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Aid, Politics and the War of Narratives in the US-Pakistan Relations - A Case Study of Kerry Lugar Berman Act 美巴关系中的援助、政治与叙事之战——以克里·卢格·伯曼法案为例
IF 0.4 Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.54690/jcs.v11i2.236
Syed Wajeeh Ul Hassan
The author employs the decolonial perspectives to examine the politics and narratives surrounding the US Enhanced Partnership with Pakistan Act of 2009, also called the Kerry Lugar Berman (KLB) Act.1 The act authorised the payment of $1.5 billion per year in non-military assistance to the government of Pakistan for the next five years, from 2010 to 2014, with a provision to extend funding for an additional five years on meeting specific benchmarks. The act was severely criticised and generated a debate in Pakistan. One of the significant differences from past practices was the inclusion of conditions aimed at increasing the Pakistani military's accountability and limiting funding use.
作者采用非殖民主义的观点来研究2009年美国与巴基斯坦加强伙伴关系法案的政治和叙事,也被称为克里·卢格·伯曼(KLB)法案。该法案授权在2010年至2014年的未来五年内每年向巴基斯坦政府支付15亿美元的非军事援助,并规定在达到特定基准的情况下再延长五年的资金。该法案在巴基斯坦受到严厉批评,并引发了一场辩论。与以往做法的一个显著区别是,新协议包含了旨在加强巴基斯坦军方问责制和限制资金使用的条件。
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引用次数: 0
DECOLONIAL TURN: NEW CHALLENGES TO INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS TRADITIONS 非殖民化转向:对国际关系传统的新挑战
IF 0.4 Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-28 DOI: 10.54690/jcs.v11i2.228
Syed Wajeeh Ul Hassan, F. Sajjad
International Relations emerged as a discipline in the aftermath of World War I to avert destructive events through the systemic study of interstate relations. The mainstream IR reflected Eurocentric discourse that viewed the world from the prism of the western colonial powers. This paper reviews relevant literature to examine the decolonial turn in IR and its challenges to established traditions of the discipline. It is a critical reflection of a scholar from the South trying to understand Eurocentricity in a discipline that claims to be international. The research concludes that the decolonial turn in IR is challenging the basic foundations of the discipline and underscores the need for a change in the parameters of discussion around the principles and assumptions underlying the knowledge production system of the IR discipline.
国际关系在第一次世界大战之后成为一门学科,通过对国家间关系的系统研究来避免破坏性事件。主流国际关系反映了以欧洲为中心的话语,从西方殖民大国的棱镜来看世界。本文回顾了相关文献,以研究国际关系的非殖民化转向及其对该学科既定传统的挑战。这是一位来自南方的学者试图在一门自称是国际性的学科中理解欧洲中心主义的批判性反映。该研究的结论是,国际关系的非殖民化转向正在挑战该学科的基本基础,并强调需要改变围绕国际关系学科知识生产系统的原则和假设的讨论参数。
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引用次数: 0
Great Potential, Many Pitfalls Understanding China's Belt and Road Initiative 了解中国的“一带一路”倡议
IF 0.4 Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-28 DOI: 10.54690/jcs.v11i2.237
Air Commodore Sajjad Hussain
Bijan Omrani, Editor of the Journal Asian Affairs critically evaluates the potential as well the pitfalls of the Belt Road Initiative (BRI) trade and infrastructure project by exploring some related themes. This edited book is divided into seven chapters, each contributed by a different author. These chapters were presented at a joint conference of the Royal Society for Asian Affairs and the Woodrow Wilson Centre. The editor has brought together these chapters for the sake of an advancedclarity on the subject. The primary data sources comprise of national and international statistics, such as the World Bank Databank, as well as governmental documents made public, including the Pentagon report.
《亚洲事务》杂志编辑Bijan Omrani通过探讨一些相关主题,批判性地评估了“一带一路”贸易和基础设施项目的潜力和陷阱。这本经过编辑的书分为七章,每章由不同的作者撰写。这些章节是在皇家亚洲事务学会和伍德罗·威尔逊中心的联合会议上发表的。编辑把这些章节汇集在一起是为了更清楚地了解这个问题。主要数据来源包括国家和国际统计数据,如世界银行数据库,以及公开的政府文件,包括五角大楼的报告。
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引用次数: 0
STRATEGIC DIVERGENCE IN THE US-PAKISTAN RELATIONSHIP UNDER THE TRUMP ADMINISTRATION 特朗普政府下美巴关系的战略分歧
IF 0.4 Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-28 DOI: 10.54690/jcs.v11i2.232
Y. Malik, Saira Aquil
This study analyses the US-Pakistan relationship during the Trump administration from a neo-classical realist lens. Along with systemic influences, the analysis framework also includes the role of domestic and cognitive factors in understanding both sides’ perceptions, behaviors, and preferences toward each other. During Trump’s presidential term, both sides could not fritter away the mistrust and move beyond the traditional course of engagement characterized by tactical convergence based on the rewards for service rendered by Pakistan. Pakistan was not a strategic choice for Washington since the two countries had contrasting expectations on evolving global developments, emerging regional geo-political and domestic reconfigurations. Parallel to this, Pakistan’s economic vulnerabilities were exploited by the Republicans to reassert their leverage in bargaining. This grey area helped the White House allure Pakistan with its carrot-and-stick approach and compelled policy planners in Islamabad to think that a strong foreign policy always rests on a strong domestic base.
本研究从新古典现实主义视角分析了特朗普执政期间的美巴关系。除了系统影响外,分析框架还包括国内因素和认知因素在理解双方的看法、行为和对彼此的偏好方面的作用。在特朗普的总统任期内,双方无法消磨这种不信任,也无法超越传统的接触路线,其特点是基于巴基斯坦提供的服务的回报,在战术上趋同。巴基斯坦不是华盛顿的战略选择,因为两国对不断变化的全球事态发展、正在出现的地区地缘政治和国内重组有着截然不同的期望。与此同时,共和党人利用巴基斯坦的经济脆弱性来重申他们在谈判中的筹码。这一灰色地带帮助白宫用胡萝卜加大棒的方式吸引巴基斯坦,并迫使伊斯兰堡的政策规划者认为,强大的外交政策总是建立在强大的国内基础之上。
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引用次数: 0
SAUDI-IRAN RIVALRY: A SECTARIAN DIVIDE OR SECURITY DILEMMA? 沙伊对抗:宗派分歧还是安全困境?
IF 0.4 Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-28 DOI: 10.54690/jcs.v11i2.235
Junaid Jahandad, Ali Mustafa
This paper examines two major drivers of conflictual relationship between Saudi Arabia and Iran : sectarian schism and power politics. The protracted enmity and rivalry has been analyzed in light of uncertainty and security dilemma through the prism of constructivism. The application of the theoretical lens provides clarity and supersedes the reductionist analysis of this squabble. The inception of the Shia-Sunni schism and Saudi-Iran rivalry has been investigated in greater length. Within this context, the deterioration of relations due to Saddam Hussein’s demise, the Arab Spring, Sheikh Nimr al-Nimr’s execution, and the impact of Trump’s administration in the US have also been examined. Conclusively, this paper argues that security dilemma and uncertainty of each other’s actions is the driving force and primary cause of Saudi-Iran rivalry rather than sectarian divide.
本文考察了沙特阿拉伯和伊朗之间冲突关系的两个主要驱动因素:宗派分裂和权力政治。从不确定性和安全困境的角度出发,通过建构主义的棱镜分析了两国长期的敌意和对抗。理论视角的应用为这一争论提供了清晰的解释,并取代了简化论者的分析。什叶派-逊尼派分裂和沙特-伊朗对抗的起源已经被更深入地研究过。在这种背景下,由于萨达姆·侯赛因的死亡,阿拉伯之春,谢赫·尼米尔·尼米尔被处决以及特朗普政府在美国的影响而导致的关系恶化也得到了研究。最后,本文认为,安全困境和彼此行动的不确定性是沙特与伊朗对抗的驱动力和主要原因,而不是宗派分歧。
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引用次数: 0
The New Climate War: The Fight to Take Back Our Planet 新的气候战争:夺回我们星球的战斗
IF 0.4 Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-28 DOI: 10.54690/jcs.v11i2.239
Mujeeb Jan Talpur
The New Climate War" by Michael E. Mann is a comprehensive and well-written examination of the ongoing battle to combat climate change. Mann, a leading climate scientist, provides a detailed look at the tactics used by those who deny the reality of climate change and the ways in which these tactics have hindered progress in addressing the issue. He also offers solutions for how we can overcome these obstacles and effectively combat climate change. Well-known climate scientist explains how the fossil fuel industry has spent the last thirty years avoiding blame and postponing climate change action, and offers a strategy to preserve the planet. Recycle. Fly less frequently. Avoid eating meat. These climate change indicators have been taught to us. However, a marketing strategy has successfully placed the whole burden of combating climate change on individuals, resulting in an overemphasis on human behaviour.
迈克尔·e·曼的《新的气候战争》是对正在进行的与气候变化作斗争的全面而精彩的考察。曼恩是一位著名的气候科学家,他详细介绍了那些否认气候变化现实的人所使用的策略,以及这些策略如何阻碍了解决这一问题的进展。他还为我们如何克服这些障碍并有效应对气候变化提供了解决方案。著名的气候科学家解释了化石燃料行业在过去的三十年里是如何避免指责和推迟气候变化行动的,并提供了一个保护地球的策略。“回收利用”。少坐飞机。避免吃肉。这些气候变化指标是别人教给我们的。然而,一种营销策略成功地将应对气候变化的全部负担放在了个人身上,导致了对人类行为的过度强调。
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引用次数: 0
HYBRID WARFARE: EMERGING CHALLENGES FOR PAKISTAN 混合战争:巴基斯坦面临的新挑战
IF 0.4 Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-28 DOI: 10.54690/jcs.v11i2.234
Hassan Jalil, Muhammad Ehsan
Hybrid Warfare is gaining currency and posing new challenges to military thinkers and practitioners. The changes by the technological revolution, information and psychological operations, digitisation of the battlefield, and modernization in conventional warfare have ceased to be the standalone option for applying force. These changes envisage the application of all Elements of National Power (EoNP), projected along a continuous span of activities, stretching from stability, security, reconstruction and terminating at armed conflict. The paper explains that hybrid warfare is the instrument of choice by the challengers, primarily India, to weaken Pakistan, subjugate it and either balkanise it or make it a flaccid state as the least desired objective. With hybrid warfare as an instrument of application against Pakistan, this article has attempted to dissect hybrid warfare's contours and its impact on Pakistan.
混合战争正在流行,并对军事思想家和实践者提出了新的挑战。技术革命、信息和心理战、战场数字化和常规战争现代化带来的变化已不再是使用武力的独立选择。这些变化设想运用国家权力的所有要素,并按照从稳定、安全、重建直至武装冲突的连续活动范围进行规划。该报告解释说,混合战争是挑战者(主要是印度)选择的工具,目的是削弱巴基斯坦,征服它,要么将其巴尔干化,要么使其成为一个软弱的国家,这是最不希望实现的目标。随着混合战争作为对巴基斯坦的一种应用工具,本文试图剖析混合战争的轮廓及其对巴基斯坦的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Global Pakistan: Pakistan’s Role in the International System 全球巴基斯坦:巴基斯坦在国际体系中的作用
IF 0.4 Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-28 DOI: 10.54690/jcs.v11i2.238
Safia Malik
Globalization is a complex and multi-dimensional phenomenon. The advancement in the means of communication and technology has played the role of a catalyst in intensifying international economic, social and political integration thus accelerating the process of globalization. Pakistan, a member of the global community, competes economically and on cultural, geo-political and diplomatic fronts. Jochen Hippler and Vaqar Ahmed’s book, Global Pakistan: Pakistan’s Role in the International System, explores Pakistan’s role in the international system and the challenges posed to it due to globalization. The book comprises eleven chapters including an introduction by Jochen Hippler, former Country Director Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES), Pakistan. The book in a broader context addresses three themes: (i) political, cultural, religious and geo-strategic impact of globalization on Pakistan; (ii) changing global geo-political landscape; and (iii) integration of state economy with the global economy.
全球化是一个复杂的、多维的现象。通讯和技术手段的进步在加强国际经济、社会和政治一体化方面发挥了催化剂的作用,从而加速了全球化进程。巴基斯坦是国际社会的一员,在经济、文化、地缘政治和外交战线上与美国竞争。约亨·希普勒(Jochen Hippler)和瓦卡尔·艾哈迈德(Vaqar Ahmed)合著的《全球巴基斯坦:巴基斯坦在国际体系中的角色》探讨了巴基斯坦在国际体系中的角色以及全球化给巴基斯坦带来的挑战。该书共有11章,其中包括巴基斯坦弗里德里希·艾伯特基金会(FES)前国家主任约亨·希普勒(Jochen Hippler)的介绍。这本书在更广泛的背景下探讨了三个主题:(i)全球化对巴基斯坦的政治、文化、宗教和地缘战略影响;(二)不断变化的全球地缘政治格局;(三)国家经济与全球经济的融合。
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引用次数: 0
GENDER AND LEADERSHIP RESPONSE IN COVID-19 2019冠状病毒病中的性别与领导力应对
IF 0.4 Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-19 DOI: 10.54690/jcs.v11i1.216
Aroobah Lak, Tasawar Hussain
The study attempts to uncover the gendered construction and understanding of subjects of politics and leadership. It argues that mainstream construction of Covid-19 leadership response as, ‘success of femininity’ and ‘failure of masculinity’ encapsulates naturalisation of ‘essentialist gendered understanding’ of subjects of politics andleadership. By applying theoretical and methodological framework of post-positivist feminist traditions and identity theory, the paper tends to contextualise the origin, source and objectives of gendered lens that juxtaposes femininity with politics and leadership. In essence, the article underscores that a political agents’ leadership response to Covid-19 is a manifestation of his or her social and discursive identities, agent’s understanding of their placement within power hierarchies and internationalisation of ‘essentialist gendered identities’ and argues in favour of reworking political assumptions and identity solutions to construct gender-neutral discourses in politics and leadership.
本研究试图揭示政治与领导学科的性别建构与理解。它认为,将Covid-19领导层应对的主流构建为“女性气质的成功”和“男性气质的失败”,这概括了对政治和领导主题的“本质主义性别理解”的归化。通过运用后实证主义女性主义传统和身份理论的理论和方法框架,本文倾向于将性别镜头的起源、来源和目标置于背景中,将女性特质与政治和领导并列。从本质上讲,本文强调政治主体对Covid-19的领导反应是其社会和话语身份的表现,是其对自己在权力等级中的位置的理解以及“本质主义性别身份”国际化的表现,并主张重构政治假设和身份解决方案,以构建政治和领导中的性别中立话语。
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引用次数: 0
STATE OF INDIAN DEMOCRACY AND US-INDIA STRATEGIC COOPERATION: AN UNEASY CONVERGENCE? 印度民主现状与美印战略合作:令人不安的趋同?
IF 0.4 Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-19 DOI: 10.54690/jcs.v11i1.217
H. Javed, Ameer Abdullah Khan
US-India strategic convergence is likely to continue as Washington considers New Delhi a counterweight to Beijing. However, rising right-wing authoritarianism in India under BJP, marked by the erosion of democratic standards, has created a policy paradox for Biden Administration- how to balance geopolitical interests with democratic ideals. The paper argues that adhering to the norms of democracy is not just a normative concern but also a strategic concern for the US as democracy is one of the core pillars that sustains US- led liberal world order. However, the Biden administration does not appear to emphasize democratic values and human rights performance to the point where strategic convergence would seem at risk. Thus Biden administration is likely to emphasize democratic values and human rights performance to the point where strategic convergence would not seem at risk. Keywords: Democracy, Human Rights, Balancing, US, India, China
美印战略趋同可能会继续,因为华盛顿认为新德里是制衡北京的力量。然而,在印度人民党领导下,以民主标准被侵蚀为标志的右翼威权主义抬头,给拜登政府带来了一个政策悖论——如何在地缘政治利益与民主理想之间取得平衡。本文认为,对美国来说,遵守民主规范不仅是一个规范性问题,也是一个战略问题,因为民主是维持美国主导的自由世界秩序的核心支柱之一。但是,拜登政府似乎并没有强调民主价值和人权表现到可能危及战略趋同的地步。因此,拜登政府很有可能会强调民主价值和人权表现,直到不会危及战略趋同的程度。关键词:民主、人权、平衡、美国、印度、中国
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引用次数: 0
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Sodobna Pedagogika-Journal of Contemporary Educational Studies
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