — with the definition being in the preposition and with the definition located in the postposition. At the moment there is no definite idea of the Dutch as a nation either in the Russian language or on the Russian-language Internet. There are a number of historical expressions and combinations that do not reflect the modern national character of the Dutch. A small number of syntagmas on the topic of economics and finance, where the Dutch appear to be practical, calculating people, as well as on the topic of health, showing them as liberated and free people, in general, corresponds to the image of the Dutch in other countries, but is not sufficient. The image of the Netherlands as a country in the Russian-speaking field is more stable and objective. In the analyzed expressions, the Netherlands is reflected as a country of artists, navigators and builders of red brick, a country with developed agriculture, simple, unpretentious cuisine, as well as modern trends in architecture and design.
{"title":"National-geographical stereotypes, or “The Dutch reflected by the mirror of the Russian soul","authors":"E. Astakhova, A. Yakovleva","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu21.2022.201","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu21.2022.201","url":null,"abstract":"In modern Russia, with the current level of integration, international trade and the blurring of information borders, the culture of the Netherlands was bound to leave traces in the language in the form of a number of recognizable combinations and cliches. This study focuses on the description of lexicographically fixed combinations and attributive from the Internet including the adjectives нидерландский [Netherlandish] and голландский [Dutch] in order to supplement and expand the description of the stereotypical idea of the Dutch in Russia today, as well as to conclude about the presence/ absence of a certain image of the inhabitants of the Netherlands in the Russianspeaking space and/or any stereotypical idea about this country. The national character should be understood as a fragment of the linguistic picture of the world, reconstructed on the basis of linguistic data and stereotypes reflected in culture. Due to historical reasons, but also due to the articulatory complexity, the adjective нидерландский [Netherlandish] has not become widely used in the Russian language. Two types of syntagmas with the adjective голландский [Dutch] were found in the Russian language — with the definition being in the preposition and with the definition located in the postposition. At the moment there is no definite idea of the Dutch as a nation either in the Russian language or on the Russian-language Internet. There are a number of historical expressions and combinations that do not reflect the modern national character of the Dutch. A small number of syntagmas on the topic of economics and finance, where the Dutch appear to be practical, calculating people, as well as on the topic of health, showing them as liberated and free people, in general, corresponds to the image of the Dutch in other countries, but is not sufficient. The image of the Netherlands as a country in the Russian-speaking field is more stable and objective. In the analyzed expressions, the Netherlands is reflected as a country of artists, navigators and builders of red brick, a country with developed agriculture, simple, unpretentious cuisine, as well as modern trends in architecture and design.","PeriodicalId":40525,"journal":{"name":"Philologia Classica","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67775526","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu20.2022.110
Dimitrija Rasljic
This paper sheds new light on two Greek texts accompanying Aeschylus’ Prometheus Vinctus, in the fifteenth-century manuscript Q No. 2 of the Library of the Russian Academy of Sciences in Saint Petersburg. The first text is a didactic poem on iambic versification, allegedly composed by Michael Psellos, and the other one is a mixture of book epigrams related to the subject of the Prometheus Vinctus. August Nauck studied the manuscript and published these texts. All further mentions of the manuscript depend on Nauck’s readings, which nobody seems to question. In the latest edition of Psellos, prepared by Westerink, the manuscript from St Petersburg has not been taken into account, albeit the editor mentions Nauck’s publication. As for the epigrams, they have been published several times, also without taking that manuscript into account. A new study of the codex shows that Nauck’s edition contains several minor misreadings, therefore, I propose a new edition, based on the St Petersburg manuscript, as well as other manuscripts bearing same or similar verses, which were, apparently, unknown to him. Analyzing the epigrams on Prometheus, I compare our manuscript with others which contain the same verses (usually in different order). I try to explain some of the mistakes in these texts and correct them, as well as to compare them with other readings.
{"title":"Two Greek Paratext Poems from the Manuscript Q No. 2 of the Library of the Russian Academy of Sciences","authors":"Dimitrija Rasljic","doi":"10.21638/spbu20.2022.110","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu20.2022.110","url":null,"abstract":"This paper sheds new light on two Greek texts accompanying Aeschylus’ Prometheus Vinctus, in the fifteenth-century manuscript Q No. 2 of the Library of the Russian Academy of Sciences in Saint Petersburg. The first text is a didactic poem on iambic versification, allegedly composed by Michael Psellos, and the other one is a mixture of book epigrams related to the subject of the Prometheus Vinctus. August Nauck studied the manuscript and published these texts. All further mentions of the manuscript depend on Nauck’s readings, which nobody seems to question. In the latest edition of Psellos, prepared by Westerink, the manuscript from St Petersburg has not been taken into account, albeit the editor mentions Nauck’s publication. As for the epigrams, they have been published several times, also without taking that manuscript into account. A new study of the codex shows that Nauck’s edition contains several minor misreadings, therefore, I propose a new edition, based on the St Petersburg manuscript, as well as other manuscripts bearing same or similar verses, which were, apparently, unknown to him. Analyzing the epigrams on Prometheus, I compare our manuscript with others which contain the same verses (usually in different order). I try to explain some of the mistakes in these texts and correct them, as well as to compare them with other readings.","PeriodicalId":40525,"journal":{"name":"Philologia Classica","volume":"41 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91008443","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu20.2022.106
E. Zheltova
The article concerns the semantic nuances of the verb faxo in the Plautus’ language. The vast majority of the occurrences demonstrate causative semantics, but there are a few cases where such a meaning can hardly be seen. De Melo singled out the two occurrences in which faxo can be treated as either an adverb similar to forsitan or a parenthetical expression with the meaning “I assume.” The author of the article has found some more examples of the non-causative use of faxo and tried to find out which of De Melo’s suggestions is preferable. On the grounds of the grammaticalization principles suggested by Hopper and Heine, there has been traced the stages of grammaticalization of faxo in the language of Roman comedy, with particular attention to the broader context. It is demonstrated that the causative meaning which transpires in many examples tends to emerge in the “bridging contexts” of grammaticalization, while the transition to the semantics under consideration occurs at the following stage, i.e. in the “switch context”. Having analyzed all the occurrences of faxo against the broader contexts and comparative data from other languages, the author concludes that the rare sigmatic future faxo had over time become a semi-grammaticalized marker of the speaker’s stance, which allowed both evidential (inferential) and modal-epistemic interpretation.
{"title":"Faxo in Plautus Revisited: Causativity vs. Speaker’s Stance","authors":"E. Zheltova","doi":"10.21638/spbu20.2022.106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu20.2022.106","url":null,"abstract":"The article concerns the semantic nuances of the verb faxo in the Plautus’ language. The vast majority of the occurrences demonstrate causative semantics, but there are a few cases where such a meaning can hardly be seen. De Melo singled out the two occurrences in which faxo can be treated as either an adverb similar to forsitan or a parenthetical expression with the meaning “I assume.” The author of the article has found some more examples of the non-causative use of faxo and tried to find out which of De Melo’s suggestions is preferable. On the grounds of the grammaticalization principles suggested by Hopper and Heine, there has been traced the stages of grammaticalization of faxo in the language of Roman comedy, with particular attention to the broader context. It is demonstrated that the causative meaning which transpires in many examples tends to emerge in the “bridging contexts” of grammaticalization, while the transition to the semantics under consideration occurs at the following stage, i.e. in the “switch context”. Having analyzed all the occurrences of faxo against the broader contexts and comparative data from other languages, the author concludes that the rare sigmatic future faxo had over time become a semi-grammaticalized marker of the speaker’s stance, which allowed both evidential (inferential) and modal-epistemic interpretation.","PeriodicalId":40525,"journal":{"name":"Philologia Classica","volume":"115 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87953544","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu20.2022.210
K. Lappo-Danilevskii
The transition from syllabic to syllabo-tonic verse in Russian poetry in the 1730s — early 1740s years is connected to the activity of three outstanding writers: Vasilii Trediakovskii (1703–1769), Mikhail Lomonosov (1711–1765) and Aleksandr Sumarokov (1717–1777). This reform concerned first of foremost binary and ternary meters and paved the way for creation of more complicated meters, among them syllabo-tonic equivalents of ancient Aeolic verse. The Sapphic hendecasyllable was the most known and widespread of them. The sapphic stanza was likewise very popular in European literatures; it consists of three sapphic hendecasyllabic lines and an adonean fourth line. Russian syllabic poets eagerly created rhymed sapphicstanzas with a caesura after the fifth syllable in the hendecasyllables, with the stresses in all four lines unregulated. Trediakovskii composed such sapphic stanzas for his translation of Paul Tallemant’s gallant novel “Le voyage de l’isle d’amour, à Licidas” (Paris, 1663), printed 1730 in Saint Petersburg. In 1735, Trediakovskii published “A New and Brief Method of Composing Russian Verse”, which is considered the beginning of the reform of Russian versification. In this treatise, Trediakovskii proposed a more regulated sapphic stanza. The sapphic hendecasyllables were to consist of six trochees; the third of them, before a regular caesura, was catalectic. All lines concluded with feminine rhymes. In the second edition of this work (1752) Trediakovskii revisited his conception. At this point he understood the sapphic hendecasyllable as a combination of four trochees with one dactyl in the middle of them. Under the influence of Lomonosov’s “Letter on the Rules of the Russian Poetry” (1739) Trediakovskii became convinced of the necessity of alternating rhymes and for this reason decided that the first two lines in the sapphic stanza should have masculine rhymes. As a result he truncated these lines so that they contained only ten syllables. In his lost “Letter about Sapphic and Horatian Stanzas” (1755) Aleksandr Sumarokov expressed strong disagreement with Trediakovskii’s revised conception. He found decasyllables in sapphic stanzas unacceptable; he also came out against regular caesurae. However, Sumarokov treated the metrical structure of the sapphic hendecasyllable the same way as Trediakovskii had. In 1755 and 1758, Sumarokov published three poems in sapphic syllabo-tonic stanzas, rhymed and unrhymed, but always without a regular caesurae. In 1762, Trediakovskii translated two stanzas from Horace’s Carmen saeculare. Their form allows one to conclude that he took Sumarokov’s criticism intoaccount: he rejected decasyllables in these stanzas. Only in the question of caesura did he remain unyielding.
18世纪30年代至40年代初，俄罗斯诗歌从音节诗到音节主韵文的转变与三位杰出作家的活动有关:瓦西里·特雷季亚科夫斯基(1703-1769)、米哈伊尔·罗蒙诺索夫(1711-1765)和亚历山大·苏马洛科夫(1717-1777)。这一改革首先涉及到二元和三元格律，并为创造更复杂的格律铺平了道路，其中包括音节-主音等效的古代埃奥利亚诗。萨斐语是其中最著名和最广泛的。萨福诗节同样在欧洲文学中非常流行;它由三条萨文的十字句线和一条阿多尼四字句线组成。俄罗斯的音节诗人急切地创作了押韵的萨菲诗节，在十六个音节的第五个音节之后有一个停顿，四行重音都不规范。特雷迪亚科夫斯基在翻译保罗·塔列曼特(Paul Tallemant)的豪迈小说《Le voyage de l’isle d’amour， Licidas》(巴黎，1663年)时，创作了这样的诗节，1730年在圣彼得堡印刷。1735年，特雷迪亚科夫斯基发表了《俄罗斯诗歌创作新简法》，这被认为是俄罗斯诗歌改革的开始。在这篇论文中，特雷迪亚科夫斯基提出了一个更规范的诗节。四分音节由六个抑格组成;第三次，在常规的停顿之前，是催化性的。所有的诗句都以女性韵结尾。在这部作品的第二版(1752年)中，特雷迪亚科夫斯基重新审视了他的概念。在这一点上，他理解了萨福诗是四个扬格和中间一个抑格的组合。在罗蒙诺索夫的《关于俄罗斯诗歌规则的信》(1739)的影响下，特雷迪亚科夫斯基开始确信交替押韵的必要性，并因此决定在萨福诗节的前两行应该有男性押韵。结果，他把这些句子删减成十个音节。在他失传的《关于萨菲和贺拉斯节的信》(1755)中，亚历山大·苏马洛科夫对特雷迪亚科夫斯基修改后的概念表达了强烈的反对。他发现在萨福克诗节中不可接受十音节;他还公开反对常规的剖腹产。然而，Sumarokov用与trediakovski相同的方法处理了萨芬诗的韵律结构。在1755年和1758年，苏马罗科夫发表了三首诗，有押韵的，也有不押韵的，但总是没有规律的停顿。1762年，特雷迪亚科夫斯基翻译了贺拉斯的《世俗卡门》中的两节。它们的形式可以让人得出这样的结论:他考虑了苏马鲁科夫的批评:他拒绝了这些诗节中的十音节。只有在暂停的问题上，他才不让步。
{"title":"V. K. Trediakovskii and A. P. Sumarokov in Polemics about the Sapphic Stanza","authors":"K. Lappo-Danilevskii","doi":"10.21638/spbu20.2022.210","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu20.2022.210","url":null,"abstract":"The transition from syllabic to syllabo-tonic verse in Russian poetry in the 1730s — early 1740s years is connected to the activity of three outstanding writers: Vasilii Trediakovskii (1703–1769), Mikhail Lomonosov (1711–1765) and Aleksandr Sumarokov (1717–1777). This reform concerned first of foremost binary and ternary meters and paved the way for creation of more complicated meters, among them syllabo-tonic equivalents of ancient Aeolic verse. The Sapphic hendecasyllable was the most known and widespread of them. The sapphic stanza was likewise very popular in European literatures; it consists of three sapphic hendecasyllabic lines and an adonean fourth line. Russian syllabic poets eagerly created rhymed sapphicstanzas with a caesura after the fifth syllable in the hendecasyllables, with the stresses in all four lines unregulated. Trediakovskii composed such sapphic stanzas for his translation of Paul Tallemant’s gallant novel “Le voyage de l’isle d’amour, à Licidas” (Paris, 1663), printed 1730 in Saint Petersburg. In 1735, Trediakovskii published “A New and Brief Method of Composing Russian Verse”, which is considered the beginning of the reform of Russian versification. In this treatise, Trediakovskii proposed a more regulated sapphic stanza. The sapphic hendecasyllables were to consist of six trochees; the third of them, before a regular caesura, was catalectic. All lines concluded with feminine rhymes. In the second edition of this work (1752) Trediakovskii revisited his conception. At this point he understood the sapphic hendecasyllable as a combination of four trochees with one dactyl in the middle of them. Under the influence of Lomonosov’s “Letter on the Rules of the Russian Poetry” (1739) Trediakovskii became convinced of the necessity of alternating rhymes and for this reason decided that the first two lines in the sapphic stanza should have masculine rhymes. As a result he truncated these lines so that they contained only ten syllables. In his lost “Letter about Sapphic and Horatian Stanzas” (1755) Aleksandr Sumarokov expressed strong disagreement with Trediakovskii’s revised conception. He found decasyllables in sapphic stanzas unacceptable; he also came out against regular caesurae. However, Sumarokov treated the metrical structure of the sapphic hendecasyllable the same way as Trediakovskii had. In 1755 and 1758, Sumarokov published three poems in sapphic syllabo-tonic stanzas, rhymed and unrhymed, but always without a regular caesurae. In 1762, Trediakovskii translated two stanzas from Horace’s Carmen saeculare. Their form allows one to conclude that he took Sumarokov’s criticism intoaccount: he rejected decasyllables in these stanzas. Only in the question of caesura did he remain unyielding.","PeriodicalId":40525,"journal":{"name":"Philologia Classica","volume":"13 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78049088","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu20.2022.103
A. Seregin
In this paper, I demonstrate that the early Stoics adhered to a normative theory that may be called intentionalist: the moral significance of any action is not determined by its material content, but by the virtuous or vicious disposition of the agent’s soul and the intentions arising from this disposition. Since according to Stoics all people are divided into virtuous sages and vicious non-sages, all the actions of the former are morally right (κατορθώματα), whereas those of the latter are morally wrong (ἁμαρτήματα), even if they are materially identical. On the other hand, some statements in the Stoic fragments can rather be characterized as deontological: in this case, certain materially defined types of action (stealing, lying, adultery, etc.) seem to be presented as morally wrong in themselves. The paper’s central thesis is that such statements do not contradict the basic Stoic intentionalism but can be interpreted as consistent with it. Such an interpretation becomes possible under two conditions: firstly, if one takes into account how exactly the notions of κατόρθωμα and ἁμάρτημα relate to the Stoic notions of appropriate and inappropriate action (καθῆκον and παρὰ τὸκαθῆκον), and, secondly, if one examines the Stoic position on the moral status of lying, which is very revealing in this respect.
在本文中，我论证了早期斯多葛学派坚持一种可以被称为意图主义的规范理论:任何行为的道德意义不是由其物质内容决定的，而是由行为人灵魂的善良或邪恶的倾向以及由这种倾向产生的意图决定的。因为根据斯多噶学派，所有的人都被分为有德的圣人和邪恶的非圣人，前者的所有行为在道德上都是正确的(κατορθώματα)，而后者的所有行为在道德上都是错误的(ο μαρτ ματα)，即使它们在物质上是相同的。另一方面，斯多葛主义片段中的一些陈述可以被描述为义务论:在这种情况下，某些物质上定义的行为类型(偷窃，撒谎，通奸等)似乎本身就被认为是道德上错误的。本文的中心论点是，这些陈述并不与斯多葛派的基本意图主义相矛盾，但可以被解释为与之一致。这样的解释在两个条件下是可能的:首先，如果考虑到κατ ο ρ ωμα和ο μα ρτημα的概念与斯多葛派关于适当和不适当行为的概念(καθ τ κον和παρ ο τ τ κ καθ τ ον)的确切关系，其次，如果考察斯多葛派关于说谎的道德地位的立场，这在这方面是很有启示的。
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu20.2022.105
E. Kaczyńska
The Greek grammarian and lexicographer, Hesychius of Alexandria (5th–6th c. CE) included a Pamphylian gloss: βουρικυπάρισσος ἡ ἄμπελος. Περγαῖοι in his dictionary of rare and dialectal words. Based on a microphilological and lexical analysis, I suggest that the Greek text should be read as follows: βουρί˙κυπάρισσος ἢ ἄμπελος. Περγαῖοι (“bourí: cypress or grapevine. Citizens of Perge”). The Pamphylian gloss in question represents two different borrowings of terms originating in the Near East. The first item βουρί˙κυπάρισσος (‘cypress’) seems to have been borrowed from Akkadian burāšu(m) ‘a kind of conifer tree; juniper or cypress’ with a Lycian intermediary (Akk. burāšu → Luw. *burašiš > Lyc. *burehi > *burhi → Pamph. βουρί), whereas the second one βουρί˙ […] ἄμπελος (‘grapevine’) reflects a separate loanword from an Anatolian source, cf. Hitt. and Luw. muriš c. ‘a grapevine, a vine, a cluster or bunch of grapes or other fruit’. The Pamphylian dialect of Ancient Greek represents an extraordinary idiom, which was used in the neighbourhood of numerous Anatolian languages such as Lycian, Milyan, Sidetic, Pisidian and Cilician. It is therefore not surprising that the Pamphylian Greeks borrowed a number of cultural terms for plants from an Anatolian Indo-European source, as well as from Akkadian or other West Semitic languages via Luwian and Lycian. Additionally, other possible Anatolian borrowings into Ancient Greek (e. g. Gk. dial. βωληνή ‘a type of grapevine’, μῶλαξ ‘id.’ vs. Hittite maḫlaš c. ‘grapevine, Vitis vinifera L.’) are mentioned and reviewed.
希腊语法学家和词典编纂者，亚历山大的Hesychius(公元5 - 6世纪)收录了一个庞菲利亚式的注释:βο ο ρικ ο π ρισσος ο μπελος。Περγα οι在他的稀有和方言词汇词典里。根据微观语言学和词法分析，我建议希腊文本应该这样读:βο ο ο κ ο π ρισσος ν μπελος。Περγα οι(“bourí:柏树或葡萄藤。Perge的公民”)。潘非利亚光泽的问题代表两个不同的借用术语起源于近东。第一个词βο ο ος('柏树')似乎是从阿卡德语burāšu(m) '一种针叶树;杜松或柏树”，中间有吕西亚人(Akk。burāšu→卢。*burašiš > Lyc。*burehi > *burhi→Pamph。而第二个βο ο ρί˙[…]ο μπελος(‘葡萄藤’)则反映了一个来自安纳托利亚语的单独外来词，如Hitt。和Luw中。“葡萄藤，藤蔓，一串或一串葡萄或其他水果”。古希腊的旁菲利亚方言代表了一种非凡的成语，它被用于许多安纳托利亚语言的邻近地区，如利西亚语、米利安语、塞蒂克语、皮西迪亚语和西利西亚语。因此，潘菲利亚的希腊人从安纳托利亚的印欧语系，以及通过卢维语和利西亚语从阿卡德语或其他西闪米特语中借用了许多植物文化术语，这并不奇怪。此外，其他可能的安纳托利亚借用到古希腊语(如希腊文)。拨号。'一种葡萄藤'，μ ωλ ξ ' id。’与赫梯语maḫlaš c.’葡萄藤，Vitis vinifera L.’)被提及和审查。
{"title":"Reflections on the Hesychian Lemma βουρικυπάρισσος","authors":"E. Kaczyńska","doi":"10.21638/spbu20.2022.105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu20.2022.105","url":null,"abstract":"The Greek grammarian and lexicographer, Hesychius of Alexandria (5th–6th c. CE) included a Pamphylian gloss: βουρικυπάρισσος ἡ ἄμπελος. Περγαῖοι in his dictionary of rare and dialectal words. Based on a microphilological and lexical analysis, I suggest that the Greek text should be read as follows: βουρί˙κυπάρισσος ἢ ἄμπελος. Περγαῖοι (“bourí: cypress or grapevine. Citizens of Perge”). The Pamphylian gloss in question represents two different borrowings of terms originating in the Near East. The first item βουρί˙κυπάρισσος (‘cypress’) seems to have been borrowed from Akkadian burāšu(m) ‘a kind of conifer tree; juniper or cypress’ with a Lycian intermediary (Akk. burāšu → Luw. *burašiš > Lyc. *burehi > *burhi → Pamph. βουρί), whereas the second one βουρί˙ […] ἄμπελος (‘grapevine’) reflects a separate loanword from an Anatolian source, cf. Hitt. and Luw. muriš c. ‘a grapevine, a vine, a cluster or bunch of grapes or other fruit’. The Pamphylian dialect of Ancient Greek represents an extraordinary idiom, which was used in the neighbourhood of numerous Anatolian languages such as Lycian, Milyan, Sidetic, Pisidian and Cilician. It is therefore not surprising that the Pamphylian Greeks borrowed a number of cultural terms for plants from an Anatolian Indo-European source, as well as from Akkadian or other West Semitic languages via Luwian and Lycian. Additionally, other possible Anatolian borrowings into Ancient Greek (e. g. Gk. dial. βωληνή ‘a type of grapevine’, μῶλαξ ‘id.’ vs. Hittite maḫlaš c. ‘grapevine, Vitis vinifera L.’) are mentioned and reviewed.","PeriodicalId":40525,"journal":{"name":"Philologia Classica","volume":"119 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89183696","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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