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China-BRI, EU-Indo-Pacific cooperation and Asia 中国“一带一路”倡议、欧盟印太合作与亚洲
IF 0.5 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-27 DOI: 10.18543/ced.2701
Pornchai Wisuttisak, Nisit Panthamit, Sang Chul Park
The article discusses the increasing roles of Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI) and EU investment policies in Asia development. During the past decades, China has increased their positions of global investment with the strategic plan to facilitate regional and country development in Asia. EU also has a long history of assisting countries in Asia to achieve development. The EU and EU countries involved with investment and assistance projects in Asia countries to raise countries’ development levels. With the two sides of the world- China and EU, there are increasing cooperation under a global policy of BRI and the Indo-Pacific cooperation. However, there is also the concern of the worldwide influence from both China and the EU in Asia. The article thus argues that while there is a concern of global influence from investment under BRI policy and EU-Indo Pacific, there are opportunities to bridge those policies to facilitate the developments in Asia. The article points out some policy implications on global investments for sustainable development within BRI and Indo- Pacific cooperation. Received: 22 April 2022Accepted: 08 February 2023
文章讨论了“一带一路”倡议和欧盟投资政策在亚洲发展中日益重要的作用。在过去的几十年里,中国通过促进亚洲地区和国家发展的战略计划,提高了其在全球投资中的地位。欧盟在帮助亚洲国家实现发展方面也有着悠久的历史。欧盟和欧盟国家参与了对亚洲国家的投资和援助项目,以提高各国的发展水平。在“一带一路”倡议和印太合作的全球政策下,中国和欧盟的合作日益加强。然而,中国和欧盟在亚洲的全球影响力也令人担忧。因此,文章认为,尽管人们担心“一带一路”倡议政策和欧盟印太投资对全球的影响,但有机会弥合这些政策,促进亚洲的发展。文章指出了“一带一路”倡议和印太合作对全球可持续发展投资的一些政策启示。接收日期:2022年4月22日接受日期:2023年2月8日
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引用次数: 0
Nuevas estrategias de la Unión Europea para abordar el doble reto de la crisis climática y la dependencia energética 欧盟应对气候危机和能源依赖双重挑战的新战略
IF 0.5 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-27 DOI: 10.18543/ced.2697
Asier García Lupiola
Desde la entrada en vigor del Tratado de Lisboa, la Unión Europea desarrolla una política integrada en materia de medio ambiente y energía que le posibilita adoptar medidas para hacer frente de manera conjunta a los retos que plantean el cambio climático y la seguridad de abastecimiento energético. Actualmente, la Unión Europea se encuentra en el proceso que le lleve a cumplir sus compromisos en materia de clima y energía previstos para 2030. Dichos objetivos se fijaron inicialmente en 2014 pero desde entonces se han visto ampliados en varias ocasiones. Las razones han sido diferentes: en primer lugar, el irregular grado de cumplimiento de los objetivos para 2020; posteriormente, el objetivo de neutralidad climática propuesto en 2018 y el Pacto Verde Europeo adoptado para su consecución y cuyo desarrollo se inició en 2020; finalmente, el complicado contexto geopolítico de 2022. El presente texto analiza y trata de explicar dicha evolución hasta las propuestas más recientes. Recibido: 12 diciembre 2022Aceptado: 17 enero 2023
自《里斯本条约》生效以来,欧盟制定了一项综合环境和能源政策,使其能够采取措施,共同应对气候变化和能源供应安全带来的挑战。目前,欧盟正处于履行其2030年气候和能源承诺的进程中。这些目标最初是在2014年确定的,但此后已多次扩大。原因是不同的:第一,2020年目标的实现程度参差不齐;随后,2018年提出的气候中立目标和为实现这一目标而通过并于2020年开始发展的《欧洲绿色公约》;最后,2022年复杂的地缘政治背景。本文分析并试图解释这一演变,直到最近的提案。收到:2022年12月12日接受:2023年1月17日
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引用次数: 0
The European Green Deal: a gateway to strategic energy autonomy? 欧洲绿色协议:实现战略能源自主的门户?
IF 0.5 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-27 DOI: 10.18543/ced.2698
O. Quirico
The concept of “strategic autonomy” embeds the political idea of “independence” and the legal notion of “sovereignty”. As the EU largely depends for energy on foreign resources, particularly from autocratic regimes, difficult governance situations, notably wars, can deeply disrupt the Union’s energy supply. Specifically, war in Ukraine has been convincingly explained as an affirmation of the opposed development of Russia’s “sphere of influence”, whereby energy supply is used as a “weapon” to create dependency across sovereign State borders. Whereas scholars have advanced a dichotomy for the EU and its Member States to escape Russia’s sphere of influence, either diversifying energy sources or accelerating the green transition, it is argued in this paper that the two approaches should be considered complementary rather than alternative. It is therefore suggested that, at least in the short term, the EU and its Member States should seek to diversify their energy sources, whilst at the same time trying to accelerate the green transition under the Green Deal as a longer-term strategy. As the EU and its Member States should qualify as “non-belligerent” vis-à-vis Russia, necessity seems the most suitable legal justification to relinquish already contracted energy supply obligations and move to a newly balanced energy policy. Received: 26 October 2022Accepted: 27 January 2023
“战略自主”的概念嵌入了“独立”的政治理念和“主权”的法律理念。由于欧盟的能源在很大程度上依赖外国资源,特别是来自专制政权的外国资源,艰难的治理局面,尤其是战争,可能会严重扰乱欧盟的能源供应。具体而言,乌克兰战争被令人信服地解释为对俄罗斯“势力范围”的反对发展的肯定,即能源供应被用作跨越主权国家边界制造依赖的“武器”。尽管学者们提出了欧盟及其成员国逃避俄罗斯势力范围的二分法,要么实现能源多样化,要么加快绿色转型,但本文认为,这两种方法应被视为互补而非替代。因此,有人建议,至少在短期内,欧盟及其成员国应寻求能源多样化,同时努力加快绿色协议下的绿色转型,将其作为一项长期战略。由于欧盟及其成员国应对俄罗斯具有“非交战”资格,因此必要性似乎是放弃已经签订的能源供应义务并转向新的平衡能源政策的最合适的法律理由。接收日期:2022年10月26日接受日期:2023年1月27日
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引用次数: 0
Actualidad institucional y económica de España en el marco de la Unión Europea (febrero 2023) 欧盟框架下西班牙的制度和经济现状(2023年2月)
Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-27 DOI: 10.18543/ced.2704
Beatriz Iñarritu
Sumario: I. Introducción.—II. El Estado de la Integración.— III. Cuestiones generales de la actualidad económica
摘要:一、引言。整合的状态。—III。当前经济形势的一般问题
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引用次数: 0
Presentación 介绍
Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-27 DOI: 10.18543/ced.2696
Beatriz Pérez de las Heras
La Unión Europea (UE) inició el año 2023 con una agenda de objetivos y retos condicionada por la guerra en Ucrania y sus consecuencias. El impacto del conflicto ha evidenciado la necesidad de alcanzar la independencia energética, aumentar las capacidades de defensa y avanzar en materia de asilo, ámbitos en los que la UE tendrá que continuar dando pasos importantes en los próximos meses en la línea de los adoptados en 2022. Además, el año 2023 constituye el último tramo del actual ciclo institucional europeo, antes de las elecciones al Parlamento Europeo en mayo de 2024, así como el último año en el que estarán disponibles los fondos del Next Generation EU para los Estados miembros. Por parte de España, su política europea estará determinada por el ejercicio de la Presidencia del Consejo de la UE durante el segundo semestre de 2023. Desde esta posición, España asume la responsabilidad de impulsar las negociaciones y lograr los consensos necesarios en los ámbitos prioritarios de trabajo de la UE, como son la transición ecológica, la transformación digital y la agenda social, entre otros. Así mismo, la quinta presidencia española del Consejo de la UE coincidirá con un momento clave en la implementación de los planes nacionales de recuperación, ya que, como se ha mencionado anteriormente, para finales de 2023 los recursos europeos asignados deberán estar totalmente comprometidos. Con estas perspectivas y en un contexto geopolítico todavía incierto y cambiante, este número misceláneo 68/2023 de Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto incluye diversas contribuciones que abordan algunos de los desafíos más relevantes que encara actualmente la UE, en particular, el de la crisis climática y energética. Este primer ejemplar de 2023 incluye además las habituales crónicas de jurisprudencia y de actualidad europea que firman nuestros fieles y valiosos colaboradores, David Ordóñez Solís y Beatriz Iñarritu.
在乌克兰战争及其后果的推动下,欧盟(eu)以目标和挑战的议程开始了2023年。冲突的影响凸显了实现能源独立、提高国防能力和在庇护问题上取得进展的必要性,欧盟将在未来几个月继续在这些领域采取2022年采取的重要步骤。此外,2023年是当前欧洲制度周期的最后一年,在2024年5月欧洲议会选举之前,也是成员国可获得“下一代欧盟”资金的最后一年。对于西班牙来说,其欧洲政策将由2023年下半年担任欧盟理事会主席决定。从这一立场出发,西班牙承担起推动谈判的责任,并在欧盟优先工作领域达成必要的共识,如生态转型、数字转型和社会议程等。此外,西班牙第五次担任欧盟理事会主席恰逢国家恢复计划实施的关键时刻,因为如前所述,到2023年底,分配的欧洲资源必须全部承诺。在这些视角下,在仍然不确定和不断变化的地缘政治背景下,Deusto的《欧洲笔记》第68/2023期包含了各种各样的贡献,解决了欧盟目前面临的一些最相关的挑战,特别是气候和能源危机。2023年的第一期还包括我们忠实而有价值的合作伙伴David ordonez solis和Beatriz inarritu签署的判例法和欧洲时事的常规编年史。
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引用次数: 0
Addressing Migrant Smuggling in the European Union. Challenges for a Non-Criminalized, Coordinated and Effective Response 解决欧盟的移民走私问题。非刑事化、协调和有效应对的挑战
IF 0.5 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-13 DOI: 10.18543/ced.2588
Mirentxu Jordana Santiago
Migrant smuggling is a highly complex criminal phenomenon. Clearly cross-border in nature, smuggling frequently involves the participation of organized criminal groups. A coherent approach to these activities requires a clear and correctly implemented regulation, in the case of the EU the reference regulation is the ‘Facilitators’ package’. In the present contribution several controversies that this framework entails will be pointed out, especially the excessive criminalization and the neglect of the human rights perspective. Furthermore, the eradication of smuggling requires the sum of efforts and coordinated action of different actors such as national authorities and European agencies. In this paper some actions carried out by Europol in the Mediterranean will be studied. Focusing on the role of this law enforcement agency in the hotspots, the contribution of the information gathered and the benefits for Eurojust will be evaluated. Received: 31 July 2022Accepted: 10 October 2022
偷运移民是一种高度复杂的犯罪现象。走私显然具有跨界性质,经常涉及有组织犯罪集团的参与。对这些活动采取一致的方法需要一个明确和正确实施的法规,就欧盟而言,参考法规是“促进者”一揽子计划。在本报告中,将指出这一框架所引起的一些争议,特别是过度定罪和忽视人权观点。此外,根除走私需要国家当局和欧洲机构等不同行为者的共同努力和协调行动。本文将研究欧洲刑警组织在地中海采取的一些行动。将重点评估该执法机构在热点地区的作用、收集的信息的贡献以及对Eurojust的好处。接收日期:2022年7月31日接受日期:2022月10日
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引用次数: 0
Modern Slavery and Migrant Smuggling: A Sustainable Development Perspective 现代奴隶制与偷运移民:可持续发展视角
IF 0.5 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-13 DOI: 10.18543/ced.2589
Natalia Szablewska
Modern slavery—denoting acute exploitation of people for personal or commercial gain—is said to affect nearly 50 million people around the globe, making it a global issue that requires coordinated crosssectoral and integrated responses. Some efforts have been made to that effect, including through an emerging legislative regulation at domestic and regional levels. Migrants, in particular those with unsettled status, are particularly vulnerable to modern forms of slavery due to manifold enabling circumstances, including the lack of, or capacity to offer them, protection or limited access to legitimate forms of employment or social protection. However, global responses to migrant smuggling and irregular migrants are in stark contrast to the commitments made to address modern slavery. The increasing focus on the securitisation of migration obscures the underlying social, economic and political ‘push’ factors that fuel modern slavery. Thus, a more comprehensive response is needed that examines the issues of migration management, market regulation and development more widely. This paper uses a comparative lens to examine global developments in regulating labour-related forms of modern slavery vis-à-vis migration management in the context of achieving sustainable development goals. Received: 31 July 2022Accepted: 10 October 2022
现代奴隶制指的是为个人或商业利益对人的严重剥削,据说影响到全球近5000万人,使其成为一个全球性问题,需要协调跨部门和综合的反应。为此已经作出了一些努力,包括在国内和区域两级制定新的立法条例。移徙者,特别是身份不稳定的移徙者,由于多种有利条件,包括缺乏或没有能力向他们提供保护,或获得合法形式的就业或社会保护的机会有限,特别容易遭受现代形式的奴役。然而,全球对偷运移徙者和非正规移徙者的反应与为解决现代奴隶制所作的承诺形成鲜明对比。对移民证券化的日益关注,掩盖了助长现代奴隶制的潜在社会、经济和政治“推动”因素。因此,需要作出更全面的反应,更广泛地审查移徙管理、市场管制和发展问题。本文使用比较的视角来研究在实现可持续发展目标的背景下,对-à-vis移民管理中与劳工有关的现代奴役形式进行监管的全球发展。收稿日期:2022年7月31日接收日期:2022年10月10日
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引用次数: 1
Separated Minors or the Dilemma between General and Individual Interest in European Union Migration Law Compliance 欧盟移民法律合规中的一般利益与个人利益的两难困境
IF 0.5 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-13 DOI: 10.18543/ced.2585
Eulalia W. Petit de Gabriel
Separating children traveling accompanied by a nonfamily adult is a current practice serving the general purpose of fighting against sexual exploitation, minor trafficking, or general crime prevention. However, such a routine response could violate a minor’s right to family life or preclude an attempted migration to reunification. Although no specific normative framework exists for this migratory category, we will draw our analysis of the conflicting interests by resorting to human rights case law. On the one hand, the expansion of the legally recognized concept of family must help protect interpersonal bonds not based on biological relationships, according to the European Court of Human Rights and the Court of Justice of the European Union. On the other hand, restrictions to the right to family life can be taken for fighting against crime, although a goal of general prevention may not comply with human rights standards on the limitation of rights. The required balance between conflicting interests can be established by resorting to the best interests of the minor. To conclude, we argue that this category could certainly benefit from a concerted, common legislative action at the level of the European Union when revisiting the migration legal regime, alongside operational measures at national, regional, and local levels. Received: 31 July 2022Accepted: 05 October 2022
将儿童与非家庭成年人分开旅行是目前的一种做法,旨在打击性剥削、轻微贩运或一般犯罪预防。然而,这种常规的应对措施可能侵犯未成年人的家庭生活权,或阻止他们试图移民团聚。尽管没有针对这一移民类别的具体规范框架,但我们将通过诉诸人权判例法来分析利益冲突。欧洲人权法院和欧洲联盟法院认为,一方面,扩大法律承认的家庭概念必须有助于保护非基于生物关系的人际关系。另一方面,可以采取对家庭生活权的限制来打击犯罪,尽管一般预防的目标可能不符合关于限制权利的人权标准。通过诉诸未成年人的最大利益,可以在相互冲突的利益之间建立必要的平衡。最后,我们认为,在重新审视移民法律制度时,这一类别肯定可以受益于欧盟层面的协调一致的共同立法行动,以及国家、区域和地方层面的行动措施。接收日期:2022年7月31日接受日期:2022月5日
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引用次数: 0
Cooperation Initiatives by EU Member States with Third Countries for the Control of Migratory Flows: The Case of the Memorandum of Understanding Between Malta and Libya 欧盟成员国与第三国控制移徙流动的合作倡议:以马耳他和利比亚之间的谅解备忘录为例
IF 0.5 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-13 DOI: 10.18543/ced.2584
Lorena Calvo-Mariscal
Following the previous informal Italy-Libya and EU-Turkey agreements, Malta concluded its own Memorandum of Understanding with Libya to establish two coordination centres in Tripoli and Malta, fully funded by Malta in May 2020. In our paper, we will frame this non-legally binding agreement within the strategy of the EU and its Member States to cooperate with Libya in the deterritorialisation of migration management to reduce the number of migrants and asylum seekers arriving at Europe’s external borders. We will analyse the legal implications, both formal and material concerns, that exist in the application of this Memorandum, starting with the informalisation of cooperation and the deterritorialisation of migration management, and its effects on human rights and the possible international responsibility that it may entail.  Received: 31 July 2022Accepted: 10 October 2022
继之前的意大利-利比亚和欧盟-土耳其非正式协议之后,马耳他于2020年5月与利比亚签署了自己的谅解备忘录,在的黎波里和马耳他建立了两个协调中心,由马耳他全额资助。在我们的文件中,我们将在欧盟及其成员国的战略范围内制定这项不具法律约束力的协议,与利比亚合作,阻止移民管理的自由化,以减少抵达欧洲外部边境的移民和寻求庇护者的数量。我们将分析本备忘录实施过程中存在的正式和实质性法律问题,首先是合作的信息化和移民管理的非正规化,以及它对人权的影响及其可能带来的国际责任。接收日期:2022年7月31日接受日期:2022月10日
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引用次数: 0
Building Solidarity in the Field of Asylum: From an Abstract Principle to an Effective Policy? 在庇护领域建立团结:从抽象原则到有效政策?
IF 0.5 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-13 DOI: 10.18543/ced.2587
Alfredo Dos Santos Soares
Solidarity is widely present in European Union legislation. Several primary law provisions reflect its articulation, simultaneously assuming it as a value, an objective and a principle. Article 80 TFEU provides that the principle of solidarity and fair sharing of responsibility between Member States is the “guiding principle” of all common Union policies on border management, asylum, and immigration. Despite all this, solidarity has so far lacked a clear definition and meaning, appearing rather as an “amorphous concept”. Indeed, political narrative recognises solidarity as “the glue that holds our Union together”. However, in practice and as far as asylum is concerned, the conception according to which “solidarity must be given voluntarily, it must come from the heart, it cannot be forced” seems to prevail. By critically reviewing the relevant literature and the CJEU’s jurisprudence, this paper pursues a twofold purpose: examining the doctrinal debates on the nature, scope and (abstract or binding) character of the solidarity principle; and gauging the role that the CJEU may be playing towards an effective solidarity, uncovering the constitutional bases that prevent from continuing to treat solidarity, in its multiple manifestations and policy areas, in particular that of asylum, as little less than the stone guest. Received: 31 July 2022Accepted: 10 October 2022
团结在欧洲联盟立法中广泛存在。一些主要法律条款反映了它的表述,同时将其视为一种价值、一种目标和一项原则。TFEU第80条规定,成员国之间团结一致和公平分担责任的原则是欧盟关于边境管理、庇护和移民的所有共同政策的“指导原则”。尽管如此,团结迄今为止缺乏明确的定义和意义,表现为一个“无定形的概念”。事实上,政治叙事承认团结是“维系我们联盟的粘合剂”。然而,在实践中,就庇护而言,“团结必须是自愿的,必须发自内心,不能强迫”的概念似乎占了上风。通过批判性地回顾相关文献和欧盟法院的判例,本文追求双重目的:审查关于团结原则的性质、范围和(抽象或有约束力的)性质的理论辩论;衡量欧盟法院在实现有效团结方面可能发挥的作用,揭示阻止在多种表现形式和政策领域,特别是庇护领域,继续将团结视为石客的宪法基础。接收日期:2022年7月31日接受日期:2022月10日
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引用次数: 0
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