Pub Date : 2019-02-27DOI: 10.18543/CED-02-2019PP269-285
Arantza Gomez Arana
The development of an EU identity should be supported by a legal framework to be able to justify its legitimation. Following the work of Ian Manners on normative power, this paper discusses the links between key aspects of EU values such as solidarity and human rights in a context where supporters of nation-states and Westphalian views of states have recently dominated European politics. This has had a a direct impact (or lack of) on the promotion of multiculturalism. This paper takes Greece as an example of how the EU’s approach towards this country could have been a display of solidarity and promotion of human rights but it missed the opportunity. One of the reasons for favouring a more utilitarian approach could be linked to the lack of sense and belonging to the EU society as a consequence of the barriers created by strong feelings of nationalism attached to European states and nations together with a lack of promotion of multiculturalism. It is argued that a more multicultural society could benefit from the creation of an EU identity and consequently, the creation of an EU society, EU policies, and potentially, the avoidance of future European crisis such as the one created with Brexit.Received: 02 July 2018 Accepted: 16 July 2018 Published online: 27 February 2019
{"title":"EU Identity in a Westphalian and Multicultural Context","authors":"Arantza Gomez Arana","doi":"10.18543/CED-02-2019PP269-285","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18543/CED-02-2019PP269-285","url":null,"abstract":"The development of an EU identity should be supported by a legal framework to be able to justify its legitimation. Following the work of Ian Manners on normative power, this paper discusses the links between key aspects of EU values such as solidarity and human rights in a context where supporters of nation-states and Westphalian views of states have recently dominated European politics. This has had a a direct impact (or lack of) on the promotion of multiculturalism. This paper takes Greece as an example of how the EU’s approach towards this country could have been a display of solidarity and promotion of human rights but it missed the opportunity. One of the reasons for favouring a more utilitarian approach could be linked to the lack of sense and belonging to the EU society as a consequence of the barriers created by strong feelings of nationalism attached to European states and nations together with a lack of promotion of multiculturalism. It is argued that a more multicultural society could benefit from the creation of an EU identity and consequently, the creation of an EU society, EU policies, and potentially, the avoidance of future European crisis such as the one created with Brexit.Received: 02 July 2018 Accepted: 16 July 2018 Published online: 27 February 2019","PeriodicalId":40611,"journal":{"name":"Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45225140","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-02-27DOI: 10.18543/CED-02-2019PP155-170
Covadonga Isabel Ballesteros Panizo
El estudio presenta el modelo de Estado social como un distintivo de la identidad de Europa. Para ello se analizan los orígenes del Estado social, los valores sobre los que se sostiene, así como los cambios que en la actualidad este modelo está sufriendo. La relevancia del tema objeto de estudio se encuentra en la aparente amenaza que para la identidad europea podría plantear la tendencia privatizadora de los servicios esenciales. Para ello el trabajo aborda el estudio de las actuales relaciones entre Estado y sociedad. Hace apenas unas décadas en el modelo de Estado social el Estado aparecía como único prestador de los servicios esenciales para la comunidad; hoy, sin embargo, el Estado aparece como garante de esos servicios, que prestan y cuya titularidad ostentan los operadores privados. Se advierte, en este sentido, que la tendencia liberalizadora no es necesariamente contraria al Estado Social, siempre y cuando se articule una adecuada regulación que garantice sus principios. Como conclusión del trabajo destaca la necesidad de que Europa proteja los valores sobre los que se sustenta el modelo de Estado de los países que la integran, para así preservar su genuina identidad.Recibido: 02 julio 2018 Aceptado: 10 septiembre 2018 Publicación en línea: 27 febrero 2019
{"title":"Estado social e identidad europea","authors":"Covadonga Isabel Ballesteros Panizo","doi":"10.18543/CED-02-2019PP155-170","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18543/CED-02-2019PP155-170","url":null,"abstract":"El estudio presenta el modelo de Estado social como un distintivo de la identidad de Europa. Para ello se analizan los orígenes del Estado social, los valores sobre los que se sostiene, así como los cambios que en la actualidad este modelo está sufriendo. La relevancia del tema objeto de estudio se encuentra en la aparente amenaza que para la identidad europea podría plantear la tendencia privatizadora de los servicios esenciales. Para ello el trabajo aborda el estudio de las actuales relaciones entre Estado y sociedad. Hace apenas unas décadas en el modelo de Estado social el Estado aparecía como único prestador de los servicios esenciales para la comunidad; hoy, sin embargo, el Estado aparece como garante de esos servicios, que prestan y cuya titularidad ostentan los operadores privados. Se advierte, en este sentido, que la tendencia liberalizadora no es necesariamente contraria al Estado Social, siempre y cuando se articule una adecuada regulación que garantice sus principios. Como conclusión del trabajo destaca la necesidad de que Europa proteja los valores sobre los que se sustenta el modelo de Estado de los países que la integran, para así preservar su genuina identidad.Recibido: 02 julio 2018 Aceptado: 10 septiembre 2018 Publicación en línea: 27 febrero 2019","PeriodicalId":40611,"journal":{"name":"Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43728229","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-02-27DOI: 10.18543/ced-02-2019pp227-249
Maria Chochorelou
In recent years, we can observe an increase of the EU Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) addressing cultural matters. The focus of the Union seems to lie on the audiovisual services sector, which is excluded by the scope of all these Agreements. This so-called ‘cultural exception’ clause does not apply to other cultural sectors, which are however still regulated in EU FTAs. The regulation takes the form of either commitments and reservations made by the Parties to a specific sector, or cooperative provisions mainly found in the Protocols of Cultural Cooperation supplementing some EU FTAs. Although not explicitly mentioning culture, other EU FTA Chapters, such as Subsidies and Intellectual Property, also entail cultural considerations. Rhetorically, the EU has considered the inclusion of cultural aspects into its FTAs as a tool to protect and promote the European identity and cultural diversity. However, both the negotiations as well as the texts of these Agreements illustrate that the motives behind this exclusion are mainly economic and political.Received: 02 July 2018 Accepted: 16 July 2018 Published online: 27 February 2019
{"title":"The European Identity Rationale in the EU Free Trade Agreements: Economic rather than Cultural Objectives?","authors":"Maria Chochorelou","doi":"10.18543/ced-02-2019pp227-249","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18543/ced-02-2019pp227-249","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years, we can observe an increase of the EU Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) addressing cultural matters. The focus of the Union seems to lie on the audiovisual services sector, which is excluded by the scope of all these Agreements. This so-called ‘cultural exception’ clause does not apply to other cultural sectors, which are however still regulated in EU FTAs. The regulation takes the form of either commitments and reservations made by the Parties to a specific sector, or cooperative provisions mainly found in the Protocols of Cultural Cooperation supplementing some EU FTAs. Although not explicitly mentioning culture, other EU FTA Chapters, such as Subsidies and Intellectual Property, also entail cultural considerations. Rhetorically, the EU has considered the inclusion of cultural aspects into its FTAs as a tool to protect and promote the European identity and cultural diversity. However, both the negotiations as well as the texts of these Agreements illustrate that the motives behind this exclusion are mainly economic and political.Received: 02 July 2018 Accepted: 16 July 2018 Published online: 27 February 2019","PeriodicalId":40611,"journal":{"name":"Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49286579","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-02-27DOI: 10.18543/CED-02-2019PP287-308
María Julià Barceló
Uno de los aspectos distintivos de la actual Unión Europea —más allá de su concepción como organización económica— es la protección y promoción de los derechos humanos en su actuación exterior. En aplicación del mandato establecido en el TUE, en sus relaciones con el resto del mundo, la Unión contribuye a la protección de los derechos humanos, así como al respeto y desarrollo del derecho internacional a través de la ejecución de políticas comunes. El Marco estratégico sobre derechos humanos y democracia establece los principios que prevén la integración de los derechos humanos en todas las políticas de la Unión. La política comercial común es uno de los ejes de esta actuación, en particular a través de dos instrumentos: la cláusula de derechos humanos y democracia—incorporada en los acuerdos comerciales— y el Sistema de Preferencias Generalizadas —otorgado a los países en vías de desarrollo—. La base de estos instrumentos es la condicionalidad, mayoritariamente positiva, destinada a ganar la confianza de los países terceros e incorporarlos al comercio para mejorar sus economías. Aún así, estos instrumentos adolecen de ciertos problemas técnicos-jurídicos y políticos, que pueden dificultar una actuación transparente y sin arbitrariedades de la Unión respecto a la protección de los derechos humanos. Recibido: 02 julio 2018 Aceptado: 05 septiembre 2018 Publicación en línea: 27 febrero 2019
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Pub Date : 2019-02-27DOI: 10.18543/ced-02-2019pp27-34
Carlos Espaliú Berdud
The current landscape of Europe requires an urgent reflection on whether a European identity exists or not, and on the consequences the answers to this question may hold. For two years, we members of the Research Group on critical issues of contemporary international society of the Faculty of Law of the International University of Catalonia, together with a number of professors from other Spanish and international universities, have attempted to provide answers to these questions. This special issue of Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto is the result of this research project. We have approached the topic from a multidisciplinary perspective, and more specifically Philosophy, History and Law. In particular, we have focused on the roots and scope of the European identity, which, once determined, can shed light on the relations between people and groups of different races, religions, cultures, etc. in Europe. Several of the authors have addressed the issue of human rights, a key element of that European identity.Published online: 27 February 2019
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Pub Date : 2019-02-27DOI: 10.18543/ced-2-2019pp309-332
Maria Mut Bosque
La decisión del Reino Unido de abandonar la Unión Europea ha comportado numerosas críticas al Reino Unido por su euroescepticismo. Sin embargo, desde este trabajo argumentaremos que, especialmente, justo después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, el Reino Unido estuvo y continúa estando profundamente comprometido con la unidad europea y su institucionalización. El Reino Unido siempre defendió un modelo institucional de carácter intergubernamental, respetuoso con la soberanía nacional de los estados y acorde con el marco institucional de la comunidad internacional. Este modelo es el que finalmente prosperaría en el Congreso de la Haya y posteriormente, quedaría plasmado en el Consejo de Europa. Además del modelo institucional, el Reino Unido inspiró e impulsó la adopción de principios y valores británicos, intensamente defendidos en la Segunda Guerra Mundial, que hoy forman parte de la identidad europea, como son el parlamentarismo, la democracia o el respeto a los derechos humanos. Asimismo, argumentaremos que Europa es mucho más que la Unión Europea y que otras organizaciones, como el Consejo de Europa realizan una tarea extraordinaria a la hora de impulsar, consolidar e implementar los llamados valores y principios europeos. En este sentido, todos los modelos para una Europa unida son igualmente válidos. No sólo aquellos que defienden el modelo federalista deben ser considerados europeístas, también aquellos que defienden un modelo intergubernamental deben ser considerados europeístas.Recibido: 02 julio 2018 Aceptado: 14 septiembre 2018 Publicación en línea: 27 febrero 2019
{"title":"Los valores y principios británicos como parte de la identidad europea a través del Consejo de Europa","authors":"Maria Mut Bosque","doi":"10.18543/ced-2-2019pp309-332","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18543/ced-2-2019pp309-332","url":null,"abstract":"La decisión del Reino Unido de abandonar la Unión Europea ha comportado numerosas críticas al Reino Unido por su euroescepticismo. Sin embargo, desde este trabajo argumentaremos que, especialmente, justo después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, el Reino Unido estuvo y continúa estando profundamente comprometido con la unidad europea y su institucionalización. El Reino Unido siempre defendió un modelo institucional de carácter intergubernamental, respetuoso con la soberanía nacional de los estados y acorde con el marco institucional de la comunidad internacional. Este modelo es el que finalmente prosperaría en el Congreso de la Haya y posteriormente, quedaría plasmado en el Consejo de Europa. Además del modelo institucional, el Reino Unido inspiró e impulsó la adopción de principios y valores británicos, intensamente defendidos en la Segunda Guerra Mundial, que hoy forman parte de la identidad europea, como son el parlamentarismo, la democracia o el respeto a los derechos humanos. Asimismo, argumentaremos que Europa es mucho más que la Unión Europea y que otras organizaciones, como el Consejo de Europa realizan una tarea extraordinaria a la hora de impulsar, consolidar e implementar los llamados valores y principios europeos. En este sentido, todos los modelos para una Europa unida son igualmente válidos. No sólo aquellos que defienden el modelo federalista deben ser considerados europeístas, también aquellos que defienden un modelo intergubernamental deben ser considerados europeístas.Recibido: 02 julio 2018 Aceptado: 14 septiembre 2018 Publicación en línea: 27 febrero 2019","PeriodicalId":40611,"journal":{"name":"Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46955498","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-10-31DOI: 10.18543/ced-59-2018pp63-73
S. García
This paper argues that there is a defective understanding of the sociological secularization process and a liberal tradition that takes for granted many problematic notions and subtly determines the logic of the debate on religion in modern societies. While the two issues are not causal factors for the rise of radical right-wing populist movements, they constitute the framework within which the debates on ethno-religious pluralism and its relationship with politics take place. These two unresolved questions hinder a good understanding of the complexity of social phenomena related to religion in contemporary Western societies such as fundamentalism, terrorism, political Islam or the claims of other religious groups to participate in the public sphere. In order to achieve the above goals, the article focuses on four interconnected points. The first briefly reviews secularization theory and secularism as an ideology. The second constitutes a questioning of the liberal framework. The third proposes a particular way of approaching those social phenomena linked to religion. The paper concludes broadly examining the factors related to religion that feed right-wing populist movements.Received: 2 January 2018Accepted: 9 May 2018Published online: 31 October 2018
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Pub Date : 2018-10-31DOI: 10.18543/ced-59-2018pp75-97
Beatriz Acha Ugarte
This paper analyses the rise of the Far Right in Western Europe and the widespread political, social and scholarly concern due to the extremist parties’ recent electoral performances. It holds that, already since the late 1980s, we are witnessing a new (third) “wave” of right-wing extremism in several European countries —with some of these parties having already undergone electoral and political consolidation— and joins other contributions that approach the issue of their “mainstreaming” process. It presents some data on the Far Right’s electoral and political evolution, which seem to confirm that some mainstreaming did take place in the decades between the 1980s and the 2000s. However, more recently the immigration issue and the “refugees’ crisis” seem to have prompted the radicalisation of many (if not all) of these parties, and even of some parties which were not thought to be extremist. The paper reflects on this process of alleged radicalisation of the Far Right. The conclusion speculates on its future evolution and highlights future avenues for research.Received: 23 February 2018 Accepted: 8 May 2018 Published online: 31 October 2018
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Pub Date : 2018-10-31DOI: 10.18543/CED-59-2018PP99-114
Dídac Gutiérrez-Peris
This article is based mostly on a study conducted throughout 2016 in France, Poland, the UK, Spain, Sweden and Germany with the think tank Demos and the Institute Notre Europe – Institut Jacques Delors, called ‘Nothing to fear but fear itself’. The paper focuses mainly on France and departs from the statement that we are living a sort of backlash against the ‘multiculturalist’ approach to integration. This, as shown throughout the paper, cannot always be linked to some of the new fears European societies are facing, but it is the necessary contextual starting point when analysing one of those new fears, namely the hardening of social attitudes on immigration and diversity. This paper points out three of the most common symptoms regarding the new alignment of fears in Europe. It suggests that Europe is not only witnessing a rise of fearful attitudes about terrorism or uncertainty, but also the rise of a society that shows signs of exhaustion regarding the values that used to be the bed stone of European openness. The three symptoms described are: i) growing support for authoritarian populist parties, ii) a low and failing trust in political institutions, iii) a hardening of social attitudes regarding immigration and diversity.Received: 10 January 2018 Accepted: 9 May 2018 Published online: 31 October 2018
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Pub Date : 2018-10-31DOI: 10.18543/ced-59-2018pp219-238
Beatriz Iñarritu
Sumario: I. Introducción.—II. El Estado de la Integración. 1. Propuesta de profundización en la Unión Económica y Monetaria. 2. Brexit: Acuerdo sobre las condiciones del período transitorio del Brexit. 3. Luis de Guindos, vicepresidente del BCE.—III. Cuestiones generales de la actualidad económica. 1. BCE: Anuncio de la finalización del Programa de compras masivas de deuda (QE) en diciembre de 2018. 2. El Eurogrupo acuerda la finalización del rescate a Grecia y la reestructuración de la Deuda griega. 3. Guerra comercial con Estados Unidos ante la imposición de aranceles al acero y aluminio europeos. 4. MUR: polémica en relación a la resolución del Banco Popular. 5. Trabajadores desplazados: acuerdo sobre una nueva normativa. 6. Nuevas sentencias del Tribunal Europeo sobre las indemnizaciones a los trabajadores temporales españoles. 7. Semestre Europeo 2018: Informes en profundidad sobre Desequilibrios Macroeconómicos y Recomendaciones Específicas por país. 8. Competencia-Pacto fiscal Luxemburgo - Engie.Publicación en línea: 31 octubre 2018
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