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Knowledge (im)mobility through mirco-level interactions: An analysis of the communication process in Chinese-Zambian medical co-operation 微观层面互动中的知识流动:中国-赞比亚医疗合作中的交流过程分析
Pub Date : 2018-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21931674.2018.1427666
Peter Schumacher, M. Leung
Abstract Although Chinese medical aid to African countries is not a new phenomenon, the scale and scope of these engagements has changed significantly after the turn of the Millennium. Chinese government officials don’t grow tired to represent their country as new alternative for African medical development, a narrative that is accompanied with a host of figures such as money donated, Chinese personnel deployed, African practitioners trained and patients treated. However, little is known about the actual events behind these numbers. Drawing on the academic debate around the relationality of mobility and knowledge this paper is looking at the embodied experiences of Chinese-Zambian medical co-operation. By proposing a communication model as conceptual framework, this paper addresses recent criticism that too much scholarly attention has been given to the successful transfer of knowledge, whereas factors that prevent exchanges were largely ignored. Through the application of this model to analyze data obtained during six weeks of fieldwork in Zambia, it was possible to identify several prisms which affect the exchange of knowledge between the Chinese and Zambian teams in our case study decisively.
虽然中国对非洲国家的医疗援助不是一个新现象,但这些援助的规模和范围在世纪之交之后发生了重大变化。中国政府官员不厌其烦地把自己的国家描绘成非洲医疗发展的新选择,这种叙述伴随着一大堆数字,比如捐款、中国人员部署、非洲医生培训和患者治疗。然而,人们对这些数字背后的真实事件知之甚少。借鉴学术界关于流动性和知识之间关系的争论,本文着眼于中赞医疗合作的具体经验。通过提出一个沟通模型作为概念框架,本文解决了最近的批评,即太多的学术关注被给予了成功的知识转移,而阻碍交流的因素在很大程度上被忽视了。通过应用该模型来分析在赞比亚为期六周的实地工作中获得的数据,可以确定在我们的案例研究中影响中国和赞比亚团队之间知识交流的几个棱镜。
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引用次数: 4
Understanding transnational knowledge 了解跨国知识
Pub Date : 2018-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21931674.2018.1427680
Annemarie Duscha, Kathrin Klein-Zimmer, Matthias Klemm, Anna Spiegel
Looking back on nearly three decades of scientific thought on globalization (and knowledge) at least two shifts in argumentation can be identified. The scholarly debate started with a unifying “world view” of globalization, then turned the attention to the more or less suband transnational developments and, recently, has begun to address symbolic battles regarding regulative ideas of world society within a time of crisis and re-nationalization. In the beginning of the 1990s, when the career of the buzz-word “globalization” started, it was mainly driven by the idea of what Appadurai called “modernity at large” (Appadurai, 1996). Globalization seemed to be the transformation of the whole globe into a mirror image of Western modernity. Scholars put forward the idea of a “global age” (Albrow, 1998) transcending the hitherto fragmented international order of political (Western and Eastern) influence spheres and bridging the knowledge division between so-called developed and under-developed world regions. This process was not at all conceived as a uni-directional process without contradictions. Critiques foresaw a phase of “cultural imperialism” based upon the capitalist infrastructure of the globalization mode (Tomlinson, 2001). But the thesis of imperialism shared the basic assumption of a globalized (capitalist) world order in the making. In a second phase of the debate, the production of (global) knowledge was understood accordingly: as a collaborative effort to combine modern ideas with cultural difference adding up to what Geertz called the universe of discourse. Reasoning about globalization is itself part of the historical development which the concept tries to grasp and to elaborate. After 1989 the opening up of a single-world vision seemed to be a realistic possibility (at least from a Western point of view). The implosion of the Soviet Union, the diminishing of the “Iron Curtain” and the supposed end of a global confrontation of economic systems and military threats seemed to open up a historic window of opportunity for the spread of democracy, free market economy and ideas of global equality and human rights in accordance with the promise of preserving cultural diversity in the world. Within such a unifying world vision all sorts of problems (environment, poverty, war, migration) could be regarded as obstacles to be handled by world society as a single entity (the so-called world risk society; Beck, 1999).
回顾近三十年来关于全球化(和知识)的科学思想,至少可以确定两个论点的转变。学术辩论从统一的全球化“世界观”开始,然后将注意力转向或多或少的次跨国发展,最近开始讨论在危机和再国有化时期关于世界社会管理思想的象征性斗争。在20世纪90年代初,当“全球化”这个流行词的职业生涯开始时,它主要是由阿帕杜赖所说的“大现代性”的想法驱动的(阿帕杜赖,1996)。全球化似乎是将整个地球转变为西方现代性的镜像。学者们提出了“全球时代”的概念(Albrow, 1998),超越了迄今为止支离破碎的政治(西方和东方)影响范围的国际秩序,弥合了所谓发达和不发达世界地区之间的知识鸿沟。这个过程根本不是被设想为一个没有矛盾的单向过程。批评家们预见到一个基于全球化模式的资本主义基础设施的“文化帝国主义”阶段(汤姆林森,2001年)。但是,帝国主义的论点分享了全球化(资本主义)世界秩序正在形成的基本假设。在辩论的第二阶段,(全球)知识的生产得到了相应的理解:作为一种将现代思想与文化差异结合起来的合作努力,加起来就是格尔茨所说的话语世界。关于全球化的推理本身就是这一概念试图把握和阐述的历史发展的一部分。1989年之后,单一世界愿景的开放似乎成为现实的可能性(至少从西方的角度来看)。苏联的解体、“铁幕”的消失以及经济制度和军事威胁的全球对抗的假定结束,似乎为传播民主、自由市场经济以及全球平等和人权的思想打开了一个历史性的机会之窗,以保证世界文化的多样性。在这样一个统一的世界愿景中,各种问题(环境、贫穷、战争、移民)都可以被视为障碍,由世界社会作为一个单一的实体(所谓的世界风险社会;贝克,1999)。
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引用次数: 4
Homelessness among transnational migrants in Norway 挪威跨国移民的无家可归问题
Pub Date : 2018-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21931674.2017.1405563
Erika Amundson
Transnational migration throughout Europe due to high rates of unemployment and poverty has led to increased concerns about migrants experiencing episodes of homelessness. In particular, scholars have pointed out that many Nordic countries have encountered an influx of migrants from several newer European Union (EU) member states who became homeless after their arrival (Blume, Gustafsson, Pedersen, & Verner, 2007; Friberg & Eldring, 2013; Hooghe, Trappers, Meuleman, & Reeskens, 2008; Jørgensen, 2012). Although the number of homeless individuals in this part of Northern Europe is relatively low in international comparison, homelessness in these countries remains a substantial social problem. As Sveri (2003) notes, there is a need for further efforts to prevent homelessness in the Nordic countries; however, a strong evidential base for designing policies and initiatives to address migrant homelessness is lacking. As such, this research offers insight from social work professionals in Norway and can be valuable in informing strategic and policy decisions (Hantrais, 2009). Such research is important because commonly held views about homeless migrants have not been well documented, particularly from this unique transnational social work perspective.
由于失业率和贫困率高,整个欧洲的跨国移徙使人们越来越关注移徙者无家可归的情况。特别是,学者们指出,许多北欧国家遇到了来自几个新欧盟成员国的移民涌入,这些移民在抵达后变得无家可归(Blume, Gustafsson, Pedersen, & Verner, 2007;Friberg & Eldring, 2013;Hooghe, Trappers, Meuleman, & Reeskens, 2008;Jørgensen, 2012)。虽然在国际比较中,北欧这一部分无家可归者的人数相对较少,但这些国家的无家可归者仍然是一个重大的社会问题。正如Sveri(2003)所指出的,有必要进一步努力防止北欧国家的无家可归现象;然而,缺乏制定政策和倡议以解决移民无家可归问题的有力证据基础。因此,这项研究提供了挪威社会工作专业人士的见解,可以为战略和政策决策提供有价值的信息(Hantrais, 2009)。这样的研究很重要,因为关于无家可归的移民的普遍观点没有得到很好的记录,特别是从这个独特的跨国社会工作的角度来看。
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引用次数: 0
The LGBTIQ+ refugee digital storytelling project: facilitating inclusion in a queer Canadian christian community LGBTIQ+难民数字故事项目:促进加拿大酷儿基督教社区的融入
Pub Date : 2018-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21931674.2017.1416850
Wendy McGuire
Abstract There is a growing LGBTIQ+ refugee population in Canada as individuals and couples flee from countries with anti-gay laws and persecutory environments. The LGBTIQ+ Refugee Digital Storytelling Project was carried out in 2016 as part of a broader community-based research study with Metropolitan Community Church (MCC) of Toronto exploring how God and religion are tied up in transnational pro- and anti-gay LGBTIQ+ social movements. The project aimed to provide a space for refugees to narrate their own stories in their own way to make sense of the experiences with others facing similar challenges. Drawing on theories of transnational social exclusion and inclusion, borders as processes and trauma narratives, this paper explores whether the LGBTIQ+ Digital Storytelling Project facilitated inclusionary processes that drew refugees into the MCC in valued roles and whether the discursive moments the border narratives produced by this project offered were inclusionary and/or exclusionary.
加拿大的LGBTIQ+难民人数越来越多,因为个人和夫妇逃离了反同性恋法律和迫害环境的国家。LGBTIQ+难民数字故事项目于2016年开展,作为与多伦多大都会社区教会(MCC)合作的更广泛的社区研究的一部分,探索上帝和宗教如何与跨国支持和反对同性恋的LGBTIQ+社会运动联系在一起。该项目旨在为难民提供一个空间,让他们以自己的方式讲述自己的故事,从而理解面临类似挑战的其他人的经历。根据跨国社会排斥和包容、边界作为过程和创伤叙事的理论,本文探讨了LGBTIQ+数字叙事项目是否促进了包容过程,将难民吸引到世纪挑战中心担任重要角色,以及该项目产生的边界叙事提供的话语时刻是否具有包容性和/或排斥性。
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引用次数: 1
Partisans in Yugoslavia: Literature, films and visual culture 南斯拉夫游击队:文学、电影和视觉文化
Pub Date : 2017-12-27 DOI: 10.1080/21931674.2017.1415495
M. Kapetanovic
in previous studies (p. 163). Despite the focus on one region, Baskerville offers a balanced perspective that disentangles the long-held, general image of people “on the move” in agricultural settings: the author weighs economic positions and cultural variables for rural mobility and relies on occasional snapshots (i.e. Benson) to illustrate longitudinal trends within the data (p. 141). Due to its topical scope Lives in Transition is an essential reference guide for researchers interested in all aspects of computer based data-mining and longitudinal analysis. The wide range of chapters provokes questions concerning social strategies and other variables that nudge individuals and families in their patterns of mobility. Moreover, it inspires research into cross-border migration, transformation of the farming economy, and urban social change in other regions of the world. The volume, however, offers little in terms of methodological reflection, and lacks a poignant conclusion, making it unlikely to have an impactful word in such a tantalizing subject.
在以前的研究中(第163页)。尽管聚焦于一个地区,但巴斯克维尔提供了一个平衡的视角,从长期以来人们对农业环境中“流动”的普遍印象中解放出来:作者权衡了农村流动的经济地位和文化变量,并依靠偶尔的快照(如本森)来说明数据中的纵向趋势(第141页)。由于它的主题范围,生活转型是对基于计算机的数据挖掘和纵向分析的各个方面感兴趣的研究人员必不可少的参考指南。广泛的章节引发了有关社会策略和其他变量的问题,这些变量推动了个人和家庭的流动模式。此外,它还激发了对世界其他地区跨境移民、农业经济转型和城市社会变革的研究。然而,这本书在方法论反思方面提供的很少,并且缺乏一个尖锐的结论,使得它不太可能在这样一个诱人的主题中有一个有影响力的词。
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引用次数: 0
Nations and citizens in Yugoslavia and the post-Yugoslav states: one hundred years of citizenship 南斯拉夫和后南斯拉夫国家的民族和公民:一百年的公民权
Pub Date : 2017-12-11 DOI: 10.1080/21931674.2017.1411668
M. A. Gjorgjioska
the 1960s moved into the 1970s, Greek student activists found a parallel between their struggle against the US-backed Greek junta and another: the one in Chile, against the terrifying and cruel right-wing dictator Pinochet. The Cold War took many casualties, far from the White House and the Kremlin. Those who are interested in the psychology of trauma will find something in this book to further their studies. One example would be the rape of women activists by the military. These women were often raised under traditional notions of sexual modesty. More research could certainly be done on this topic, and perhaps better to be accomplished by women scholars. The women Kornetis interviewed did not refer directly to their experiences of rape, although the implications were clear enough. For an introduction to what is truly meant by the now-popular term “transnational,” Children of the Dictatorship would make an excellent contribution. Readers from The First World or The North or The West – however we wish to denominate privileged political status and wealth – can easily see how no nation is an island, and that those who live in small countries really do have histories and cultures worth defending. Of course, readers from small countries can bypass that lesson for many others. How specific cultures might persist under the current form of voracious capitalism and technological innovation remains a question for us all. Accessible though it is, the scholarship of Children of the Dictatorship is hardly introductory. Kornetis’ affinity for theory allows him to employ it without showiness or verbal tangle. My only criticism of the book is that its emphasis on description and explication robs the Polytechnic occupation of its inherent drama. The penultimate, and culminating, chapter is dubbed “Ten Months that Shook Greece.” The prose belies the title. But perhaps the relationship between the social sciences and the humanities ought not to be too easily settled.
从20世纪60年代进入70年代,希腊学生积极分子发现,他们反对美国支持的希腊军政府的斗争,与另一场在智利反对可怕而残酷的右翼独裁者皮诺切特的斗争有相似之处。冷战造成的伤亡远不止白宫和克里姆林宫。那些对创伤心理学感兴趣的人会在这本书中找到一些进一步研究的东西。其中一个例子就是军队强奸妇女积极分子。这些女性通常是在传统的性谦逊观念下长大的。关于这个话题当然可以做更多的研究,也许由女性学者来完成会更好。Kornetis采访的女性并没有直接提到她们被强奸的经历,尽管其中的含义很明显。对于现在流行的“跨国”一词的真正含义的介绍,《独裁的孩子》将做出极好的贡献。来自第一世界、北方或西方的读者——无论我们如何称呼享有特权的政治地位和财富——都很容易看出,没有一个国家是一座孤岛,那些生活在小国的人确实有值得捍卫的历史和文化。当然,来自小国的读者可以忽略这一教训。特定的文化如何在贪婪的资本主义和技术创新的当前形式下持续存在,仍然是我们所有人的问题。《独裁之子》这本书虽然通俗易懂,但它的学术性几乎不是介绍性的。科内蒂斯对理论的喜爱使他在运用理论的时候没有炫耀或语言上的纠结。我对这本书的唯一批评是,它对描述和解释的强调剥夺了理工职业固有的戏剧性。倒数第二章,也是最后一章,被称为“震撼希腊的十个月”。这篇散文掩盖了标题。但是,也许社会科学和人文科学之间的关系不应该太容易解决。
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引用次数: 1
Volunteer work as a neo-colonial practice: Racism in transnational education 作为新殖民主义实践的志愿者工作:跨国教育中的种族主义
Pub Date : 2017-12-11 DOI: 10.1080/21931674.2018.1463055
A. Blum, D. Schäfer
Abstract In our ethnographic study we were focusing on constructions of difference concerning different categories of difference such as race and gender, but also age, class, etc. Those categories of difference are constructed simultaneously in social processes and they are also reproduced in interactions in volunteer work abroad, which is currently booming among young people. We refer to powerful practices of self-ascription and consider this critically in the case of volunteer work. We considered the interactions between the white volunteers and the local people by interacting with them, and thus we identified an imbalance of power and dominance, for example, in educational practices. Categorizations of difference concerning race were dominant and they influenced all interactions decisively. In addition, they arranged gender constructions along the characteristics of color. We defined this fact as a perpetuation of colonial practices which unconsciously have an effect. These attributions are internalized and reproduced in interaction processes.
在我们的民族志研究中,我们关注的是不同类别的差异的构建,如种族和性别,以及年龄、阶级等。这些类别的差异是在社会过程中同时形成的,它们也在目前在年轻人中蓬勃发展的国外志愿工作的互动中再现。我们提到了自我归属的强大实践,并在志愿者工作的情况下批判性地考虑了这一点。我们通过与当地人的互动来考虑白人志愿者和当地人之间的互动,从而确定了权力和支配的不平衡,例如在教育实践中。种族差异分类占主导地位,并决定性地影响着所有的相互作用。此外,他们还沿着颜色的特征来安排性别结构。我们把这一事实定义为殖民做法的延续,这种做法在不知不觉中产生了影响。这些归因在交互过程中被内化和复制。
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引用次数: 2
Irene León on the project of Buen Vivir as a challenge to corporate transnationalism Irene León关于Buen Vivir项目对跨国公司的挑战
Pub Date : 2017-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/21931674.2017.1359998
Raluca Bejan
The following conversation took place in October 2015, in Toronto, succeeding an event at Beit Zatoun, a community space open to dialogs that address current political and cultural issues from a framework of social justice and human rights. An Ecuadorian based author, journalist and political activist, Irene León held at the time an advisory position for the Ecuadorian Minister of Foreign Affairs on issues of strategic and transnational interest. Her work was mainly centered on the legal-juridical matters that surrounded the Chevron versus Ecuador legal case. In Ecuador, the Texaco/Chevron oil exploitation between 1964 and 1990 contaminated the Amazonian rainforest, polluted the drinking water and negatively affected the local agriculture. Chevron was sentenced in 2011, by an Ecuadorian court, to pay damages totalling 9.5 billion dollars to the affected Indigenous communities. However the company liquidated all its assets in Ecuador, and the judgment could not be enforced. The Chevron – Ecuadorian plaintiffs litigation issue ended up being disputed in Canada, where the Supreme Court has unanimously voted (in September 2015) that Ecuador’s Indigenous communities have the right to pursue the judgment at the Ontario Court of Appeal. Chevron also filed, in 2009, an international plea against Ecuador, at The Hague, for private arbitration. Irene León was invited by the Anti-Chevron Canada (a grassroots group), to talk about the case, and to broadly contextualize it within the topic of transnational corporate responsibility. The day after her talk at Beit Zaton, Irene León continued the discussion. She spoke about the ideological shift brought forward by the transnational capital interests and practices, about the alternative efforts carried out in Latin America to resist the intrusions of multinational corporations, and about developing unorthodox relationships of exchange that would steer away from the ‘market’ and would organize different ways of economic (re) production. Latin America has been long involved in a political project of ideological change. We can only think of the Pink Tide movements that started in the 1990s, which included working class and Indigenous campaigns against neoliberalism and against American imperialism, while simultaneously promoting anti-capitalist structural reforms, particularly against the IMF, privatization and social restructuring (Prashad, 2013). By now, many South American nations have elected governments from the left side of the political spectrum (Prashad, 2013): Brazil (2002), Argentina (2003), Uruguay (2004), Bolivia (2006), Chile (2006), Ecuador
下面的对话发生在2015年10月,在多伦多,在拜特扎顿的一个活动之后,一个从社会正义和人权的框架下解决当前政治和文化问题的社区空间开放对话。艾琳是厄瓜多尔的作家、记者和政治活动家,她曾在厄瓜多尔外交部长的战略和跨国利益问题上担任顾问。她的工作主要集中在围绕雪佛龙诉厄瓜多尔法律案件的法律事务上。在厄瓜多尔,德士古/雪佛龙公司在1964年至1990年间的石油开采污染了亚马逊雨林,污染了饮用水,并对当地农业产生了负面影响。2011年,厄瓜多尔法院判处雪佛龙向受影响的土著社区支付总计95亿美元的赔偿金。然而,该公司清算了其在厄瓜多尔的所有资产,判决无法执行。雪佛龙-厄瓜多尔原告的诉讼问题最终在加拿大引起争议,最高法院一致投票(2015年9月),厄瓜多尔的土著社区有权在安大略省上诉法院追究判决。雪佛龙还在2009年向海牙提交了一份针对厄瓜多尔的国际申诉,要求进行私人仲裁。Irene León受加拿大反雪佛龙组织(一个草根组织)的邀请,来谈论这个案例,并将其置于跨国公司责任的大背景下。在贝特扎顿演讲的第二天,艾琳León继续讨论。她谈到了跨国资本利益和实践带来的意识形态转变,谈到了拉丁美洲为抵制跨国公司的入侵而采取的替代性努力,以及发展非正统的交换关系,这种关系将远离“市场”,并将组织不同的经济(再)生产方式。拉丁美洲长期以来一直参与意识形态变革的政治项目。我们只能想到20世纪90年代开始的粉红浪潮运动,其中包括工人阶级和土著反对新自由主义和美帝国主义的运动,同时促进反资本主义结构改革,特别是反对国际货币基金组织,私有化和社会重组(Prashad, 2013)。到目前为止,许多南美国家已经从政治光谱的左翼中选出了政府(Prashad, 2013):巴西(2002)、阿根廷(2003)、乌拉圭(2004)、玻利维亚(2006)、智利(2006)、厄瓜多尔
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引用次数: 0
Bodily attachment to place: The case of elderly migrants in Norway 对地方的身体依恋:挪威老年移民的案例
Pub Date : 2017-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/21931674.2017.1317196
Katrine Mellingen Bjerke
Abstract Scholarship on transnational migration illuminates social relations and movement across two or more nation-state borders. However, recent scholarship has criticized this earlier work for neglecting barriers to these cross-border movements and ties. Calls have been made to include the physical body and its impacts on migrants’ ability to lead transnational lives. Based on biographical interviews with elderly migrants from Poland and Pakistan living in Norway, this article argues that the physical aging process may constrain older migrants’ mobility and deepen their attachment to their place of residence. The concept of bodily place attachment has been coined to highlight this increased sedentariness. In the article, bodily place attachment occurs in three forms: first, through the increased bodily vulnerability that aging brings; second, through familiarity with the physical make-up of their environment, which is important in situations of sensory decline; and third, through dependence on personal care by the welfare state. By adding the concept of bodily place attachment, the article provides nuance to former theories on transnationalism by identifying the physical body as a potential barrier to transnational practices and by describing how certain bodily practices arise that tie people to their place of residence.
关于跨国移民的学术研究阐明了跨越两个或多个民族国家边界的社会关系和运动。然而,最近的学术批评这一早期工作忽视了这些跨境流动和联系的障碍。有人呼吁将身体及其对移民过跨国生活能力的影响纳入其中。基于对居住在挪威的波兰和巴基斯坦老年移民的传记采访,本文认为身体衰老过程可能会限制老年移民的流动性,并加深他们对居住地的依恋。身体位置依恋的概念是为了强调这种久坐不动的增加而创造的。在文章中,身体位置依恋以三种形式发生:第一,通过衰老带来的身体脆弱性增加;第二,通过熟悉环境的物理组成,这在感官衰退的情况下很重要;第三,通过依赖福利国家的个人护理。通过增加身体位置依恋的概念,本文通过将身体确定为跨国实践的潜在障碍,并通过描述将人们与居住地联系起来的某些身体实践如何产生,为以前的跨国主义理论提供了细微差别。
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引用次数: 5
Racism and transnationality 种族主义与跨国
Pub Date : 2017-08-31 DOI: 10.1080/21931674.2017.1359959
C. Schmitt, Linda L. Semu, Matthias D. Witte
The above quote is from an interview with a young woman who was born in the West African country Benin and moved to France with her family. She has been living in France since the mid-1980s and identifies herself as a Frenchwoman and a Beninese. On the European continent and in Africa, the young woman (as well as many others like her) experiences denial: her belonging to Benin and Africa as well as to France and Europe is denied her. She is not treated as an equal. In France, skin color is the marker of denigration: “people show you, you are not really French, you are African I am black.” In Benin, it is her sporadic visits to her country of origin that lead to a denial of belonging. This case demonstrates the dominance of a kinship and decent principle (jus sanguinis) based on the idea of race: Being French is associated with fair skin color. In this context, dark-skinned people are considered non-French. The light skin color is a place of structural advantages and privileges (Pokos, 2009, p. 113) as well as a dominant culture which negotiates who supposedly belongs to a country and who does not. Globalization, with its attendant increase in movement, has simultaneously intensified and normalized strangeness, raising normative and subjective questions of belonging and exclusion (Anthias, 2008).
上面这句话是对一位年轻女子的采访,她出生于西非国家贝宁,随家人移居法国。自20世纪80年代中期以来,她一直生活在法国,并将自己定位为法国女性和贝宁人。在欧洲大陆和非洲,这名年轻女子(以及许多像她一样的人)经历了否认:她属于贝宁和非洲,也属于法国和欧洲,都被否认了。她没有被平等对待。在法国,肤色是诋毁的标志:“人们告诉你,你不是真正的法国人,你是非洲人,我是黑人。”在贝宁,是她偶尔去她的原籍国,导致她拒绝归属。这个案例证明了基于种族观念的亲属关系和体面原则(血权原则)的主导地位:作为法国人与白皙的肤色有关。在这种情况下,深色皮肤的人被认为不是法国人。浅肤色是一个具有结构性优势和特权的地方(Pokos, 2009, p. 113),也是一种主导文化,它可以协商谁应该属于一个国家,谁不属于一个国家。全球化,伴随着流动的增加,同时强化和规范了陌生感,提出了归属和排斥的规范性和主观问题(Anthias, 2008)。
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引用次数: 4
期刊
Transnational Social Review
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