Pub Date : 2019-07-03DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2019.1688950
Chen Bin
ABSTRACT This study examines the relationship between the Guomindang (GMD) and the courts by focusing on the 1929 conflicts between the Suzhou Baptist schools and the local GMD party apparatus. The GMD regime supported the principle of rule by the party. At the local level, the GMD’s rise was often stymied by the independent judiciary whose judgments were based on the principle of the rule of law. The local party might not have been able to control the local court in the early years of the GMD regime, but it did steadily alter state-society relationships, as it could benefit from the local court’s commitment to the rule of law. For instance, the district court in Suzhou actively defended the principle of rule by the party in conflicts between Baptist schools and the local party because the GMD had made that principle the law of the land.
{"title":"When the rule of law met rule by the party: the conflicts between Baptist schools and the local Guomindang in Republican Suzhou","authors":"Chen Bin","doi":"10.1080/17535654.2019.1688950","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17535654.2019.1688950","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study examines the relationship between the Guomindang (GMD) and the courts by focusing on the 1929 conflicts between the Suzhou Baptist schools and the local GMD party apparatus. The GMD regime supported the principle of rule by the party. At the local level, the GMD’s rise was often stymied by the independent judiciary whose judgments were based on the principle of the rule of law. The local party might not have been able to control the local court in the early years of the GMD regime, but it did steadily alter state-society relationships, as it could benefit from the local court’s commitment to the rule of law. For instance, the district court in Suzhou actively defended the principle of rule by the party in conflicts between Baptist schools and the local party because the GMD had made that principle the law of the land.","PeriodicalId":41223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Chinese History","volume":"156 1 1","pages":"274 - 295"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76795872","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-03DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2019.1688975
M. Tillman
ABSTRACT In 1931, liberal and conservative Christians debated the possibility of replacing Bible Study with a comparative religions course for elementary-school students, in order to comply with regulations of the Republic of China. Made possible by the ecumenical and indigenization movements within Christianity, this debate intersected with multiple issues: Western accommodation to the rise of Chinese nationalism; Christian resistance to growing secularization in the West, including elements of the social gospel; and clerical responses to child-centered pedagogies. Furthermore, liberals also promoted religious studies as a method for increasing cross-cultural understanding and world peace after World War II. While previous scholars have situated government registration of parochial schools within the rise of Chinese nationalism, this article asserts that missionaries in the 1930s viewed children’s religious education within the framework of both Chinese indigenization and global secularization.
{"title":"Religious liberty for the Chinese child: missionary debates in the 1930s","authors":"M. Tillman","doi":"10.1080/17535654.2019.1688975","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17535654.2019.1688975","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In 1931, liberal and conservative Christians debated the possibility of replacing Bible Study with a comparative religions course for elementary-school students, in order to comply with regulations of the Republic of China. Made possible by the ecumenical and indigenization movements within Christianity, this debate intersected with multiple issues: Western accommodation to the rise of Chinese nationalism; Christian resistance to growing secularization in the West, including elements of the social gospel; and clerical responses to child-centered pedagogies. Furthermore, liberals also promoted religious studies as a method for increasing cross-cultural understanding and world peace after World War II. While previous scholars have situated government registration of parochial schools within the rise of Chinese nationalism, this article asserts that missionaries in the 1930s viewed children’s religious education within the framework of both Chinese indigenization and global secularization.","PeriodicalId":41223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Chinese History","volume":"4 1","pages":"249 - 273"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81217537","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-03DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2019.1688976
Junyi Qu
Innovation in historical research often differs from transitions between old and new paradigms. Much of what is “new” in research is the contemporary representation of the “old.” As far as the study of the May Fourth Movement is concerned, there are two possibilities for innovation. One is to write a complete history such as Chow Tse-tsung’s classic work on this movement or Li Zehou’s work on modern Chinese intellectual history. We will always appreciate this kind of scholarly work and may attempt something similar in the future, but probably not right now. This type of work is particularly appealing to us due to its distance from current mainstream academic output, which focuses mostly on specific topics rather than general narratives. The other possible route to innovation in the study of the May Fourth Movement is inspired by the return of revolutionary history and political history in recent years. This trend has led to new, in-depth research on conventional topics such as the 1911 Revolution, the May Fourth Movement, the Northern Expedition, and the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression. Both of these possibilities are through the approach of “liberation by revisiting the past” (yi fugu wei jiefang), meaning they not only tap the potential of classical writing methods and conventional research fields, but also create “new designs from old brocade,” an approach reflecting the influence of new cultural history and traces of social sciences. This latter sense has inspired the study of the May Fourth Movement from a local perspective. The fundamental difference between studying the May Fourth Movement from a local perspective and studying the May Fourth Movement in particular places (such as Jiangsu, Shandong, and Zhejiang) is not a physical area of focus (from large to small), or a regional focus (from coastal to inland areas), or a focus on center versus periphery. Apparently the focus of a local perspective can be the county level or even rural society below the county level, but it can also be large cities such as Shanghai and Beijing, or provincial capitals such as Hangzhou. Wen-hsin Yeh’s classic study of the May Fourth Movement in Hangzhou has proved this point. Judging from her research, “local” seems to refer literally to certain concrete areas, but it also represents a research perspective and an analytical approach that emphasizes the following four points. First, in different places, the occurrence, expansion, and continuation of the May Fourth Movement may follow a logic fitting to each particular locale. Even the logic of
{"title":"How to study the May Fourth Movement from a local perspective","authors":"Junyi Qu","doi":"10.1080/17535654.2019.1688976","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17535654.2019.1688976","url":null,"abstract":"Innovation in historical research often differs from transitions between old and new paradigms. Much of what is “new” in research is the contemporary representation of the “old.” As far as the study of the May Fourth Movement is concerned, there are two possibilities for innovation. One is to write a complete history such as Chow Tse-tsung’s classic work on this movement or Li Zehou’s work on modern Chinese intellectual history. We will always appreciate this kind of scholarly work and may attempt something similar in the future, but probably not right now. This type of work is particularly appealing to us due to its distance from current mainstream academic output, which focuses mostly on specific topics rather than general narratives. The other possible route to innovation in the study of the May Fourth Movement is inspired by the return of revolutionary history and political history in recent years. This trend has led to new, in-depth research on conventional topics such as the 1911 Revolution, the May Fourth Movement, the Northern Expedition, and the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression. Both of these possibilities are through the approach of “liberation by revisiting the past” (yi fugu wei jiefang), meaning they not only tap the potential of classical writing methods and conventional research fields, but also create “new designs from old brocade,” an approach reflecting the influence of new cultural history and traces of social sciences. This latter sense has inspired the study of the May Fourth Movement from a local perspective. The fundamental difference between studying the May Fourth Movement from a local perspective and studying the May Fourth Movement in particular places (such as Jiangsu, Shandong, and Zhejiang) is not a physical area of focus (from large to small), or a regional focus (from coastal to inland areas), or a focus on center versus periphery. Apparently the focus of a local perspective can be the county level or even rural society below the county level, but it can also be large cities such as Shanghai and Beijing, or provincial capitals such as Hangzhou. Wen-hsin Yeh’s classic study of the May Fourth Movement in Hangzhou has proved this point. Judging from her research, “local” seems to refer literally to certain concrete areas, but it also represents a research perspective and an analytical approach that emphasizes the following four points. First, in different places, the occurrence, expansion, and continuation of the May Fourth Movement may follow a logic fitting to each particular locale. Even the logic of","PeriodicalId":41223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Chinese History","volume":"60 1","pages":"332 - 338"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88463468","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-03DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2019.1688990
Di Wang
ABSTRACT The problems China faced in the world order after World War I and the position and measures China took in the tussling between Western countries needs to be analyzed not only using historical records in Chinese and from the perspective of China itself; researchers should also consult foreign documents to determine the attitudes and ways of thinking of other countries, so as to reflect on the choices China needed to make and the roles that Western countries played at that time. Only in so doing can we fully understand how much space and strength China then had to strive for its rights in the international arena. This article examines the social basis of the attitude and policies of the United States (US) towards China in the period between the May Fourth Movement (1919) and the Washington Conference (1921–1922) by focusing on reports on China in the US mainstream media, including the New York Times, the Christian Science Monitor, the Washington Post, and the Los Angeles Times. The US government’s attitude towards China was determined by the interests of the United States, the Far East, and the other countries of the world. However, the US mainstream media’s reports on China also reflected the values of American society and popular sympathy for China’s destiny. When discussing how to support China, the US media distinguished between support for the Chinese government and support for the Chinese people on the way to democracy and governance by law. In this case, the media reflected different views on how to assist China.
{"title":"US attitudes towards China before and after the Washington Conference based on US mainstream media reports","authors":"Di Wang","doi":"10.1080/17535654.2019.1688990","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17535654.2019.1688990","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The problems China faced in the world order after World War I and the position and measures China took in the tussling between Western countries needs to be analyzed not only using historical records in Chinese and from the perspective of China itself; researchers should also consult foreign documents to determine the attitudes and ways of thinking of other countries, so as to reflect on the choices China needed to make and the roles that Western countries played at that time. Only in so doing can we fully understand how much space and strength China then had to strive for its rights in the international arena. This article examines the social basis of the attitude and policies of the United States (US) towards China in the period between the May Fourth Movement (1919) and the Washington Conference (1921–1922) by focusing on reports on China in the US mainstream media, including the New York Times, the Christian Science Monitor, the Washington Post, and the Los Angeles Times. The US government’s attitude towards China was determined by the interests of the United States, the Far East, and the other countries of the world. However, the US mainstream media’s reports on China also reflected the values of American society and popular sympathy for China’s destiny. When discussing how to support China, the US media distinguished between support for the Chinese government and support for the Chinese people on the way to democracy and governance by law. In this case, the media reflected different views on how to assist China.","PeriodicalId":41223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Chinese History","volume":"19 1","pages":"211 - 225"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79941588","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-03DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2019.1693737
Liu Zhiyu
{"title":"Discovering Republican history in diaries","authors":"Liu Zhiyu","doi":"10.1080/17535654.2019.1693737","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17535654.2019.1693737","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Chinese History","volume":"9 1","pages":"345 - 347"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84197227","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-03DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2019.1688991
Xiaowei Zheng
ABSTRACT This article challenges the standard historiography of the New Culture Movement by tracing the important role played by Pu Dianjun, a key member of the Constitution Research Group, in the broader cultural reform movement in early Republican China. It examines Pu’s years as the president and chief editor of Chenbao (1918–1922), which he transformed from a little-read partisan paper to a widely circulated and intellectually influential newspaper in Beijing. It demonstrates that Pu’s cultural endeavors, which consisted of efforts at societal change through individual awakening, were geared toward his political ideal – the transformation of Chinese commoners into capable voters in a constitutional system. Despite his absence from the standard historiography, Pu left important legacies affecting life in China today.
{"title":"Constitutionalist Pu Dianjun and his new cultural movement","authors":"Xiaowei Zheng","doi":"10.1080/17535654.2019.1688991","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17535654.2019.1688991","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article challenges the standard historiography of the New Culture Movement by tracing the important role played by Pu Dianjun, a key member of the Constitution Research Group, in the broader cultural reform movement in early Republican China. It examines Pu’s years as the president and chief editor of Chenbao (1918–1922), which he transformed from a little-read partisan paper to a widely circulated and intellectually influential newspaper in Beijing. It demonstrates that Pu’s cultural endeavors, which consisted of efforts at societal change through individual awakening, were geared toward his political ideal – the transformation of Chinese commoners into capable voters in a constitutional system. Despite his absence from the standard historiography, Pu left important legacies affecting life in China today.","PeriodicalId":41223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Chinese History","volume":"11 1","pages":"226 - 248"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89338677","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2019.1632565
Yuan Yidan
ABSTRACT Due to its equivocal character, the fall of Peking in 1937 was a historical moment that deserves a thorough revisit focusing on the city’s multifaceted structure. As a narrative strategy, “moment” aims at putting various spatial imageries of multiple events in a minimized temporal unit. This article focuses on two moments after the Marco Polo Bridge incident of July 7, 1937: July 29, when the Chinese troops withdrew from Peking, and August 8, when the Japanese troops entered the city. It reconstructs these historical scenarios by utilizing the reports of journalists, diary entries, and reminiscences, along with literary works to capture the moment of Peking’s fall. Using a “horizontal” perspective, this paper reveals Peking residents’ communal awareness and attempts to excavate nationalist elements from local experiences.
{"title":"The moment when Peking fell to the Japanese: a “horizontal” perspective","authors":"Yuan Yidan","doi":"10.1080/17535654.2019.1632565","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17535654.2019.1632565","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Due to its equivocal character, the fall of Peking in 1937 was a historical moment that deserves a thorough revisit focusing on the city’s multifaceted structure. As a narrative strategy, “moment” aims at putting various spatial imageries of multiple events in a minimized temporal unit. This article focuses on two moments after the Marco Polo Bridge incident of July 7, 1937: July 29, when the Chinese troops withdrew from Peking, and August 8, when the Japanese troops entered the city. It reconstructs these historical scenarios by utilizing the reports of journalists, diary entries, and reminiscences, along with literary works to capture the moment of Peking’s fall. Using a “horizontal” perspective, this paper reveals Peking residents’ communal awareness and attempts to excavate nationalist elements from local experiences.","PeriodicalId":41223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Chinese History","volume":"46 1","pages":"45 - 60"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80024152","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2019.1632563
M. Brazelton
ABSTRACT This article discusses the history of domestic penicillin production in China during the Second Sino-Japanese War, focusing on the work of the National Epidemic Prevention Bureau (NEPB) to identify, isolate, cultivate, and extract the drug. This work took place just as the American Bureau for Medical Aid to China discussed plans to establish an American pilot plant for Chinese penicillin manufacture, which would directly transfer technologies and personnel from the US to China. While American advisers saw the basic conditions of wartime China as actively obstructing the highly technical project of penicillin production, researchers at the NEPB relied crucially upon that same local environment to identify useful molds and find substitutions for key materials in successfully manufacturing penicillin in Kunming, capital of Yunnan Province in southwest China.
{"title":"The production of penicillin in wartime China and Sino-American definitions of “normal” microbiology","authors":"M. Brazelton","doi":"10.1080/17535654.2019.1632563","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17535654.2019.1632563","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article discusses the history of domestic penicillin production in China during the Second Sino-Japanese War, focusing on the work of the National Epidemic Prevention Bureau (NEPB) to identify, isolate, cultivate, and extract the drug. This work took place just as the American Bureau for Medical Aid to China discussed plans to establish an American pilot plant for Chinese penicillin manufacture, which would directly transfer technologies and personnel from the US to China. While American advisers saw the basic conditions of wartime China as actively obstructing the highly technical project of penicillin production, researchers at the NEPB relied crucially upon that same local environment to identify useful molds and find substitutions for key materials in successfully manufacturing penicillin in Kunming, capital of Yunnan Province in southwest China.","PeriodicalId":41223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Chinese History","volume":"19 1","pages":"102 - 123"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75307994","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2019.1641291
Wen-hsin Yeh
ABSTRACT The outbreak of the full-scale Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945) brought an end to the printing and publishing industry centered in Shanghai in the 1930s. Chongqing then emerged as a nerve center of information and opinion. Writers everywhere worked under wartime conditions of social dislocation, economic dependency, and political control. This article examines the writing and publishing of three notable pieces of work completed in wartime Chongqing, Shanghai, and southern Zhejiang, respectively. The article explores the context in which each work was written and then evaluates the broader significance of the texts with regard to a historical assessment of the Chinese intellectual experience during wartime.
{"title":"Writing in wartime China: Chongqing, Shanghai, and Southern Zhejiang","authors":"Wen-hsin Yeh","doi":"10.1080/17535654.2019.1641291","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17535654.2019.1641291","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The outbreak of the full-scale Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945) brought an end to the printing and publishing industry centered in Shanghai in the 1930s. Chongqing then emerged as a nerve center of information and opinion. Writers everywhere worked under wartime conditions of social dislocation, economic dependency, and political control. This article examines the writing and publishing of three notable pieces of work completed in wartime Chongqing, Shanghai, and southern Zhejiang, respectively. The article explores the context in which each work was written and then evaluates the broader significance of the texts with regard to a historical assessment of the Chinese intellectual experience during wartime.","PeriodicalId":41223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Chinese History","volume":"11 22 1","pages":"24 - 44"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78417510","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17535654.2019.1618627
Zach Fredman
ABSTRACT This article examines how sex affected the larger politics of the Sino–US alliance during World War II. By early 1945, Chinese from across the social spectrum resented the US military presence, but just one issue sparked a violent backlash: sexual relations between American soldiers (GIs) and Chinese women. Two interrelated, patriarchal narratives about sex emerged that spring. Starting in March, government-backed newspapers began criticizing “Jeep girls,” an epithet coined to describe the Chinese women who consorted with American servicemen. Rumors also circulated that GIs were using Jeeps to kidnap “respectable” women and rape them. Each narrative portrayed women’s bodies as territory to be recovered and inextricable from national sovereignty. These narratives resonated widely, turning Jeep girls into the catalyst through which all variables causing resentment against the US military presence intersected and converged. With Japan on the ropes, China’s allied friends now stood in the way of irreversibly consigning foreign imperialism to the past. Sexual relations were not the Sino–US alliance’s seedy underside, but the core site of its tensions.
{"title":"GIs and “Jeep girls”: sex and American soldiers in wartime China","authors":"Zach Fredman","doi":"10.1080/17535654.2019.1618627","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17535654.2019.1618627","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines how sex affected the larger politics of the Sino–US alliance during World War II. By early 1945, Chinese from across the social spectrum resented the US military presence, but just one issue sparked a violent backlash: sexual relations between American soldiers (GIs) and Chinese women. Two interrelated, patriarchal narratives about sex emerged that spring. Starting in March, government-backed newspapers began criticizing “Jeep girls,” an epithet coined to describe the Chinese women who consorted with American servicemen. Rumors also circulated that GIs were using Jeeps to kidnap “respectable” women and rape them. Each narrative portrayed women’s bodies as territory to be recovered and inextricable from national sovereignty. These narratives resonated widely, turning Jeep girls into the catalyst through which all variables causing resentment against the US military presence intersected and converged. With Japan on the ropes, China’s allied friends now stood in the way of irreversibly consigning foreign imperialism to the past. Sexual relations were not the Sino–US alliance’s seedy underside, but the core site of its tensions.","PeriodicalId":41223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern Chinese History","volume":"174 1","pages":"101 - 76"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73193435","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：