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Poems on Painting from the High Tang to Later Tang Periods 从高唐到晚唐的绘画诗
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15299104.2021.1974732
Ronald Egan
That the practice of inscribing poems on paintings was brought to new prominence during the High Tang period is a well-known aspect of literary history. That poets’ ways of treating paintings in poems changed again in the late eighth and ninth centuries is a less well-known development. This article looks at that change and analyzes several of its manifestations, including new treatments of the “illusion” of painting, the relationship of the painter to his art, and the relationship of painting to poetry. Also briefly discussed is the new closeness between the poets of the later period and the painters they wrote about. Several of these changes anticipate the emergence of “literati painting” in the Northern Song period and allow us to see the later Tang period as an important transitional bridge between poetic treatments of painting before and after it.
在盛唐时期,题诗的做法得到了新的重视,这是文学史上一个众所周知的方面。诗人对待诗歌中绘画的方式在八世纪末和九世纪再次发生变化,这是一个不太为人所知的发展。本文着眼于这种变化,并分析了它的几种表现,包括对绘画“幻觉”的新处理,画家与艺术的关系,以及绘画与诗歌的关系。还简要讨论了后期诗人与他们所写的画家之间新的亲密关系。这些变化预示着“文人画”在北宋时期的出现,并使我们能够将晚唐时期视为前后绘画诗意处理之间的重要过渡桥梁。
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引用次数: 1
Cranes at Ancient and Early Medieval Chinese Courts 中国古代和中世纪早期宫廷中的起重机
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15299104.2021.1974734
David R. Knechtges
This article provides a brief cultural history of the crane in ancient and early medieval China. Although the crane is an agonistic species, there is literary evidence of the domestication of the crane in China as early as the seventh century BCE. The main sites of crane domestication in China were courts. Cranes have a natural ability to dance, and ancient Chinese texts contain a number of accounts of cranes dancing to music to entertain the ruler and members of his court. By the early medieval period, poets began to write poems about cranes. The most detailed piece is Bao Zhao’s “Fu on the Dancing Cranes,” an annotated translation of which is included in this article.
本文简要介绍了中国古代和中世纪早期鹤的文化史。虽然鹤是一种好斗的物种,但早在公元前7世纪,就有文献证据表明鹤在中国被驯化。中国鹤类驯化的主要场所是庭院。鹤有一种天生的跳舞能力,中国古代文献中有许多关于鹤随着音乐跳舞以娱乐统治者和他的宫廷成员的记载。到了中世纪早期,诗人开始写关于鹤的诗。最详细的作品是鲍照的《舞鹤赋》,本文包含了其注释翻译。
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引用次数: 2
Editors’ Note 编者按
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15299104.2021.1974722
Wendy Swartz, Xiao-Li Tian
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引用次数: 0
The City of Ye in the Chinese Literary Landscape 中国文学景观中的叶城
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15299104.2021.1974743
M. Goh
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引用次数: 0
Southbound: Fantasies of the Plebeian in the Southern Dynasties 南向:南朝平民的幻想
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15299104.2021.1974736
Stephen Owen
The short, often anonymous yuefu of the South, from the fourth to sixth century CE, mediated by the interests of the male members of the Northern émigré elite, are taken to represent the voice of Southern commoners, particularly of young women. If the Northern elite defined itself in terms of names, history, and high culture, the voices of these yuefu were seen as timeless expressions of the “natural” and never identified by surnames. A second look at the poems shows that they are not simply “natural,” but about “being natural” and making a claim that they are natural. It is a voice telling members of the elite what they want to hear about the commoners. Finally, the essay also considers the preservation of the songs in written form, which transmits the desired image of those ruled to their rulers.
从公元4世纪到6世纪,南方的短的,通常是匿名的乐府,由北方的男性精英成员的利益所调解,被认为是代表南方平民的声音,特别是年轻女性的声音。如果说北方精英用名字、历史和高雅文化来定义自己,那么这些乐府的声音则被视为“自然”的永恒表达,从不以姓氏来识别。再看一下这些诗,就会发现它们不仅仅是“自然”,而是关于“自然”,并声称它们是自然的。它是一种声音,告诉精英们他们想听到的关于平民的事情。最后,本文还考虑了以书面形式保存歌曲,这将被统治者所期望的形象传递给他们的统治者。
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引用次数: 0
Inscribing the Foreign in Early Medieval China: Xiao Yi’s (508–555) “Preface to Illustrations of Tribute Bearers” 中世纪早期中国的外文铭刻:萧毅(508-555)《贡书序》
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15299104.2021.1974731
R. Cutter
This article is a translation and study of the preface Xiao Yi (508–555) wrote to accompany his scroll painting of foreign envoys to the Liang court. The painting itself exists only in the form of a damaged copy dating from perhaps 1077. The preface itself has been transmitted in Yiwen leiju, Wenyuan yinghua, and collections of Xiao Yi’s works. Despite statements made in the preface and in Xiao’s “Xuan lan fu” regarding his firsthand knowledge of foreigners and their ways, the preface relies heavily on quotation and paraphrase of much earlier works. It is here argued that this method reflects an embedded preference for an ossified narrative largely derived from canonical and semi-canonical texts in preference to empirical geographic and ethnographic information—a display of cultural competence to congratulate and impress Emperor Wu (r. 502–549), whose fortieth year on the throne occasioned the gift of the painting and preface.
这篇文章是对萧彝(508-555)所写的序言的翻译和研究,该序言是为他的外国使节到梁朝的卷轴画而写的。这幅画本身只存在于一幅可能在1077年被损坏的复制品中。前言本身在《易文雷居》、《文源英华》、《萧易作品集》中流传。尽管在序言和萧伯纳的《宣兰赋》中提到了他对外国人及其生活方式的第一手了解,但序言很大程度上依赖于对更早作品的引用和解释。本文认为,这种方法反映了一种根深蒂固的偏好,这种偏好主要来自于权威和半权威文本的僵化叙事,而不是经验主义的地理和民族志信息——这是一种文化能力的展示,以祝贺和打动武帝(公元502-549年),武帝在位四十年,得到了这幅画和序言的礼物。
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引用次数: 0
Jiang Yan and Friend 姜岩和朋友
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15299104.2021.1974735
P. Kroll
After a brief look at some famous comments about friendship in Western thought and literature, we turn to early medieval China and the writings of Jiang Yan (444–505), in which are memorialized a friendship that Jiang spoke of in the most touching terms. This was the brief friendship he enjoyed with Yuan Bing when both men were in their twenties. Examination of Jiang’s writings about or to Yuan Bing, in both prose and verse, shows how deep emotion can sometimes escape the customary restraints of literary conventions. This can be seen especially in the intensely moving fu poem he composed in mourning over Yuan Bing’s unexpected and premature death.
在简要回顾了西方思想和文学中关于友谊的一些著名评论之后,我们转向中世纪早期的中国和江淹(444–505)的著作,在这些著作中,江用最感人的语言纪念了一段友谊。这是他和袁冰在二十多岁时的短暂友谊。从散文和诗歌两个方面考察姜关于袁冰或与袁冰有关的作品,可以看出,深厚的情感有时是如何逃脱文学惯例的束缚的。这一点在他为悼念袁冰英年早逝而作的感人至深的赋诗中尤为明显。
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引用次数: 0
The Jiankang Empire in Chinese and World History 中国与世界历史上的建康帝国
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15299104.2020.1782614
S. Pearce
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引用次数: 3
Fashion and Historical Imagination: The Case of Sun Shou’s “Bewitching and Strange Appearances” 时尚与历史想象——以孙寿的“妖艳怪相”为例
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15299104.2020.1780739
Rebecca Doran
Sun Shou (d. 159), the vilified and powerful wife of notorious regent to the throne Liang Ji (d. 159), is famous for her invention of novel fashions, including new styles of eyebrow, makeup, and hair, and even new ways of walking and smiling. In Hou Hanshu and elsewhere, Sun Shou’s invention of these styles plays an important role in constructing a condemnatory historical judgment of her character, which is informed by systems of correlative cosmology and sumptuary regulation. Significantly, however, attitudes to these fashion statements are not uniform. The negotiation in textual and archaeological sources of the styles associated with Sun Shou, especially the popular duoma ji (“falling off a horse buns”), reveals a process of reimagining and re-appropriation that challenges simplistic or purely linear notions regarding the connotations that attach to and evolve along with individual fashion trends and styles. Read within the frameworks provided by cosmological and historical understandings of dress as a social and political marker, discussions of Sun Shou, duoma ji, and the other styles provide a compelling, lasting example of concerns regarding the ominous force of sumptuary behavior while also indicating processes of redefinition surrounding particular styles and historical actors.
孙寿(公元159年)是臭名昭著的摄政王梁姬(公元159)的妻子,她因发明新颖的时尚而闻名,包括新的眉毛、化妆和头发,甚至还有新的走路和微笑方式。在《后汉书》等书中,孙寿对这些文体的发明,在相关的宇宙论和消费规律体系的指导下,对其性格建构了一种谴责性的历史判断,起到了重要的作用。然而,值得注意的是,人们对这些时尚宣言的态度并不一致。与孙寿相关的风格,特别是流行的多玛吉(“从马上掉下来的面包”)的文本和考古来源的谈判,揭示了一个重新想象和挪用的过程,挑战了关于与个人时尚趋势和风格相关并随着其演变的内涵的简单化或纯粹线性的概念。在宇宙学和历史对服饰作为社会和政治标志的理解所提供的框架内阅读,对孙寿、多玛姬和其他风格的讨论提供了一个令人信服的、持久的例子,说明了人们对消费行为的不祥力量的担忧,同时也表明了围绕特定风格和历史参与者的重新定义过程。
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引用次数: 1
Literary Responses to Religious Debates at the Northern Zhou Court 北周宗教辩论的文学回应
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15299104.2020.1780742
Yiyi Luo
In the fifth and sixth centuries, the status of the Buddhist and Daoist teachings underwent constant change. The tension between the two religious groups over state sponsorship heightened during the Northern Zhou dynasty, especially under the reign of Emperor Wu 北周武帝 (r. 560–578). While records about these events abound in historical and religious texts, very few literary pieces have survived and thus have received little attention. This article investigates three literary texts against this background, a bell inscription by Emperor Wu, and two poems by Yu Xin 庾信 (513–581 CE). My reading of Yu Xin’s allusions to Buddhism and Daoism reveals a complex attitude of the poet, who voiced veiled criticism of the sovereign through layers of allusions, and provides a rare window onto ways in which early medieval religions expanded the vision of literature of the time and enriched its imaginative realm.
在五世纪和六世纪,佛教和道教教义的地位不断变化。北周时期,特别是在武帝统治时期,两个宗教团体在国家赞助问题上的紧张关系加剧北周武帝 (第560–578条规则)。虽然有关这些事件的记录在历史和宗教文本中比比皆是,但很少有文学作品幸存下来,因此很少受到关注。本文考察了在这一背景下的三篇文学文本,一篇是武帝的钟文,另一篇是庾信的两首诗庾信 (513–581 CE)。我对庾信的佛道典故的解读揭示了诗人的复杂态度,他通过层层典故表达了对君主的含蓄批评,并为了解中世纪早期宗教如何扩展当时文学的视野和丰富其想象境界提供了一个难得的窗口。
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Early Medieval China
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