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Celestial Masters: History and Ritual in Early Daoist Communities 天师:早期道教团体的历史与仪式
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2016-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15299104.2016.1250456
J. Pettit
both Clark and Brindley are hampered by the fact that the textual sources are all written in Chinese. Unfortunately, the Yue left us no descriptions of themselves in their own language(s). But Clark not only reviews “Northern perceptions of the PreSinitic South” and summarizes the long process of Sinitic encroachment, he also teases out evidence of “cultural accommodation” and the echoes of pre-Sinitic indigenous culture that remain. Many of these echoes are found in religion. Clark observes that “the core of indigenous belief throughout coastal Fujian was the totemic worship of animal and fertility spirits” (p. 93), notably including such creatures as frogs, snakes, and dragons. Evidence of this pre-Sinitic past survives today in the form of scattered phallic stone pillars and petroglyphs. Clark also examines legendary textual accounts of snakes and dragons (long 龍, jiao 蛟, and the associated but decidedly less mythical crocodiles, e 鱷, that really do inhabit the southern coast) in the lore of the southlands. Clark looks especially closely at several examples of how native southern beliefs were rendered respectably wen during the Song dynasty. A particularly captivating example is the Divine Woman of Meizhou 湄洲神女, who was first recorded in 1150. This Divine Woman reportedly was born on Meizhou Island as a certain human Miss Lin 林. Miss Lin became a female shaman (wu 巫), and her spirit was later venerated as a protector of seafarers and others. Today, she is probably best known aMazu媽祖, who is surely one of the most famous of all “Chinese” religious figures. Yet Clark says she is typical of the numerous pre-Sinitic female deities credited with protecting mariners along the southeastern coast (p. 143). The pre-Sinitic origins of Mazu seem to me to be more assumed than proven, but that is, of course, an inherent problem when all of our texts are written in Chinese. Clark also finds in Daoism a form of anti-hegemonic resistance to Sinitic conformity, which, “by critiquing the discourse through the language of the discourse” (p. 35), itself became part of the Sinitic tradition. Both Daoism and Mazu certainly did become what we would today consider Chinese. That may be one reason why it is useful, as Clark prefers, to speak of Sinitic civilization rather than “China.” “China” implies something unitary, singular, and monolithic, while the reality is more complex, and continually changing. Hugh Clark’s new book helps us better understand some of these nuances, and makes a significant contribution to scholarship on pre-modern China.
克拉克和布林德利都被文本来源都是用中文写的这一事实所阻碍。不幸的是,越族人没有用自己的语言给我们留下关于他们自己的描述。但克拉克不仅回顾了“北方人对前中国化的南方的看法”,总结了汉人入侵的漫长过程,还梳理了“文化迁就”的证据,以及遗留下来的前汉人本土文化的回声。宗教中也有很多类似的例子。克拉克观察到“整个福建沿海地区的土著信仰的核心是对动物和生育精神的图腾崇拜”(第93页),特别是包括青蛙、蛇和龙等生物。这一前中国时期的证据以散落的阳具石柱和岩画的形式留存至今。克拉克还研究了传说中关于南方传说中的蛇和龙(long, jiao,以及与之相关但显然不那么神秘的鳄鱼,e鱷,它们确实生活在南部海岸)的文字记载。克拉克特别仔细地研究了几个例子,这些例子表明,在宋代,南方的本土信仰是如何得到尊重的。一个特别迷人的例子是梅州神女湄,她最早记录于1150年。据传说,这位神女出生在湄洲岛,是一位名叫林姓的人类小姐。林小姐成为了一名女巫师,她的灵魂后来被尊为海员和其他人的保护者。今天,她可能是最为人所知的妈祖,妈祖无疑是所有“中国”宗教人物中最著名的一位。然而克拉克说,她是众多被认为是保护东南沿海水手的女神中的典型(第143页)。在我看来,妈祖的前汉语起源似乎更多的是假设而不是证明,但这当然是一个固有的问题,因为我们所有的文本都是用中文写的。克拉克还在道教中发现了一种反对汉化的反霸权抵抗形式,这种形式“通过话语的语言来批判话语”(第35页),本身就成为了汉化传统的一部分。道教和妈祖当然都成为了我们今天所认为的中国文化。这可能是克拉克更喜欢用“中华文明”而不是“中国”的原因之一。“中国”意味着某种单一的、单一的、整体的东西,而现实则更为复杂,是不断变化的。休·克拉克的新书有助于我们更好地理解其中的一些细微差别,并对研究前现代中国的学术研究做出了重大贡献。
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引用次数: 1
Entombed Epigraphy and Commemorative Culture in Early Medieval China: A History of Early Muzhiming 中国中世纪早期墓葬铭文与纪念文化:早期穆志明史
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2016-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15299104.2016.1226568
Ping Yao
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引用次数: 2
Alan Berkowitz Alan Berkowitz
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2016-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15299104.2016.1226574
David R. Knechtges
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引用次数: 0
Alan Berkowitz: Scholarly Works Alan Berkowitz:学术著作
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2016-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15299104.2016.1226575
Sujane Wu
This list is divided into three categories: Published Works, Papers and Lectures, and Unpublished Works/Works in Progress. It is important to include Alan's works in progress to acknowledge his ong...
此列表分为三类:已发表作品,论文和讲座,以及未发表作品/正在进行的作品。重要的是要包括艾伦正在进行的作品,以承认他的长期……
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引用次数: 0
The Sinitic Encounter in Southeast China through the First Millennium CE 公元一千年中国东南部的汉语遭遇
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2016-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15299104.2016.1226570
Charles Holcombe
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引用次数: 0
Stories Written and Rewritten: The Story of Faxian's Search For The Dharma in its Historical, Anecdotal, and Biographical Contexts 写的故事和重写的故事:法贤在历史、轶事和传记背景下寻找佛法的故事
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2016-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15299104.2016.1226420
Yuan-ju Liu
In many ways, the core of traditional historical narrative is the story (gushi 故事), which originally referred to anecdotes about past matters, but could broadly include oral tales, legends, and anecdotal materials. One notable category of traditional historical narrative that relied heavily on gushi is the “heterogenous account” (zazhuan 雜傳), which mixed historical fact with oral hearsay and other miscellaneous tibdits. Religious hagiographies would be classified as zazhuan, and one important example of this is the story of the Buddhist monk Faxian 法顯, who traveled to India at the end of the fourth century ce to bring Buddhist scriptures back to China. This essay will discuss Faxian's own account, known as the Foguo ji 佛國記 (A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms), and compare it to the account related by Huijiao 慧皎 in his Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳 (Biographies of Eminent Monks). At the heart of this discussion is the question of how stories are told and retold, and how changes of detail and plot demonstrate the differing interests of the writers. The essay will also seek to shed light on the historical circumstances underlying Faxian's journey to India and his return to China.
在许多方面,传统历史叙事的核心是故事,它最初指的是关于过去事情的轶事,但也可以广泛地包括口头故事、传说和轶事材料。一个值得注意的传统历史叙事严重依赖于固实的类别是“杂传”(杂传),它将历史事实与口头传闻和其他杂七杂八的藏传混合在一起。宗教传记被归类为杂传,其中一个重要的例子是佛教僧侣法显的故事,他在公元四世纪末到印度旅行,把佛教经典带回中国。本文将讨论法显自己的记录,即佛国记,并将其与会教的《高僧传》(高僧传)中有关的记录进行比较。这个讨论的核心问题是故事是如何被讲述和复述的,以及细节和情节的变化如何显示出作者的不同兴趣。这篇文章还将试图揭示法仙前往印度并返回中国的历史背景。
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引用次数: 1
Fan Ye's Biography in the Song Shu: Form, Content, and Impact 《宋书》范爷传:形式、内容与影响
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2016-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/15299104.2016.1226424
Sebastian Eicher
In the centuries after Fan Ye's death many literati praised his Hou Han shu, but at the same time a surprising number of them also criticized the historian's character. This paper argues that Fan Ye's biography in the Song shu, which depicts the historian as a weak and despicable man, was the primary source for many of the accusations made by his critics. The biography's influence can be explained by its careful narrative modeling. The Song shu authors highlighted certain aspects of the life of Fan Ye, while simultaneously obscuring others, with the goal of depicting him as an unfilial and despicable rebel. This paper is an attempt to retrace their steps in order to offer an alternative way of reading the otherwise strangely neglected text.
在范爷死后的几个世纪里,许多文人称赞他的《后汉书》,但同时也有相当多的人批评这位历史学家的品格。本文认为,范爷在《宋书》中被描述为一个软弱、卑鄙的人,这是许多批评他的人对他的指责的主要来源。这部传记的影响可以通过其精心的叙事模式来解释。宋书作者强调了范爷生活的某些方面,同时掩盖了其他方面,目的是把他描绘成一个不孝、卑鄙的反叛者。本文试图追溯他们的脚步,以提供另一种方式来阅读否则奇怪地被忽视的文本。
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引用次数: 2
IN MEMORIAM 为纪念
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2015-12-01 DOI: 10.1179/1529910415z.00000000022
R. Mather
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引用次数: 0
Literary Controversy at the Liang Court Revisited 梁朝文学之争再遇
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2015-11-11 DOI: 10.1179/1529910415Z.00000000021
N. Williams
Abstract The literary thought of the Liang 梁 dynasty (502–557) has occasioned considerable debate in recent years. The fulcrum of discussion in Chinese and Western scholarly circles is a half-century-old article in which Zhou Xunchu 周勛初 presented a tripartite classification for Liang literary thought. In 2007, Tian Xiaofei argued that Zhou had overstated the degree of disagreement at the Liang court, and claimed instead that Liang writers agreed on most literary principles. On reexamination, Zhou's scheme certainly oversimplifies the Liang literary scene, and there is room for disagreement about individuals and the content of the three schools. But close reading of primary texts by three Liang princes confirms the existence of real controversy as well, particularly with regard to the direction of literary change and the proper balance of classical scholarship and belles lettres. This article addresses the question in a new way by translating key primary sources, either in entirety or in substantial extracts. The principal texts translated are two letters to Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (508–555) from his older brothers Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–551) and Xiao Tong 蕭統 (501–531), as well as some revealing quotations from Xiao Yi himself. These texts collectively substantiate Zhou's general thesis, while individually indicating some important corrections to it as well.
摘要近年来,梁柱朝(502-557)的文学思想引起了相当大的争论。中西学界讨论的支点是周训初半个世纪前的一篇文章,其中周训初对梁氏文学思想进行了三方面的分类。2007年,田小飞认为周夸大了梁朝的分歧程度,并声称梁朝作家在大多数文学原则上是一致的。重新审视,周的方案当然过于简单化了梁的文学场景,在个人和三派的内容上都有分歧的余地。但仔细阅读梁三公的原始文本,也证实了真正的争议的存在,特别是关于文学变化的方向和古典学术与美女文学的适当平衡。本文以一种全新的方式解决了这个问题,通过翻译关键的第一手资料,无论是全文还是大量摘录。翻译的主要文本是他的哥哥萧刚(503-551)和萧彤(501-531)写给萧仪(508-555)的两封信,以及萧仪本人的一些启示性语录。这些文本共同证实了周的总体论点,同时也分别对其进行了一些重要的修正。
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引用次数: 2
Memo from the President of the Early Medieval China Group 中世纪早期中国小组主席的备忘录
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2015-11-11 DOI: 10.1179/1529910415Z.00000000023
K. Knapp
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Early Medieval China
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