This paper analyses the language of EU leaders and its influence on the implementation of EU asylum law by triggering derogations, exceptions and amendments. It compares this process with regards to the 2015 refugee crisis, the Belarus border crisis and the current Ukrainian crisis to portray how the reaction to similar facts differs and, hence, to show how EU asylum policy suffers from a lack of rule of law. As the crisis in Ukraine unfolds, one can observe how strongly the narrative of EU leaders differs regarding these refugees compared to those from, e.g., Syria and Afghanistan in previous years. It shows a “U-turn” of the EU’s agenda since 2015. Hence, it has become clear that the problem lies less in sufficient contingencies for a sudden influx, but rather a feeling – or lack – of solidarity. From a legal perspective, there is no distinction between the responsibility for asylum applicants based on their nationality. To the contrary, refugee protection builds on the prohibition of discrimination. This has potentially negative implications for the rule of law in the EU. Hence, this paper investigates how EU leaders “talk” their way into applying or not applying EU law and even create EU law at their will simply by describing the arrivals as a security threat, a “hybrid attack” or instead as neighbors in need, as “family”. Received: 31 July 2022 Accepted: 13 October 2022
{"title":"“Crisis Rhetoric” and Derogations from the AFSJ: Is EU Asylum Policy Discriminatory or does its Implementation Reflect the Rule of Law?","authors":"J. Kienast","doi":"10.18543/ced.2586","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18543/ced.2586","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyses the language of EU leaders and its influence on the implementation of EU asylum law by triggering derogations, exceptions and amendments. It compares this process with regards to the 2015 refugee crisis, the Belarus border crisis and the current Ukrainian crisis to portray how the reaction to similar facts differs and, hence, to show how EU asylum policy suffers from a lack of rule of law. As the crisis in Ukraine unfolds, one can observe how strongly the narrative of EU leaders differs regarding these refugees compared to those from, e.g., Syria and Afghanistan in previous years. It shows a “U-turn” of the EU’s agenda since 2015. Hence, it has become clear that the problem lies less in sufficient contingencies for a sudden influx, but rather a feeling – or lack – of solidarity. From a legal perspective, there is no distinction between the responsibility for asylum applicants based on their nationality. To the contrary, refugee protection builds on the prohibition of discrimination. This has potentially negative implications for the rule of law in the EU. Hence, this paper investigates how EU leaders “talk” their way into applying or not applying EU law and even create EU law at their will simply by describing the arrivals as a security threat, a “hybrid attack” or instead as neighbors in need, as “family”. \u0000Received: 31 July 2022 Accepted: 13 October 2022","PeriodicalId":40611,"journal":{"name":"Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45075594","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Despite becoming a legislative actor comparable to the Council after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, the European Parliament (EP) still lacks the power to effectively scrutinize the implementation of the European Union (EU) law and policies by the agencies of the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ). The case of Frontex has demonstrated the extent to which the successful protection of human rights is at stake when it comes to the activities at the external borders to halt irregular migration flows and other illegal cross-border activities. Abuses in this regard have been highlighted by several International Organizations and non-Governmental Organizations, forcing the EU Institutions to act accordingly. This paper analyzes the current state of affairs of the EP’s powers to scrutiny AFSJ agencies after the progressive enhancement of their mandates in the last decade, and suggests several recommendations to enhance the accountability of these agencies to fully respect the principles of the rule of Law and the values on which the EU is based. Received: 31 July 2022Acepted: 28 September 2022
{"title":"The European Parliament’s Oversight of the Agencies of the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice. Where are we Now and Where are we Heading","authors":"Lucas J. Ruiz Díaz","doi":"10.18543/ced.2583","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18543/ced.2583","url":null,"abstract":"Despite becoming a legislative actor comparable to the Council after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, the European Parliament (EP) still lacks the power to effectively scrutinize the implementation of the European Union (EU) law and policies by the agencies of the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ). The case of Frontex has demonstrated the extent to which the successful protection of human rights is at stake when it comes to the activities at the external borders to halt irregular migration flows and other illegal cross-border activities. Abuses in this regard have been highlighted by several International Organizations and non-Governmental Organizations, forcing the EU Institutions to act accordingly. This paper analyzes the current state of affairs of the EP’s powers to scrutiny AFSJ agencies after the progressive enhancement of their mandates in the last decade, and suggests several recommendations to enhance the accountability of these agencies to fully respect the principles of the rule of Law and the values on which the EU is based. \u0000Received: 31 July 2022Acepted: 28 September 2022","PeriodicalId":40611,"journal":{"name":"Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42245924","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This special issue of the Deusto Journal of European Studies includes seven of the contributions presented during the International Conference entitled “The EU Migration, Border Management and Asylum Reform in the Aftermath of the Refugee Crisis: Towards an Effective Enforcement”, held at the University of Deusto on June 2 and 3, 2022. This event took place within the framework of the activities of the Jean Monnet Network on EU Law Enforcement (EULEN). This Erasmus+ project’s ambition is to bring academics and practitioners together, to address the challenges for EU law enforcement in a world without territorial borders. In particular, this special issue reveals that since the 2015 “refugee crisis” the EU is experiencing an acute implementation deficit and that several enforcement and implementation discrepancies remain at the national level.
{"title":"Introduction","authors":"David Fernández-Rojo","doi":"10.18543/ced.2582","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18543/ced.2582","url":null,"abstract":"This special issue of the Deusto Journal of European Studies includes seven of the contributions presented during the International Conference entitled “The EU Migration, Border Management and Asylum Reform in the Aftermath of the Refugee Crisis: Towards an Effective Enforcement”, held at the University of Deusto on June 2 and 3, 2022. This event took place within the framework of the activities of the Jean Monnet Network on EU Law Enforcement (EULEN). This Erasmus+ project’s ambition is to bring academics and practitioners together, to address the challenges for EU law enforcement in a world without territorial borders. In particular, this special issue reveals that since the 2015 “refugee crisis” the EU is experiencing an acute implementation deficit and that several enforcement and implementation discrepancies remain at the national level.","PeriodicalId":40611,"journal":{"name":"Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46057867","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
EU and China are the global powers that can affect and alter international relations at the political, economic, and societal levels. While the EU shapes the foreign policy in Europe, China has a critical role in Asian politics. In Asia-Europe interregionalism and interregional relations, the EU-China relations are essential in consolidating global and regional stability. However, in the current political conjuncture, the security issues in cyberspace challenge both actors. Hence, cybersecurity and digitalization policies are a potential conflict area in EU-China relations. As the impact of technological and digital developments increases on the global political economy, global powers are developing policies to breast the tape in technological development. The European Commission has set “A Europe fit for the digital age” as one of its priorities for the 2019-2024 term. Meanwhile, since 2015 China has been promoting the Digital Belt and Road Initiative to foster digital connectivity among the Belt and Road countries. However, big data analytics are important in developing new technologies, especially in digital connectivity, automation, and robotics. In this context, data governance has become a geopolitical concept in international relations. Consequently, differences between China’s and the EU’s approach to data – access, process, and collection – may result in geopolitical confrontations. In this paper, we argue that both actors should involve civil society in the policymaking process to address the dynamics of information technologies, cooperate on adapting a global approach and avoid geopolitical confrontations. Civil society organizations can help the actors understand the underlying risks in cybersecurity and form a non-conflicting approach in data governance frameworks. Furthermore, while investigating the EU and China’s data governance models, we shed light upon the role of civil society organizations in addressing the potential risks and opportunities in cyberspace. Finally, we conclude our paper with policy recommendations for China and the EU to cooperate in cyberspace by involving civil society organizations. Received: 18 May 2022Accepted: 25 July 2022
{"title":"EU - China relations and data governance policies: the role of civil societies in overcoming geopolitical challenges in cyberspace","authors":"Cem Nalbantoglu","doi":"10.18543/ced.2555","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18543/ced.2555","url":null,"abstract":"EU and China are the global powers that can affect and alter international relations at the political, economic, and societal levels. While the EU shapes the foreign policy in Europe, China has a critical role in Asian politics. In Asia-Europe interregionalism and interregional relations, the EU-China relations are essential in consolidating global and regional stability. However, in the current political conjuncture, the security issues in cyberspace challenge both actors. Hence, cybersecurity and digitalization policies are a potential conflict area in EU-China relations. As the impact of technological and digital developments increases on the global political economy, global powers are developing policies to breast the tape in technological development. The European Commission has set “A Europe fit for the digital age” as one of its priorities for the 2019-2024 term. Meanwhile, since 2015 China has been promoting the Digital Belt and Road Initiative to foster digital connectivity among the Belt and Road countries. However, big data analytics are important in developing new technologies, especially in digital connectivity, automation, and robotics. In this context, data governance has become a geopolitical concept in international relations. Consequently, differences between China’s and the EU’s approach to data – access, process, and collection – may result in geopolitical confrontations. In this paper, we argue that both actors should involve civil society in the policymaking process to address the dynamics of information technologies, cooperate on adapting a global approach and avoid geopolitical confrontations. Civil society organizations can help the actors understand the underlying risks in cybersecurity and form a non-conflicting approach in data governance frameworks. Furthermore, while investigating the EU and China’s data governance models, we shed light upon the role of civil society organizations in addressing the potential risks and opportunities in cyberspace. Finally, we conclude our paper with policy recommendations for China and the EU to cooperate in cyberspace by involving civil society organizations. \u0000Received: 18 May 2022Accepted: 25 July 2022","PeriodicalId":40611,"journal":{"name":"Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-10-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43396552","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Even though the colonial authorities tried to use education as a political tool to serve their ruling purposes, the francophone education system was an important bridge between Vietnam’s traditional Confucian education and mankind’s modern one. One of the greatest achievements of the francophone education system in Vietnam was the training of a modern westernized intelligentsia different from traditional Confucian intellectuals. Although the Soviet and other socialist educational models later replaced the francophone education system, the cornerstones of all existing modern educational models of Vietnam have originated from the very first settlements of the francophone education in the Far East Country. The fundamental elements of the francophone education therefore play an important role in the integration and development of the Vietnamese education into the modern world education system. The modernization of the Vietnamese education system in the colonial period under the decisive influences of the francophone model could, to some extent, be seen as a historical resolution to modernity of Vietnam’s schools in the circumstances of the East-West dispute that nearly all Asian countries experienced in the second half of the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century. Received: 19 May 2022Accepted: 18 July 2022
{"title":"The Modernization Resolution of Vietnam’s Education System by the Francophone Road in the East-West Cultural Conflict of the Late Nineteenth Century and the Early Twentieth Century","authors":"Nguyễn Mậu Hùng","doi":"10.18543/ced.2557","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18543/ced.2557","url":null,"abstract":"Even though the colonial authorities tried to use education as a political tool to serve their ruling purposes, the francophone education system was an important bridge between Vietnam’s traditional Confucian education and mankind’s modern one. One of the greatest achievements of the francophone education system in Vietnam was the training of a modern westernized intelligentsia different from traditional Confucian intellectuals. Although the Soviet and other socialist educational models later replaced the francophone education system, the cornerstones of all existing modern educational models of Vietnam have originated from the very first settlements of the francophone education in the Far East Country. The fundamental elements of the francophone education therefore play an important role in the integration and development of the Vietnamese education into the modern world education system. The modernization of the Vietnamese education system in the colonial period under the decisive influences of the francophone model could, to some extent, be seen as a historical resolution to modernity of Vietnam’s schools in the circumstances of the East-West dispute that nearly all Asian countries experienced in the second half of the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century. \u0000Received: 19 May 2022Accepted: 18 July 2022","PeriodicalId":40611,"journal":{"name":"Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-10-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42502163","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the context of post-industrial societies, there are few resources left to ordinary citizens to respond to the totalizing logic of systemic dynamics characterized by the expansion of economic and formal subjectivity. Likewise, the damage done to the environment and the increasing incidence of natural disasters, both driven by anthropogenic action, make a more complex response from society necessary and, in turn, pose the need to find collective answers to transnational issues. This global situation leads us to consider how civil society can generate community cohesion, leverage common interest and respond to environmental problems. After several ethnographic investigations focused on social change in Japan, we identified some things that, together with the shocking initial images spread globally after the catastrophe of March 11, 2011 in Tōhoku, have helped us take the pulse of the associative Japanese world. These images highlighted some of the fundamental characteristics of Japanese civil society, contributing to the spread throughout the world of a series of constructs that are as typical of a society socially exemplary as they are culturally totalizing. It might seem the eleven years that have elapsed since the Triple Disaster of March 2011 in Japan have provided us with a broad perspective from which to interpret the dynamics of Japanese civil society and public administration in the face of these events. However, we consider that the analysis of socio-historical developments that embody Euro-Atlantic modernity, with indigenous cultural constructs and with globalization, is essential. For this reason, in this article, from the perspective of intellectual history and historical sociology, we will analyse the adaptability of the concept of civil society in Japan and a whole series of social processes that have been gestating for decades and whose development is brought together in entities of great factual importance for the future. Received: 31 May 2022Accepted: 25 July 2022
{"title":"Brief overview of the factual and onto-epistemological developments of the idea of “civil society” in Japan","authors":"M. Malo","doi":"10.18543/ced.2556","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18543/ced.2556","url":null,"abstract":"In the context of post-industrial societies, there are few resources left to ordinary citizens to respond to the totalizing logic of systemic dynamics characterized by the expansion of economic and formal subjectivity. Likewise, the damage done to the environment and the increasing incidence of natural disasters, both driven by anthropogenic action, make a more complex response from society necessary and, in turn, pose the need to find collective answers to transnational issues. This global situation leads us to consider how civil society can generate community cohesion, leverage common interest and respond to environmental problems. After several ethnographic investigations focused on social change in Japan, we identified some things that, together with the shocking initial images spread globally after the catastrophe of March 11, 2011 in Tōhoku, have helped us take the pulse of the associative Japanese world. These images highlighted some of the fundamental characteristics of Japanese civil society, contributing to the spread throughout the world of a series of constructs that are as typical of a society socially exemplary as they are culturally totalizing. It might seem the eleven years that have elapsed since the Triple Disaster of March 2011 in Japan have provided us with a broad perspective from which to interpret the dynamics of Japanese civil society and public administration in the face of these events. However, we consider that the analysis of socio-historical developments that embody Euro-Atlantic modernity, with indigenous cultural constructs and with globalization, is essential. For this reason, in this article, from the perspective of intellectual history and historical sociology, we will analyse the adaptability of the concept of civil society in Japan and a whole series of social processes that have been gestating for decades and whose development is brought together in entities of great factual importance for the future. \u0000Received: 31 May 2022Accepted: 25 July 2022","PeriodicalId":40611,"journal":{"name":"Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-10-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42974045","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Central Asia has endured three decades of multiple transitions. The political life of these post-Soviet states has witnessed an active phase of education and reform of the main vectors of development. The most important international actor that has supported and encouraged this process has been the European Union. From the outset, it must be stated that civil societal development has not met the expectations of the immediate post-Cold War period. Any society in transition must correlate its actions with its historical experience based not only on opportunities and flexibility related to the state but also on civil society, representing the quintessential spirit of the people, defining the contours of reform and the potential of society as a whole. One may assert that successful public change largely depends on the institutional matrix and socio-cultural features that can both drive change and create an environment of resistance. Therefore, this research aims to provide insight into the theoretical comprehension concerning Central Asian political reform expectations and to investigate the interaction between Central Asian civil society and the EU. Received: 30 May 2022Accepted: 25 July 2022
{"title":"EU - Central Asian Civil Societal Relations: Unrealistic Expectations, Discouraging Results","authors":"Sureyya Yigit","doi":"10.18543/ced.2558","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18543/ced.2558","url":null,"abstract":"Central Asia has endured three decades of multiple transitions. The political life of these post-Soviet states has witnessed an active phase of education and reform of the main vectors of development. The most important international actor that has supported and encouraged this process has been the European Union. From the outset, it must be stated that civil societal development has not met the expectations of the immediate post-Cold War period. Any society in transition must correlate its actions with its historical experience based not only on opportunities and flexibility related to the state but also on civil society, representing the quintessential spirit of the people, defining the contours of reform and the potential of society as a whole. One may assert that successful public change largely depends on the institutional matrix and socio-cultural features that can both drive change and create an environment of resistance. Therefore, this research aims to provide insight into the theoretical comprehension concerning Central Asian political reform expectations and to investigate the interaction between Central Asian civil society and the EU. \u0000Received: 30 May 2022Accepted: 25 July 2022","PeriodicalId":40611,"journal":{"name":"Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-10-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46929363","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The 2019 European Union (EU)-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement is, so far, the EU’s largest bilateral free trade agreement. While the agreement itself is an example of the growing strength of the EU-Japan relationship, it is also an example of how two vastly different trade regimes can overcome entrenched structural and administrative styles to reach a consensus. This paper analyzes one of these barriers: negotiating capital. This concept represents the political economy of how trade negotiators utilize their legal expertise, negotiating flexibility, and limited resources to maximize free trade agreement outcomes. However, trade negotiators have differing amounts of negotiating capital, which depends on their home states’ structural and administrative constraints and how the trade negotiators define and develop their trade expertise. The EU’s and Japan’s contrasting structural and administrative approaches to trade negotiations and how trade experts define and develop their expertise lend a unique opportunity to understand how changes in negotiating capital can alter free trade agreement negotiation outcomes. Ultimately, the EU’s inclusive, quasi-federal structure and the negotiators’ need to consider the limitations on their trade mandate show how their negotiating capital is relatively limited and translates into a more integrated agreement text, i.e., provisions on public opinion. On the other hand, Japan’s top-down reformist trade regime leads to a more reactive strain of negotiating capital relying heavily on adherence to hierarchy and limited inclusiveness, resulting in agreement commitments that are generally weak and narrow. Negotiating capital is an important reality that all trade negotiators face. It is politically and strategically important for parties to understand how these various factors’ political economy impacts free-trade negotiations and outcomes. Received: 10 May 2022Accepted: 18 July 2022
{"title":"Negotiating Capital and the EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement","authors":"Christoph Kimura","doi":"10.18543/ced.2554","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18543/ced.2554","url":null,"abstract":"The 2019 European Union (EU)-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement is, so far, the EU’s largest bilateral free trade agreement. While the agreement itself is an example of the growing strength of the EU-Japan relationship, it is also an example of how two vastly different trade regimes can overcome entrenched structural and administrative styles to reach a consensus. This paper analyzes one of these barriers: negotiating capital. This concept represents the political economy of how trade negotiators utilize their legal expertise, negotiating flexibility, and limited resources to maximize free trade agreement outcomes. However, trade negotiators have differing amounts of negotiating capital, which depends on their home states’ structural and administrative constraints and how the trade negotiators define and develop their trade expertise. The EU’s and Japan’s contrasting structural and administrative approaches to trade negotiations and how trade experts define and develop their expertise lend a unique opportunity to understand how changes in negotiating capital can alter free trade agreement negotiation outcomes. Ultimately, the EU’s inclusive, quasi-federal structure and the negotiators’ need to consider the limitations on their trade mandate show how their negotiating capital is relatively limited and translates into a more integrated agreement text, i.e., provisions on public opinion. On the other hand, Japan’s top-down reformist trade regime leads to a more reactive strain of negotiating capital relying heavily on adherence to hierarchy and limited inclusiveness, resulting in agreement commitments that are generally weak and narrow. Negotiating capital is an important reality that all trade negotiators face. It is politically and strategically important for parties to understand how these various factors’ political economy impacts free-trade negotiations and outcomes. \u0000Received: 10 May 2022Accepted: 18 July 2022","PeriodicalId":40611,"journal":{"name":"Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-10-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44245470","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
En los últimos años se han disparado los crímenes de odio en Europa, especialmente aquellos contra minorías. En este clima de odio generalizado, hay un grupo sobre el que se está concentrando buena parte de las acciones violentas. Me estoy refiriendo al antisemitismo, una plaga presente en Europa desde hace siglos pero que en los últimos años se está disparando. Atentados como los Halle o Hanau en Alemania o el Port de Vincennes son solo un ejemplo del clima de antisemita que se vive en Europa. Debido a esta hostilidad, que, si bien no es exclusivamente antisemita si que ha puesto en el centro a la comunidad judía, la Comisión Europea se ha visto obligada a elaborar una estrategia para mejorar la situación de los judíos en Europa. Por ello este trabajo, tratará de evaluar en que medida esta estrategia es adecuada para la problemática que sufre Europa haciendo una revisión del antisemitismo imperante en Europa y como el documento se adapta a las necesidades de la comunidad judía de nuestro continente. Recibido: 21 abril 2022Aceptado: 27 mayo 2022
{"title":"La estrategia europea contra el antisemitismo y apoyo a la vida judía. La reacción de la UE al neo-antisemitismo","authors":"A. Priego","doi":"10.18543/ced.2522","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18543/ced.2522","url":null,"abstract":"En los últimos años se han disparado los crímenes de odio en Europa, especialmente aquellos contra minorías. En este clima de odio generalizado, hay un grupo sobre el que se está concentrando buena parte de las acciones violentas. Me estoy refiriendo al antisemitismo, una plaga presente en Europa desde hace siglos pero que en los últimos años se está disparando. Atentados como los Halle o Hanau en Alemania o el Port de Vincennes son solo un ejemplo del clima de antisemita que se vive en Europa. Debido a esta hostilidad, que, si bien no es exclusivamente antisemita si que ha puesto en el centro a la comunidad judía, la Comisión Europea se ha visto obligada a elaborar una estrategia para mejorar la situación de los judíos en Europa. Por ello este trabajo, tratará de evaluar en que medida esta estrategia es adecuada para la problemática que sufre Europa haciendo una revisión del antisemitismo imperante en Europa y como el documento se adapta a las necesidades de la comunidad judía de nuestro continente. \u0000Recibido: 21 abril 2022Aceptado: 27 mayo 2022","PeriodicalId":40611,"journal":{"name":"Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44204842","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tras consumar el Brexit y definir la nueva estrategia de seguridad y defensa británica, Londres y Bruselas se enfrentan a la necesidad de continuar colaborando en un mundo caracterizado por una creciente competición entre grandes potencias. Aunque el Reino Unido ha optado por primar su libertad de acción estrechando su «relación especial» con Estados Unidos, reformando radicalmente sus fuerzas armadas y trazando una acción exterior más dinámica, la Unión Europea es y será siempre un paso ineludible en su camino, tal y como demuestran foros como E3 y EI2. Sin un marco definitivo que fije las normas que regirán las relaciones entre ambos actores en materia de defensa y atendiendo los nexos existentes en materia industrial y de percepción de riesgos y amenazas, Bruselas y Londres deberán establecer puentes y encontrar un acomodo a la participación británica en los mecanismos como la PESCO. Este trabajo incidirá sobre la definición de la política de defensa y seguridad británica tras el Brexit y las cuestiones que continúan pendientes en esta materia con la Unión Europea. Recibido: 24 enero 2022Aceptado: 08 junio 2022
{"title":"Unión Europea y Reino Unido: ¿dueños de su propio destino?","authors":"Guillem Colom-Piella, Beatriz Cózar Murillo","doi":"10.18543/ced.2521","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18543/ced.2521","url":null,"abstract":"Tras consumar el Brexit y definir la nueva estrategia de seguridad y defensa británica, Londres y Bruselas se enfrentan a la necesidad de continuar colaborando en un mundo caracterizado por una creciente competición entre grandes potencias. Aunque el Reino Unido ha optado por primar su libertad de acción estrechando su «relación especial» con Estados Unidos, reformando radicalmente sus fuerzas armadas y trazando una acción exterior más dinámica, la Unión Europea es y será siempre un paso ineludible en su camino, tal y como demuestran foros como E3 y EI2. Sin un marco definitivo que fije las normas que regirán las relaciones entre ambos actores en materia de defensa y atendiendo los nexos existentes en materia industrial y de percepción de riesgos y amenazas, Bruselas y Londres deberán establecer puentes y encontrar un acomodo a la participación británica en los mecanismos como la PESCO. Este trabajo incidirá sobre la definición de la política de defensa y seguridad británica tras el Brexit y las cuestiones que continúan pendientes en esta materia con la Unión Europea. \u0000Recibido: 24 enero 2022Aceptado: 08 junio 2022","PeriodicalId":40611,"journal":{"name":"Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46432195","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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