Pub Date : 2022-01-28DOI: 10.18543/ced-03-2022pp51-69
Carmen Martínez San Millán
To carry out Chinese investments in third countries under the Belt and Road Initiative, the China is currently concluding numerous cooperation agreements called Memorandums of Understanding with its objective States, including European Union Member States. These Memorandums of Understanding are international agreements, but not international treaties as such, which implies that these documents may not lead to rights and obligations under International Law. However, every Memorandum of Understanding signed between China and a European Member States should be interpreted in accordance with European Law. The problem is that Member States are presumably violating different instruments of this legal framework as well as the European Union Common Commercial Policy, which is an exclusive competence of this international organization, if we interpret that these cooperation agreements are masking free trade agreements. This paper aims to analyse this possible interpretation and its consequences for the European Union, as these agreements entail a weakening of the European trade and investment power and put the European Common Commercial Policy at crossroads. Received: 10 May 2021Accepted: 05 November 2021
{"title":"The cooperation agreements within the belt and road initiative: The european common commercial policy at crossroads","authors":"Carmen Martínez San Millán","doi":"10.18543/ced-03-2022pp51-69","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18543/ced-03-2022pp51-69","url":null,"abstract":"To carry out Chinese investments in third countries under the Belt and Road Initiative, the China is currently concluding numerous cooperation agreements called Memorandums of Understanding with its objective States, including European Union Member States. These Memorandums of Understanding are international agreements, but not international treaties as such, which implies that these documents may not lead to rights and obligations under International Law. However, every Memorandum of Understanding signed between China and a European Member States should be interpreted in accordance with European Law. The problem is that Member States are presumably violating different instruments of this legal framework as well as the European Union Common Commercial Policy, which is an exclusive competence of this international organization, if we interpret that these cooperation agreements are masking free trade agreements. This paper aims to analyse this possible interpretation and its consequences for the European Union, as these agreements entail a weakening of the European trade and investment power and put the European Common Commercial Policy at crossroads. \u0000Received: 10 May 2021Accepted: 05 November 2021","PeriodicalId":40611,"journal":{"name":"Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46792736","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-28DOI: 10.18543/ced-03-2022pp95-114
Rosa María Ricoy-Casas
In June 2019, Facebook announced its own cryptocurrency “Libra” to be used through WhatsApp and Messenger, in order for its value to remain stable thanks to the support from banks and electronic commerce companies, linking to different currencies and the support of important companies. EU antitrust regulators investigated it as a “threat to monetary sovereignty”. China is already testing its own DCEP cryptocurrency tied to state banks and major companies, with notable advantages. It will probably displace cash and be used even for world trade, which can make it an alternative to the traditional international payment system, compared to the current one led by the United States with the USD. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) offers “the area and the route” to extend the Yen as a global digital currency. These new developments, and their rapid and high competitiveness produced as the “art of bian lian”, have generated intense concerns in the international financial system. Will the EU, Japan or the US be able to counter the virtual yuan so quickly? Received: 01 September 2021Accepted: 05 November 2021
{"title":"Digital currencies: Challenges between the United States, the European Union and Asia Pacific","authors":"Rosa María Ricoy-Casas","doi":"10.18543/ced-03-2022pp95-114","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18543/ced-03-2022pp95-114","url":null,"abstract":"In June 2019, Facebook announced its own cryptocurrency “Libra” to be used through WhatsApp and Messenger, in order for its value to remain stable thanks to the support from banks and electronic commerce companies, linking to different currencies and the support of important companies. EU antitrust regulators investigated it as a “threat to monetary sovereignty”. China is already testing its own DCEP cryptocurrency tied to state banks and major companies, with notable advantages. It will probably displace cash and be used even for world trade, which can make it an alternative to the traditional international payment system, compared to the current one led by the United States with the USD. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) offers “the area and the route” to extend the Yen as a global digital currency. These new developments, and their rapid and high competitiveness produced as the “art of bian lian”, have generated intense concerns in the international financial system. Will the EU, Japan or the US be able to counter the virtual yuan so quickly? \u0000Received: 01 September 2021Accepted: 05 November 2021","PeriodicalId":40611,"journal":{"name":"Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42947240","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-28DOI: 10.18543/ced-03-2022pp29-49
J. López-Aranguren
The Indo-Pacific is becoming the new geopolitical axis of the planet for multiple reasons, among which three stand out: security (with six nuclear powers in the area, some of them amidst clearly growing tensions), demography (with 64 percent of the world population) and economy (with 62 percent of world GDP). Since its founding, the European Union has been absent in the development of a strategy for the region, an absence that has recently ended with the publication of national strategies of three member states (France, Germany, and the Netherlands), as well such as the EU announcement of a future EU strategy for the region. This paradigm shift may mark the beginning not only of greater European cohesion in terms of strategic projection, but also of greater European geopolitical assertiveness in a post-COVID-19 world in the Indo-Pacific and other regions. This article will trace the birth and evolution of the Indo-Pacific concept, will identify the reasons for its geostrategic importance for the European Union, and will analyze both the three national strategies of France, Germany, and the Netherlands as well as the announced EU strategy for the region. Received: 01 September 2021Accepted: 05 November 2021
{"title":"The EU’s strategic projection in the Indo-Pacific","authors":"J. López-Aranguren","doi":"10.18543/ced-03-2022pp29-49","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18543/ced-03-2022pp29-49","url":null,"abstract":"The Indo-Pacific is becoming the new geopolitical axis of the planet for multiple reasons, among which three stand out: security (with six nuclear powers in the area, some of them amidst clearly growing tensions), demography (with 64 percent of the world population) and economy (with 62 percent of world GDP). Since its founding, the European Union has been absent in the development of a strategy for the region, an absence that has recently ended with the publication of national strategies of three member states (France, Germany, and the Netherlands), as well such as the EU announcement of a future EU strategy for the region. This paradigm shift may mark the beginning not only of greater European cohesion in terms of strategic projection, but also of greater European geopolitical assertiveness in a post-COVID-19 world in the Indo-Pacific and other regions. This article will trace the birth and evolution of the Indo-Pacific concept, will identify the reasons for its geostrategic importance for the European Union, and will analyze both the three national strategies of France, Germany, and the Netherlands as well as the announced EU strategy for the region. \u0000Received: 01 September 2021Accepted: 05 November 2021","PeriodicalId":40611,"journal":{"name":"Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44239465","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-28DOI: 10.18543/ced-03-2022pp23-26
Beatriz Pérez de las Heras
Este número monográfico de Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto incluye algunas de las contribuciones realizadas durante el Congreso Internacional European Union-Asia Pacific dialogue: fostering synergies on global challenges, celebrado en la Universidad de Deusto los días 22 y 23 de abril de 2021. La realización de este evento tuvo lugar en el marco de las actividades del proyecto europeo Jean Monnet Network (EUNAP), que proporciona una plataforma académica para promover el conocimiento mutuo, la investigación conjunta y el debate multidisciplinar sobre las relaciones entre la Unión Europea y la región de Asia Pacífico. Durante la segunda jornada de este Congreso Internacional, diversos doctorandos y jóvenes investigadores de ambas regiones tuvieron ocasión de presentar sus contribuciones sobre los distintos retos y perspectivas que encara actualmente el diálogo interregional. Cinco de estas aportaciones son las que se recogen en formato de artículos en este monográfico.
{"title":"Presentación","authors":"Beatriz Pérez de las Heras","doi":"10.18543/ced-03-2022pp23-26","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18543/ced-03-2022pp23-26","url":null,"abstract":"Este número monográfico de Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto incluye algunas de las contribuciones realizadas durante el Congreso Internacional European Union-Asia Pacific dialogue: fostering synergies on global challenges, celebrado en la Universidad de Deusto los días 22 y 23 de abril de 2021. La realización de este evento tuvo lugar en el marco de las actividades del proyecto europeo Jean Monnet Network (EUNAP), que proporciona una plataforma académica para promover el conocimiento mutuo, la investigación conjunta y el debate multidisciplinar sobre las relaciones entre la Unión Europea y la región de Asia Pacífico. Durante la segunda jornada de este Congreso Internacional, diversos doctorandos y jóvenes investigadores de ambas regiones tuvieron ocasión de presentar sus contribuciones sobre los distintos retos y perspectivas que encara actualmente el diálogo interregional. Cinco de estas aportaciones son las que se recogen en formato de artículos en este monográfico.","PeriodicalId":40611,"journal":{"name":"Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45690523","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-28DOI: 10.18543/ced-03-2022pp71-93
Antonio José Pagán Sánchez
The United States and its allies within the European Union have been unable to forge a common response to deal with the rise of China. Even though China’s growing global presence might undermine the international position of the United States, Washington’s European allies have sometimes refused to close ranks with their American ally. And more importantly, European engagement with China during the last decade has lacked internal consistency and cohesion, to the point that the European Union has rarely been the relevant actor when it comes to shaping Europe-China relations. This is the conclusion reached by this paper after analyzing the EU’s behavior on the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the Belt and Road Initiative, the adoption of Huawei’s 5G technology and the consideration of China as a threat within NATO’s framework. The European Commission has been unwilling or unable to unite the member states around a common position on these four cases. However, the findings of this article also support the idea that an embryonic model of strategic autonomy was already underway during the last decade, and that the growing awareness within the EU about the importance and implications of China’s rise brings new geopolitical opportunities for the union. Received: 28 July 2021Accepted: 05 November 2021
{"title":"The rise of China and the US-Europe alliance drift in the 2010s: A lost decade for the European Union?","authors":"Antonio José Pagán Sánchez","doi":"10.18543/ced-03-2022pp71-93","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18543/ced-03-2022pp71-93","url":null,"abstract":"The United States and its allies within the European Union have been unable to forge a common response to deal with the rise of China. Even though China’s growing global presence might undermine the international position of the United States, Washington’s European allies have sometimes refused to close ranks with their American ally. And more importantly, European engagement with China during the last decade has lacked internal consistency and cohesion, to the point that the European Union has rarely been the relevant actor when it comes to shaping Europe-China relations. This is the conclusion reached by this paper after analyzing the EU’s behavior on the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the Belt and Road Initiative, the adoption of Huawei’s 5G technology and the consideration of China as a threat within NATO’s framework. The European Commission has been unwilling or unable to unite the member states around a common position on these four cases. However, the findings of this article also support the idea that an embryonic model of strategic autonomy was already underway during the last decade, and that the growing awareness within the EU about the importance and implications of China’s rise brings new geopolitical opportunities for the union. \u0000Received: 28 July 2021Accepted: 05 November 2021","PeriodicalId":40611,"journal":{"name":"Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47529025","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-28DOI: 10.18543/ced-03-2022pp115-148
Sang Chul Park
Under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China focuses on the ASEAN as part of land bridge connecting China to Southeast Asia, the Indian Ocean, and the China-Indochina Peninsula Corridor sea route that is the comprehensive sea route between China, South China Sea, Indian Ocean, and Europe. On the other hand, ASEAN member nations regard the BRI as an avenue to improve connectivity with their poor infrastructure development which will generate trade and investment increase in the region particularly through improved logistics. Accordingly, ASEAN member nations are keen to develop their infrastructure projects in collaboration with Chinese companies and funding agencies mainly in the forms of joint venture. The Asian Development Bank (ADB) estimates that the total infrastructure investment needs in the ASEAN from 2016 to 2030 will be between USD 2.8 trillion with baseline estimate to USD 3.1 trillion with climate adjusted estimate. This paper aims to argue how China and the ASEAN can be interacted by the BRI and what are impacts of the BRI on the region. Furthermore, it analyzes which roles do the BRI play in building the region between China and the ASEAN member nations. Last, but not least, it also focuses on Chinese national strategy how to implement the BRI in the region. Received: 25 August 2021Accepted: 18 November 2021
{"title":"The roles and strategies of ASEAN in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)","authors":"Sang Chul Park","doi":"10.18543/ced-03-2022pp115-148","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18543/ced-03-2022pp115-148","url":null,"abstract":"Under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China focuses on the ASEAN as part of land bridge connecting China to Southeast Asia, the Indian Ocean, and the China-Indochina Peninsula Corridor sea route that is the comprehensive sea route between China, South China Sea, Indian Ocean, and Europe. On the other hand, ASEAN member nations regard the BRI as an avenue to improve connectivity with their poor infrastructure development which will generate trade and investment increase in the region particularly through improved logistics. Accordingly, ASEAN member nations are keen to develop their infrastructure projects in collaboration with Chinese companies and funding agencies mainly in the forms of joint venture. The Asian Development Bank (ADB) estimates that the total infrastructure investment needs in the ASEAN from 2016 to 2030 will be between USD 2.8 trillion with baseline estimate to USD 3.1 trillion with climate adjusted estimate. This paper aims to argue how China and the ASEAN can be interacted by the BRI and what are impacts of the BRI on the region. Furthermore, it analyzes which roles do the BRI play in building the region between China and the ASEAN member nations. Last, but not least, it also focuses on Chinese national strategy how to implement the BRI in the region. \u0000Received: 25 August 2021Accepted: 18 November 2021","PeriodicalId":40611,"journal":{"name":"Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43244648","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-23DOI: 10.18543/ced-65-2021pp23-26
Beatriz Pérez de las Heras
La conclusión del acuerdo de comercio con el Reino Unido, los planes de recuperación post-Covid 19, el proceso de vacunación y la puesta en marcha de la Conferencia sobre el Futuro de Europa son algunos de los acontecimientos relevantes que han marcado los primeros meses de 2021 en la Unión Europea (UE). En este contexto evolutivo y cambiante, en el que la incertidumbre va abriendo un hueco a la esperanza, la UE sigue afrontando desafíos de gran calado, que no son nuevos y que persistirán en la fase post Covid, entre ellos, el cambio climático, la gestión de las fronteras, la inmigración o las amenazas a la seguridad internacional.
{"title":"Presentación","authors":"Beatriz Pérez de las Heras","doi":"10.18543/ced-65-2021pp23-26","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18543/ced-65-2021pp23-26","url":null,"abstract":"La conclusión del acuerdo de comercio con el Reino Unido, los planes de recuperación post-Covid 19, el proceso de vacunación y la puesta en marcha de la Conferencia sobre el Futuro de Europa son algunos de los acontecimientos relevantes que han marcado los primeros meses de 2021 en la Unión Europea (UE). En este contexto evolutivo y cambiante, en el que la incertidumbre va abriendo un hueco a la esperanza, la UE sigue afrontando desafíos de gran calado, que no son nuevos y que persistirán en la fase post Covid, entre ellos, el cambio climático, la gestión de las fronteras, la inmigración o las amenazas a la seguridad internacional.","PeriodicalId":40611,"journal":{"name":"Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-09-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41617646","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-23DOI: 10.18543/ced-65-2021pp29-71
A. Kasper, Vlad Vernygora
In the last decade, cybersecurity has swiftly turned into a strategic issue and became an important horizontal policy area in the EU, which is treated in this article as one of the four contemporary political empires. These days, the policy arguably encompasses both internal and external aspects, often making it difficult to assess the level of its actual effectiveness as well as outreach. Initially, the EU’s introverted vision on the issue drove the policy to focus on cyber resilience and strategic autonomy. Evidently, the EU’s strategic narrative that could assist it in leading the process of creating an open, free, stable and secure cyberspace in the digital decade, in the context of international security, is emerging. Thus, this contribution is to test the argument that the EU, utilizing an imperial paradigm (consciously or not), is gradually becoming a global steering power in cybersecurity. In this article, firstly, we identify and examine the process of formation of the EU’s narratives about (its) cyber power. Secondly, we establish a discussion framework to highlight the methodological relevance of the imperial paradigm, cyber power Europe and Strategic Narrative Theory for a multidisciplinary debate on global geo-strategic redesign, in which the EU takes part. Thirdly, we look into bilateral and multilateral forums and processes that deal with cybersecurity and in which the EU participates, in order to understand more specifically how the EU is projecting its cyber-power narratives internationally and how cybersecurity-associated challenges impact current dynamics in other policy domains in the field of international relations. Recibido: 20 noviembre 2020Aceptado: 18 mayo 2021
{"title":"The EU’s cybersecurity: a strategic narrative of a cyber power or a confusing policy for a local common market?","authors":"A. Kasper, Vlad Vernygora","doi":"10.18543/ced-65-2021pp29-71","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18543/ced-65-2021pp29-71","url":null,"abstract":"In the last decade, cybersecurity has swiftly turned into a strategic issue and became an important horizontal policy area in the EU, which is treated in this article as one of the four contemporary political empires. These days, the policy arguably encompasses both internal and external aspects, often making it difficult to assess the level of its actual effectiveness as well as outreach. Initially, the EU’s introverted vision on the issue drove the policy to focus on cyber resilience and strategic autonomy. Evidently, the EU’s strategic narrative that could assist it in leading the process of creating an open, free, stable and secure cyberspace in the digital decade, in the context of international security, is emerging. Thus, this contribution is to test the argument that the EU, utilizing an imperial paradigm (consciously or not), is gradually becoming a global steering power in cybersecurity. In this article, firstly, we identify and examine the process of formation of the EU’s narratives about (its) cyber power. Secondly, we establish a discussion framework to highlight the methodological relevance of the imperial paradigm, cyber power Europe and Strategic Narrative Theory for a multidisciplinary debate on global geo-strategic redesign, in which the EU takes part. Thirdly, we look into bilateral and multilateral forums and processes that deal with cybersecurity and in which the EU participates, in order to understand more specifically how the EU is projecting its cyber-power narratives internationally and how cybersecurity-associated challenges impact current dynamics in other policy domains in the field of international relations. \u0000Recibido: 20 noviembre 2020Aceptado: 18 mayo 2021","PeriodicalId":40611,"journal":{"name":"Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-09-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44094326","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-30DOI: 10.18543/CED-63-2020PP153-182
M. P. Diago
el presente estudio analiza exhaustivamente los mecanismos legales elegidos por la Unión Europea para combatir el fenómeno de los minerales y diamantes de conflicto y las violaciones de derechos humanos que le acompañan. Estas importantes normativas marcan la política comercial común actual en estos sectores, lo que afecta directamente a las relaciones privadas internacionales y al comercio internacional; de ahí, la importancia del estudio que desde estos parámetros se presenta con un carácter pionero y abierto. Se presta especial atención al encaje en los ODS y se realiza, además, una prospección de soluciones jurídicas y de implementación que ayuden a esta lucha.Recepción: 06 mayo 2020Aceptación: 02 junio 2020Publicación en línea: 30 septiembre 2020
{"title":"Minerales y diamantes de conflicto: mecanismo de control y diligencia debida en tiempos de ODS","authors":"M. P. Diago","doi":"10.18543/CED-63-2020PP153-182","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18543/CED-63-2020PP153-182","url":null,"abstract":"el presente estudio analiza exhaustivamente los mecanismos legales elegidos por la Unión Europea para combatir el fenómeno de los minerales y diamantes de conflicto y las violaciones de derechos humanos que le acompañan. Estas importantes normativas marcan la política comercial común actual en estos sectores, lo que afecta directamente a las relaciones privadas internacionales y al comercio internacional; de ahí, la importancia del estudio que desde estos parámetros se presenta con un carácter pionero y abierto. Se presta especial atención al encaje en los ODS y se realiza, además, una prospección de soluciones jurídicas y de implementación que ayuden a esta lucha.Recepción: 06 mayo 2020Aceptación: 02 junio 2020Publicación en línea: 30 septiembre 2020","PeriodicalId":40611,"journal":{"name":"Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42751751","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-30DOI: 10.18543/ced-63-2020pp19-23
Nerea Magallón Elósegui
Las demandas de responsabilidad contra empresas transnacionales ante los tribunales constituyen una de las posibles vías para canalizar la voluntad de someterlas al respeto de los derechos humanos en el ejercicio de sus actividades en terceros Estados. El acceso a la justicia se erige en derecho fundamental, tal y como aparece recogido en el artículo 8 de la Declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos o en el artículo 2 del Pacto Internacional de Derechos civiles y políticos. Sin embargo, las vulneraciones de derechos humanos cometidas por parte de empresas vienen irremediablemente unidas a la denegación de justicia. El orden existente no da una respuesta adecuada, los «vacíos de gobernabilidad» y el ámbito de influencia de las empresas escapa al poder regulatorio y coercitivo del Estado de origen. La falta de capacidad o voluntad de los países anfitriones de asegurar el respeto de los derechos humanos de las empresas que operan en su territorio; la ausencia de sistemas judiciales efectivos y los obstáculos legales que crean las complicadas estructuras empresariales, nos llevan a complementarlas con una mayor regularización de los comportamientos empresariales a nivel operativo.
{"title":"Presentación","authors":"Nerea Magallón Elósegui","doi":"10.18543/ced-63-2020pp19-23","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18543/ced-63-2020pp19-23","url":null,"abstract":"Las demandas de responsabilidad contra empresas transnacionales ante los tribunales constituyen una de las posibles vías para canalizar la voluntad de someterlas al respeto de los derechos humanos en el ejercicio de sus actividades en terceros Estados. El acceso a la justicia se erige en derecho fundamental, tal y como aparece recogido en el artículo 8 de la Declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos o en el artículo 2 del Pacto Internacional de Derechos civiles y políticos. Sin embargo, las vulneraciones de derechos humanos cometidas por parte de empresas vienen irremediablemente unidas a la denegación de justicia. El orden existente no da una respuesta adecuada, los «vacíos de gobernabilidad» y el ámbito de influencia de las empresas escapa al poder regulatorio y coercitivo del Estado de origen. La falta de capacidad o voluntad de los países anfitriones de asegurar el respeto de los derechos humanos de las empresas que operan en su territorio; la ausencia de sistemas judiciales efectivos y los obstáculos legales que crean las complicadas estructuras empresariales, nos llevan a complementarlas con una mayor regularización de los comportamientos empresariales a nivel operativo.","PeriodicalId":40611,"journal":{"name":"Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46775968","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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