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Silencing Voices: Indigenous day schools and the education section of the 1958 Hawthorn report for British Columbia 压制声音:土著日校与 1958 年不列颠哥伦比亚省山楂树报告中的教育部分
4区 社会学 Pub Date : 2024-03-11 DOI: 10.3828/bjcs.2024.2
Emilie Jones, Veronika Larsen, Stefan Dollinger
In 1954, the Department of Citizenship and Immigration commissioned anthropologist Harry Hawthorn to investigate problems faced by Indigenous people in British Columbia. This article focuses on Hawthorn’s report, The Indians of British Columbia (1958) and compares its recommendations with the original source questionnaire responses found at the University of British Columbia’s Archives and Special Collections. The responses examined, collected near the peak of day school enrollment in British Columbia, offer new insights directly from educators about their perspectives on the problems faced by Indigenous children attending day schools, and more broadly Indigenous communities as a whole. Key changes apparent in the questionnaire responses and 1958 report showcase the absence of Indigenous voices in any of the questionnaires and a lack of interest from educators in the communities, though such interest is claimed in the report. Both the questionnaires and Hawthorn’s resulting report recommend a consistent antithetical juxtaposition of Indigenous versus western, the discouragement of family ties, and the limitation of formal education to school-aged children. Such findings work to balance Hawthorn’s status as an advocate of Indigenous rights with the damaging realities indicated through and supported by his report. Through this analysis, we aim to further understandings of the impact of day schools on communities in British Columbia, and to view kinship within a reality of resilience and survival.
1954 年,公民与移民部委托人类学家哈里-霍索恩 (Harry Hawthorn) 调查不列颠哥伦比亚省土著居民面临的问题。本文重点介绍霍索恩的报告《不列颠哥伦比亚省的印第安人》(1958 年),并将报告中的建议与不列颠哥伦比亚大学档案与特别收藏馆中的原始问卷答复进行比较。所研究的问卷是在不列颠哥伦比亚省走读学校入学高峰期附近收集的,这些问卷直接从教育工作者的视角出发,对走读学校的土著儿童以及更广泛意义上的整个土著社区所面临的问题提出了新的见解。问卷答复和 1958 年报告中明显的主要变化表明,任何问卷中都没有土著人的声音,社区中的教育工作者也缺乏兴趣,尽管报告中声称他们有兴趣。调查问卷和霍桑的报告都建议将土著人与西方人对立起来,不鼓励家庭关系,并将正规教育局限于学龄儿童。这些发现有助于平衡霍桑作为土著权利倡导者的身份与他的报告所指出和支持的破坏性现实之间的关系。通过这一分析,我们旨在进一步了解日校对不列颠哥伦比亚省社区的影响,并在复原和生存的现实中看待亲情。
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引用次数: 0
Who is the 40 millionth Canadian? 谁是第 4000 万个加拿大人?
4区 社会学 Pub Date : 2024-03-11 DOI: 10.3828/bjcs.2024.6
Max Zimmerman
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引用次数: 0
Language tells another story: when tobacco is cistemaw and the Cree are nêhiyaw 语言讲述了另一个故事:当烟草被称为 cistemaw 而克里人被称为 nêhiyaw 时
4区 社会学 Pub Date : 2024-03-11 DOI: 10.3828/bjcs.2024.4
James Taylor Carson
Indigenous peoples’ trade in so-called ‘contraband’ tobacco, as a spate of recent cases in Alberta has shown, causes conflict between Indigenous peoples’ culture, history and sovereignty and federal and provincial laws. And as long as tobacco is defined solely as ‘tobacco’, the illegal trade will remain a criminal matter. But if we ask how First Peoples have named the plant and how such naming connects the plant to their lives and identities, today and in the past, we can locate a new way of thinking that allows the telling of a different story, one that pushes back against the settler state’s encroachments, arrests and indictments, to enable a new view of a present-day practice situated within the continuity of centuries of custom and practice.
正如艾伯塔省最近发生的一系列案件所表明的那样,土著居民的所谓 "违禁 "烟草贸易造成了土著居民的文化、历史和主权与联邦和省级法律之间的冲突。只要烟草被定义为 "烟草",非法贸易就仍将是刑事犯罪。但是,如果我们问一问原住民是如何命名烟草的,以及这种命名是如何将烟草与他们今天和过去的生活和身份联系在一起的,我们就能找到一种新的思维方式,从而讲述一个不同的故事,一个反击定居者国家的侵占、逮捕和起诉的故事,使我们能够以一种新的视角来看待延续了几个世纪的习俗和做法的当今做法。
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引用次数: 0
A royal visit revisited: Mackenzie King and the British royal visit to the USA, June 1939 王室访问重温:麦肯齐-金与 1939 年 6 月英国王室对美国的访问
4区 社会学 Pub Date : 2024-03-11 DOI: 10.3828/bjcs.2024.5
Tony McCulloch
In June 1939 King George VI and Queen Elizabeth were on a tour of Canada that included a brief visit to the United States. The timing of this visit proved to be fortuitous from the British point of view as it came soon after the controversial Munich agreement in September 1938, which ceded the Czech Sudetenland to Germany, and the subsequent occupation of the remainder of the Czech state by German troops in March 1939 – both of which had damaged Britain’s image in America. The royal visit to the USA was a great public-relations success, as was the visit to Canada, and its significance for relations between Britain, Canada, and the United States has been discussed by a number of historians from all three countries. However, very little attention has been paid to the key role of the Canadian prime minister, William Lyon Mackenzie King, regarding the American phase of the royal visit. Indeed, a recent film about the Royal Visit and the weekend spent by the king and queen at President Franklin Roosevelt’s family home in upstate New York omitted any mention of Mackenzie King, despite the fact that he was their official escort. This article seeks to fill this gap by assessing Mackenzie King’s involvement in the origins and conduct of the royal visit. It also reflects upon what the royal visit reveals about Canada’s relations with Britain and the United States on the eve of the war and, in particular, Mackenzie King’s relationship with President Franklin Roosevelt and his contribution to the Anglo-American ‘special relationship’.
1939 年 6 月,英王乔治六世和伊丽莎白王后出访加拿大,其中包括对美国的短暂访问。从英国的角度来看,这次访问的时机非常凑巧,因为在 1938 年 9 月达成慕尼黑协议(该协议将捷克苏台德地区割让给德国)之后不久,德国军队又于 1939 年 3 月占领了捷克的其余部分,这两件事都损害了英国在美国的形象。与对加拿大的访问一样,王室对美国的访问在公共关系方面也取得了巨大成功,来自这三个国家的许多历史学家都讨论了这次访问对英国、加拿大和美国之间关系的意义。然而,人们很少关注加拿大总理威廉-莱昂-麦肯齐-金在王室访问美国阶段所发挥的关键作用。事实上,最近一部关于王室访问以及国王和王后在富兰克林-罗斯福总统位于纽约州北部的家宅度过周末的电影中,只字未提麦肯齐-金,尽管他是他们的官方陪同。本文试图通过对麦肯齐-金参与王室访问的起源和进行的评估来填补这一空白。文章还对王室访问所揭示的战争前夕加拿大与英国和美国的关系进行了反思,尤其是麦肯齐-金与富兰克林-罗斯福总统的关系以及他对英美 "特殊关系 "的贡献。
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引用次数: 0
‘I need readers to trust that this can happen’: relational realism in Catherine Bush’s and Doreen Vanderstoop’s climate crisis novels 我需要读者相信这一切会发生":凯瑟琳-布什和多琳-范德斯托普的气候危机小说中的关系现实主义
4区 社会学 Pub Date : 2024-03-11 DOI: 10.3828/bjcs.2024.3
Petra Fachinger
This article demonstrates how, challenged by Amitav Ghosh’s claim that realist fiction is ill-suited to deal with the climate crisis, and inspired by Indigenous relational thinking, Catherine Bush and Doreen Vanderstoop turn to ‘relational realism’ in their recent novels. I argue that they use realist narrative strategies creatively to represent climate catastrophes as a symptom of the carbon economy. But rather than portraying a world that is radically different, Blaze Island and Watershed are concerned with everyday reality, are set in clearly identifiable Canadian geographies, and focus on the eco-anxieties of ordinary characters. In addition to discussing intergenerational climate justice and emphasising the need for Indigenous leadership in combating global warming, the two novels enter into conversation with Shakespeare’s The Tempest and early twentieth-century prairie realist novels respectively to tease out their ecological undercurrents and implications. In so doing, they foreground the interplay of realist narrative strategies and relational thinking to emphasise the creative potential of the novel in addressing climate change and the need for communities to come together to save the planet.
阿米塔夫-高什(Amitav Ghosh)认为现实主义小说不适合应对气候危机,凯瑟琳-布什(Catherine Bush)和多琳-范德斯托普(Doreen Vanderstoop)受到这一说法的挑战,并受到土著关系思想的启发,在她们最近的小说中转向 "关系现实主义"。我认为,她们创造性地使用了现实主义叙事策略,将气候灾难表现为碳经济的症状。但《烈焰岛》和《分水岭》并没有描绘一个截然不同的世界,而是关注日常现实,以清晰可辨的加拿大地理环境为背景,关注普通人物的生态焦虑。除了讨论代际气候正义和强调原住民在应对全球变暖方面发挥领导作用的必要性之外,这两部小说还分别与莎士比亚的《暴风雨》和二十世纪早期的草原现实主义小说进行对话,以揭示其生态暗流和影响。在这样做的过程中,他们强调了现实主义叙事策略和关系思维的相互作用,强调了小说在应对气候变化方面的创造潜力,以及社区团结起来拯救地球的必要性。
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引用次数: 0
Important Notice: Distribution of British Journal of Canadian Studies 重要通知:《英国加拿大研究杂志》发行
4区 社会学 Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.3828/bjcs.2023.16
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引用次数: 0
Penser une ontologie décoloniale à partir du Manifeste Assi de Natasha Kanapé Fontaine 从娜塔莎kanape Fontaine的Assi宣言中思考非殖民化本体论
4区 社会学 Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.3828/bjcs.2023.11
Christophe Premat
Dans son recueil poétique Manifeste Assi , l’écrivaine innue Natasha Kanapé Fontaine adresse un cri semblable à celui de la négritude pour évoquer le mode d’être des Innus et leur relation à la Terre. Cet article entrevoit ce recueil comme un exercice d’ontologie décoloniale où il faut réapprendre à être Innu en retrouvant une continuité avec les éléments et la Terre. En décrivant un sujet animique solidaire avec son environnement et les ancêtres, cette pensée explore les manières de réparer le lien des êtres humains à la Terre. L’ontologie décoloniale signifie ici une relativisation de la rationalité occidentale au profit d’une pensée qui est longtemps demeurée invisible.
在她的诗集《阿西宣言》中,因努作家Natasha kanape Fontaine发出了一种类似于黑人的呐喊,唤起了因努人的存在方式以及他们与土地的关系。这篇文章将这本书设想为一种非殖民化本体论的练习,在这种本体论中,人们必须重新学习如何通过恢复与元素和地球的连续性来成为因努人。通过描述一个与环境和祖先团结在一起的灵魂主题,这个想法探索了修复人类与地球联系的方法。在这里,非殖民化本体论意味着西方理性的相对化,有利于长期不可见的思想。
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引用次数: 0
The ‘spiritual borderlands’ of the far Canadian north: the ministries of William Carpenter Bompas and Robert McDonald in comparative context 加拿大北部的“精神边疆”:比较背景下William Carpenter Bompas和Robert McDonald的事工
4区 社会学 Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.3828/bjcs.2023.9
Christopher Petrakos
Anglican Bishop William Carpenter Bompas and Archdeacon Robert McDonald spent nearly forty years in the far American north ‘spreading the word’ to Indigenous peoples living along the Yukon River in the second half of the nineteenth century. This article investigates their work primarily among the Gwichyà Gwich’in from their arrival in the 1860s to the mid-1870s when the 141st meridian west was established, creating an international border between Alaska and the Yukon, the United States and British America. The border’s creation had enormous implications for the Hudson Bay Company at Fort Yukon (Gwichyaa Zheh) because it was discovered to be west of the international boundary in Alaska and was moved further east into today’s Yukon Territories. The border forced Indigenous people to pick a side, American or British, and tested loyalties to their minister. The ‘spiritual borderland’ thus offers a window into the lives and ministries of two important northern missionaries during the initial contact period, as well as assessing their successes and failures among northern peoples.
19世纪下半叶,英国圣公会主教威廉·卡彭特·邦帕斯和副主教罗伯特·麦克唐纳花了近40年的时间,在遥远的美国北部向居住在育空河沿岸的土著居民“传播信息”。这篇文章主要调查了他们的工作,从他们在19世纪60年代抵达到19世纪70年代中期,当西经141度线被建立,阿拉斯加和育空地区,美国和英属美洲之间的国际边界。这条边境线的建立对育空堡(Gwichyaa Zheh)的哈德逊湾公司有着巨大的影响,因为它被发现在阿拉斯加国际边界的西部,并被进一步向东移动到今天的育空地区。边境迫使土著人民在美国和英国之间做出选择,并考验他们对部长的忠诚。因此,“精神边界”提供了一个窗口,让我们了解两位重要的北方传教士在最初接触时期的生活和事工,以及评估他们在北方人民中的成功和失败。
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引用次数: 0
‘We cannot go without a National Organization any longer’: the struggle to build unity in Canada’s National Indian Council, 1961–1968 “我们不能再没有全国组织了”:1961-1968年加拿大全国印第安人委员会为建立团结而进行的斗争
4区 社会学 Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.3828/bjcs.2023.10
Reetta Humalajoki
In Canada today, there is no single political body which claims to represent all Indigenous people. Instead, separate organisations – the Assembly of First Nations, Métis National Council, and Congress of Aboriginal Peoples – represent status First Nations, Métis, and non-status communities. This article traces the attempts of the National Indian Council (NIC) to create unity across these different groups. In the early 1960s, Indigenous political leaders from across the country viewed national representation as an urgent need, yet by 1968 the NIC folded to make way for separate organisations. Why did this attempt to build unity fail? Examining the NIC’s political aims and contested visions of unity within the organisation, this article will demonstrate that attempting to overcome differences in status and treaty rights led to a failure to engage with the real concerns faced by Indigenous peoples in Canada.
在今天的加拿大,没有一个单一的政治机构声称代表所有土著人民。相反,独立的组织——第一民族大会、姆姆萨迪斯全国委员会和土著人民大会——代表着有地位的第一民族、姆萨迪斯和无地位的社区。本文追溯了全国印第安人委员会(NIC)在这些不同群体之间建立团结的尝试。在20世纪60年代早期,来自全国各地的土著政治领袖将国家代表权视为迫切需要,但到1968年,NIC解散,为独立的组织让路。为什么这种建立团结的尝试失败了?审视NIC的政治目标和组织内部有争议的团结愿景,本文将证明,试图克服地位和条约权利的差异导致未能参与加拿大土著人民面临的真正关切。
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引用次数: 0
Indigenous peoples and Canada: Indigenous resurgence, decolonisation, and Indigenous academics 土著人民与加拿大:土著复兴、非殖民化和土著学者
4区 社会学 Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.3828/bjcs.2023.7
Tracie Lea Scott
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引用次数: 0
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British Journal of Canadian Studies
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