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Dutch retirement migration to Spain and Turkey: Seeking access to healthcare across borders 荷兰退休移民到西班牙和土耳其:寻求获得跨境医疗保健
Pub Date : 2016-06-07 DOI: 10.1080/21931674.2016.1180870
A. Gehring
Abstract This article focuses on Dutch retirement migrants who move to Spain and Turkey after retirement. Retirement migrants move at a stage in their life cycle which can be associated with health deterioration. The need to seek access to healthcare provisions may therefore be important in the migratory experience of retirement migrants. This article provides an analysis at three different and interrelated levels by drawing on an analytical framework of Faist, Bilecen, Barglowski and Sienkiewicz. The article discusses the interrelationship between: (1) European, national, and private rules and regulations on health care which determine retirement migrants’ access to healthcare provisions in the home and host state; (2) retirement migrants’ social networks as a space where collective meaning is given to these rules and regulations and where retirement migrants create preferences for healthcare provisions; and (3) retirement migrants’ strategies to access their preferred set of healthcare provisions in the home and host state. It will be argued that retirement migrants may navigate their way through the healthcare systems and may change their mobility or residence pattern in order to be seen as a resident in the Netherlands or Spain/Turkey in order to access their preferred set of healthcare provisions.
本文主要研究退休后移居西班牙和土耳其的荷兰退休移民。退休移徙者在其生命周期的某个阶段迁移,这可能与健康恶化有关。因此,在退休移徙者的移徙经历中,寻求获得保健服务的必要性可能很重要。本文借鉴Faist、Bilecen、Barglowski和Sienkiewicz的分析框架,从三个不同但又相互关联的层面进行分析。本文讨论了以下之间的相互关系:(1)欧洲、国家和私人医疗保健规则和条例,这些规则和条例决定了退休移民在母国和东道国获得医疗保健服务的机会;(2)退休移民的社会网络作为一个空间,在这个空间中,这些规则和条例被赋予了集体意义,退休移民在这个空间中创造了对医疗保健服务的偏好;(3)退休移民在母国和所在国获得首选医疗保健服务的策略。有人认为,退休移民可能会通过医疗保健系统进行导航,并可能改变他们的流动或居住模式,以便被视为荷兰或西班牙/土耳其的居民,以便获得他们首选的医疗保健规定。
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引用次数: 13
Transnational social work with young refugees 青年难民跨国社会工作
Pub Date : 2016-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/21931674.2016.1184024
C. Schmitt
In late 2014, the UN Refugee Agency counted 59.5 million people around the world on the run (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), 2015). This is the highest number that has been registered since World War II. The statistics include refugees fleeing across national borders, so-called internally displaced persons who do not cross state borders, and asylum seekers. Fifty-one percent of the refugees are children and underage adolescents. Many of them flee together with family and relatives, others are on their own. In 2014, 34,300 unaccompanied or separated children filled in an asylum application in 82 countries (UNHCR, 2015). The actual figure might be even higher, since unaccompanied children are not statistically accounted for in every country (Rieger, 2015, p. 68). The majority fled from Syria, Afghanistan, Somalia, and Eritrea. Flight reasons of young refugees are various: many escape from wars and the consequent fear of being recruited as child soldiers (e.g. Homfeldt & Schmitt, 2012, pp. 160f; Kohli, 2007, pp. 29–34). Girls in particular are afraid of sexual exploitation, or have experienced it already. Others flee due to persecution of their religion, ethnicity, or their family’s political affiliation. Sometimes, young refugees experience violence in their family, forced marriage, or genital mutilation. Another drive can be the desire for a secure existence, good education and job perspectives, or to escape a natural disaster. Some of the young people are sent by their families to create a better life elsewhere. Others lose their parents or relatives during their flight, or flee of their own accord, for example because they have already lost both parents in their country of origin. Children and adolescents are particularly vulnerable on the run. They often depend on traffickers, pass unsafe states, and are at risk of being abused or robbed. By the time they reach their country of destination and come into contact with social services, many of the young people suffer from their experiences and are in urgent need of professional support (e.g. Stotz, Elbert, Müller, & Schauer, 2015). Social workers are confronted with biographies that span across several nation-states and encompass experiences in the country of origin, during the flight, and in the country of destination. They are challenged to stabilize the lifeworlds of the young people. This paper argues that a transnational social work with young refugees is needed and suggests first conceptual ideas. The addresseesʼ lifeworlds and biographies are transnational and therefore require a social work education and practice which exceeds a solely national frame of thinking and acting.
2014年底,联合国难民署统计,全球有5950万人处于逃亡状态。(联合国难民事务高级专员,2015年)这是自第二次世界大战以来登记的最高数字。统计数据包括跨越国界逃离的难民、不跨越国界的所谓境内流离失所者和寻求庇护者。51%的难民是儿童和未成年青少年。他们中的许多人与家人和亲戚一起逃离,其他人则独自一人。2014年,共有34300名无人陪伴或失散儿童在82个国家申请庇护(联合国难民署,2015年)。实际数字可能更高,因为并不是每个国家都统计无人陪伴儿童(Rieger, 2015, p. 68)。大多数人是从叙利亚、阿富汗、索马里和厄立特里亚逃来的。年轻难民逃离的原因是多种多样的:许多人逃离战争,因此害怕被招募为儿童兵(例如Homfeldt & Schmitt, 2012, pp. 160f;Kohli, 2007,第29-34页)。女孩尤其害怕性剥削,或者已经经历过性剥削。其他人则因宗教、种族或家庭政治派别受到迫害而逃离。有时,年轻难民会遭遇家庭暴力、强迫婚姻或生殖器切割。另一种动力可能是对安全生存、良好教育和就业前景的渴望,或者是逃离自然灾害。有些年轻人被他们的家人送到别处去创造更好的生活。另一些人在逃亡期间失去了父母或亲戚,或自愿逃离,例如因为他们在原籍国已经失去了双亲。儿童和青少年在逃亡中尤其容易受到伤害。他们往往依赖贩运者,经过不安全的国家,并面临被虐待或抢劫的风险。当他们到达目的地国并接触社会服务时,许多年轻人都遭受了他们的经历,迫切需要专业支持(例如Stotz, Elbert, m ller, & Schauer, 2015)。社会工作者面临着跨越几个民族国家的传记,包括在原籍国、逃亡期间和目的地国的经历。他们面临着稳定年轻人生活世界的挑战。本文认为需要开展跨国难民社会工作,并提出了初步的概念构想。收件人的生活世界和传记是跨国的,因此需要一种超越单一国家思维和行动框架的社会工作教育和实践。
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引用次数: 2
Transnational lives. Transnational bodies? An introduction 跨国的生活。跨国的身体吗?介绍
Pub Date : 2016-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/21931674.2016.1182350
Yvonne Niekrenz, Matthias D. Witte, Lisa D Albrecht
Over the past 20 years, both “the body” and “transnationalism” have been elaborated as sociological terms, empirically investigated as research topics, and finally established within the social-scientific discourses as the so called “turns” (see Gugutzer, 2006; Levitt & Nyberg-Sørensen, 2004). Although there is an increasing interest in the social role of the body, and the transnational paradigm has established itself as a new point of reference for migratory movements, both “turns” are brought together only very rarely. Speaking about the body within the social sciences means speaking from the perspective of the embodied actor; an actor whose knowledge, practices, and sensations are carnal; one who is situated in a specific presence at a certain place, one who is affected by and affecting the local surroundings. Considering common definitions of transnationalism, it is always highlighted that the local surrounding may become hybridized through transnational linkages and (re-) presentations of distant others and remote events. Within a general definition that describes transnationalism as a circulation of goods, people, and information, which leads to a relatively stable mesh that stretches across national borders and manifests itself within different localities (e.g. Pries, 2008, p. 4), the bodily and finite matter of those people living transnationally and its impacts on transnational lifeworlds seems to be comparatively weightless – be it only that it is taken for granted. The TSR Special Issue “Transnational Lives. Transnational Bodies?” asks: in what way do transnational lives result in transnational bodies? While common definitions of transnationalism stress the cross-linkages between different localities, people, and communities that are queering national borders, the fact that actors are emplaced by their bodies means that the body becomes something to manage and mediate with a quality of its own. At the same time, it is the physical weight and the matter of the local body that demands actual or virtual movement. One of the first attempts to conceptualize transnationalism as an embodied phenomenon was made by Kevin Dunn in 2010. Dunn states that the body has always been present in migration research – be it only “by the movement of people across space” – but it has not been “a prominent spatial scale of analysis in the field” (Dunn, 2010, p. 1). Following Dunn’s path of argumentation, we hypothesize that transnational lifeworlds and lives not only need to be embodied and locally embedded in order to become a social reality, but that the body itself makes demands by its very own quality and thus already can be considered as a trans-bordered phenomenon. Bodies do not simply exist as bodies per se but they are materializing and symbolizing socio-political categories and constructions: they are
在过去的20年里,“身体”和“跨国主义”都被阐述为社会学术语,作为研究课题进行实证调查,并最终在社会科学话语中作为所谓的“转向”(见Gugutzer, 2006;Levitt & Nyberg-Sørensen, 2004)。虽然人们对身体的社会作用越来越感兴趣,而且跨国范式已成为移徙运动的新参照点,但这两种“转变”很少结合在一起。在社会科学中谈论身体意味着从具身行动者的角度出发;肉欲演员其知识、行为和感觉都是肉欲的演员;局内人:处于某一特定地点的特定存在的人,受当地环境影响的人考虑到跨国主义的常见定义,人们总是强调,通过跨国联系和(重新)呈现遥远的他人和遥远的事件,当地的环境可能会变得混杂。在将跨国主义描述为商品、人员和信息的流通的一般定义中,这导致了一个相对稳定的网络,延伸到国界,并在不同的地方表现出来(例如Pries, 2008,第4页),那些生活在跨国国家的人的身体和有限的物质及其对跨国生活世界的影响似乎相对来说是没有重量的——只是它被认为是理所当然的。TSR特刊“跨国生活”。跨国的身体吗?的问题:跨国的生活以什么方式导致了跨国的身体?虽然跨国主义的常见定义强调不同地区、人民和社区之间的交叉联系,这些联系正在改变国家边界,但演员被他们的身体所安置的事实意味着身体成为具有自身品质的管理和调解的东西。同时,需要实际或虚拟运动的是身体重量和局部身体的物质。凯文·邓恩(Kevin Dunn)在2010年首次尝试将跨国主义概念化为一种具体化的现象。邓恩指出,身体一直存在于移民研究中——只是“通过人们在空间上的移动”——但它并不是“该领域分析的一个突出的空间尺度”(邓恩,2010年,第1页)。按照邓恩的论证路径,我们假设,跨国生活世界和生活不仅需要具体化和局部嵌入,才能成为社会现实,但是,身体本身通过自身的质量提出要求,因此已经可以被认为是一种跨界现象。身体不仅仅作为身体本身存在,而且它们是社会政治范畴和结构的物质化和符号化:它们是
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引用次数: 1
The development of national asylum policies in times of economic recession: Challenges for Greece 经济衰退时期国家庇护政策的发展:希腊面临的挑战
Pub Date : 2016-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/21931674.2016.1184820
G. Amitsis
At the outbreak of the economic crisis in 2010, Greece was faced with a rare conjuncture of extremely difficult socio-economic circumstances. This huge challenge revealed the long-lasting weaknesses and distortions both of the public as well as of the private and civil sector. In order to return to normality, Greece is compelled to achieve two parallel goals: on one hand, maintain its capacity to support current standard public policies and, on the other hand, to promote deep and radical reforms on many different levels. However, the achievement of both of these goals has proven to be extremely difficult (Amitsis, 2012) due to the heavy fiscal constraints (e.g. inability to cover gaps in human resources, basic infrastructures, technological equipment etc.) imposed in the context of the Financial Stability Mechanisms1 implemented since May 2010. The situation has significantly worsened during the last year due to political instability (two snap elections in one year), as well as the long-lasting negotiations between Greece and the Troika which led – during summer 2015 – to an internal tacit “payment freezing” for the public sector and the implementation of a capitol control mechanism (the latter still in force until this day). In the field of migration and asylum policies, the effects of the crisis have been utterly detrimental. Greece has traditionally been lacking an autonomous and sound migration management system, since the creation of such a system has never before been a strong policy priority. After the crisis, the development of a national migration/asylum system became even more difficult due to the aforementioned fiscal constraints (European Parliament, 2015). In view of these circumstances, the recent refugee and migration crisis found Greece completely unprepared and very weak.
2010年经济危机爆发时,希腊面临着罕见的社会经济形势极其困难的局面。这一巨大挑战暴露了公共部门以及私营和民间部门长期存在的弱点和扭曲。为了恢复正常,希腊不得不实现两个平行的目标:一方面,保持其支持现行标准公共政策的能力;另一方面,在许多不同层面推动深刻而彻底的改革。然而,这两个目标的实现已被证明是极其困难的(Amitsis, 2012),由于严重的财政限制(例如,无法弥补人力资源,基础设施,技术设备等方面的差距),在金融稳定机制的背景下实施自2010年5月1。由于政治不稳定(一年内两次提前选举),以及希腊与三驾马车之间的长期谈判(在2015年夏季)导致公共部门内部默认的“付款冻结”和实施国会控制机制(后者至今仍有效),去年形势明显恶化。在移徙和庇护政策领域,危机的影响是完全有害的。希腊历来缺乏一个自主和健全的移民管理制度,因为建立这样一个制度以前从来就不是一个强有力的政策优先事项。危机之后,由于上述财政限制,国家移民/庇护制度的发展变得更加困难(欧洲议会,2015年)。鉴于这些情况,最近的难民和移民危机发现希腊完全没有准备,非常脆弱。
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引用次数: 3
Transnational bodies: Embodiment of transnational settings 跨国机构:跨国环境的体现
Pub Date : 2016-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/21931674.2016.1175146
Yvonne Niekrenz, Matthias D. Witte, Lisa D Albrecht
Abstract The everyday life of more and more people is characterized by transnationalism. People increasingly interact across borders and in a network of transnational relationships. While interactions may be border-crossing, the actors’ body remains situated and limited in time and space. However, the thesis of this paper is that transnationalism processes are embodied. Thus, we speak of an embodiment of transnational settings. We focus on symbolic interactionism – Charles H. Cooley and George H. Mead in particular provide a large repertoire of concepts – to theoretically conceive transnational bodies. To show how transnational embodiment can manifest itself we use the example of young people and their youth cultural life worlds. This offers an insight into the embodiment of standards and norms, such as ideals of beauty, that circulate transnationally, e.g. by the use of communication technologies.
越来越多的人的日常生活具有跨国主义的特征。人们越来越多地在跨国界和跨国关系网络中互动。虽然互动可能是跨越边界的,但演员的身体仍然是固定的,在时间和空间上是有限的。然而,本文的论题是跨国主义过程的具体化。因此,我们谈到了跨国背景的体现。我们专注于符号互动主义——尤其是查尔斯·库利和乔治·米德提供了大量的概念——从理论上构想跨国主体。为了说明跨国体现是如何体现的,我们以年轻人和他们的青年文化生活世界为例。这提供了一个洞察标准和规范的体现,如美的理想,在跨国流通,例如通过使用通信技术。
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引用次数: 1
Ethnographic insights into the age assessment for young migrants in Malta 马耳他年轻移民年龄评估的民族志见解
Pub Date : 2016-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/21931674.2016.1186381
Laura Otto
Since Malta, a small island in the Mediterranean Sea located south of Italy and north of Libya, became an EU member state in 2004, it simultaneously turned into one of the important states of entry for migrants (Bordermonitoring, n.d., p. 4). About 20% of the total number of people arriving in Malta are assessed as unaccompanied minors (UAM) (Aditus, 2014, p. 2, interview with Refugee Commissioner, 19 June 2013). The conditions and treatment of the border regime are linked to that result and differ from those for people assessed as adults. Moreover, the age assessment result influences the daily lives of the young migrants and they have to act according to the expected behavior. Access to education as well as the housing situation and rights to social security are also linked to the result (SCEP Separated Children in Europe Programme, 2012). This article gives some insights into the age assessment process in Malta and reflects on its impact on the migrants assessed as minors. The following questions are addressed:
马耳他是地中海上的一个小岛,位于意大利南部和利比亚北部,自2004年成为欧盟成员国以来,它同时成为移民的重要入境国之一(Bordermonitoring, n.d,第4页)。抵达马耳他的总人数中约有20%被评估为无人陪伴的未成年人(UAM) (Aditus, 2014, p. 2,与难民专员的访谈,2013年6月19日)。边境制度的条件和待遇与这一结果有关,并且与成人评估的条件和待遇不同。此外,年龄评估结果影响了流动青年的日常生活,他们必须按照预期的行为行事。教育机会、住房状况和社会保障权利也与结果有关(SCEP欧洲失散儿童方案,2012年)。本文对马耳他的年龄评估过程提供了一些见解,并反映了其对被评估为未成年人的移民的影响。讨论了以下问题:
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引用次数: 6
Non-formal education for urban refugees in Kampala 坎帕拉城市难民的非正规教育
Pub Date : 2016-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/21931674.2016.1184018
A. Willmott
For displaced populations, the provision of education, including primary, secondary, and various adult skills training and learning opportunities, are widely recognized in development literature as...
对于流离失所的人口,提供教育,包括小学、中学和各种成人技能培训和学习机会,在发展文献中被广泛认为是……
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引用次数: 0
Immigrant and refugee students in Canada 加拿大的移民和难民学生
Pub Date : 2016-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/21931674.2016.1180883
M. Kharel
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引用次数: 16
Migration trajectories and return processes: An exploration of multi-generational family experiences between Spain and Argentina 移民轨迹和回归过程:西班牙和阿根廷之间多代家庭经历的探索
Pub Date : 2016-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/21931674.2016.1180843
Laura Cassain
Abstract Argentina is traditionally known as an immigration country, but at the end of the 1990s, the largest emigration flow of its history began. Spain was one of the preferred destinations for thousands of Argentines searching for new opportunities after the big 1998 downturn that led to an economical, social, and political collapse at the end of 2001. Since 2008, the international financial crisis has hit the Spanish economy and labor market. Unemployment affected the whole population but especially the immigrants, many of whom decided to return to their countries. The aim of this article is to analyze, within these multiple socio-historical contexts, the intertwined migratory trajectories and return processes of different generations of an Argentine family, highlighting the plural meanings and implications that return migrations have in different stages of the life course. Regarding family dynamics, it is also a main concern to address the tensions and controversies running through each of these collectively embedded experiences. In order to explore these tensions I will focus not only on the negotiations that surround the decision-making process and its implications for the assignment of roles, but also on the un/comfortable and un/expected new distances and proximities, absence and presence, and sojourns and belongings experienced in return processes.
阿根廷传统上被认为是一个移民国家,但在20世纪90年代末,阿根廷开始了其历史上最大的移民潮。1998年的经济大衰退导致2001年底的经济、社会和政治崩溃,西班牙是数千名阿根廷人寻找新机会的首选目的地之一。2008年以来,国际金融危机冲击了西班牙经济和劳动力市场。失业影响到全体人口,尤其是移民,他们中的许多人决定返回自己的国家。本文的目的是分析在这些多重社会历史背景下,阿根廷家庭不同世代的相互交织的迁徙轨迹和回归过程,突出回归迁徙在生命历程不同阶段的多重意义和影响。关于家庭动态,解决这些集体嵌入经历中的紧张关系和争议也是一个主要问题。为了探索这些紧张关系,我将不仅关注围绕决策过程的谈判及其对角色分配的影响,还关注在返回过程中所经历的不舒适和不预期的新距离和近距离,缺席和存在,以及逗留和财产。
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引用次数: 0
Dividing, connecting, relocating: Emotions and journeys of embodiment in transnational space 分割、连接、重新定位:跨国空间中的情感与体现之旅
Pub Date : 2016-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/21931674.2016.1180846
Alexandra König, Katharina Schaur, Jimy Perumadan
Abstract Transnational migrants negotiate their life and belonging in complex, multi-sited settings, structured by mobility regimes granting unequal access to movement and residence rights. Emotions, in all their diversity, are part and parcel of transnational lives: international mobility and transnational practices shape emotional processes and, conversely, emotions are controlled by individuals and shape their transnational practices. We argue that the Foucauldian notion of “technologies of the self” provides a major conceptual clarification of the relationship between transnational space, emotions, and the body. To support our argument, we present the results of an analysis of qualitative interviews with transnationally mobile migrants originating from Ukraine, India, the Philippines, and Bosnia and Herzegovina, who are based in Austria and engaging in transnational practices. We identify three patterns of interactions between processes of embodiment of our respondents and the shaping of transnational space, which are mediated by different techniques of emotional self-governance.
跨国移民在复杂的、多地点的环境中谈判他们的生活和归属,这种环境由流动制度构成,赋予他们不平等的流动和居住权。情感的多样性是跨国生活的重要组成部分:国际流动和跨国实践塑造了情感过程,反过来,情感由个人控制并塑造了他们的跨国实践。我们认为,福柯式的“自我技术”概念为跨国空间、情感和身体之间的关系提供了一个重要的概念澄清。为了支持我们的观点,我们提出了对来自乌克兰、印度、菲律宾和波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的跨国流动移民进行定性访谈的分析结果,这些移民居住在奥地利,从事跨国实践。我们确定了受访者的体现过程与跨国空间塑造之间的三种相互作用模式,这是由不同的情感自我管理技术介导的。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Transnational Social Review
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