Keberhasilan Cina sejatinya berasal dari resep kebijakan Go Out. Dalam kepemimpinan Xi Jinping mengarsiteki wajah baru Cina dalam pentas kawasan dan dunia lewat promosi kerja sama Belt Road Initative. Kerja sama ini dipandang konvergen dengan kepentingan negara-negara Asia Tenggara, di satu sisi menghendaki adanya kemudahan kerja sama ekonomi, di sisi lain adalah kerja sama pembangunan infrastruktur. Tulisan ini berangkat dalam kaca mata diplomasi infrastruktur, bahwa promosi kerja sama yang ditawarkan oleh Cina terhadap Indonesia, Malaysia, dan Filipina sepenuhnya tidak sekedar kerja sama biasa, tetapi upaya pemerintahan Beijing dalam membangun citra hegemonis Cina di kawasan Asia Tenggara berdasarkan motif geoekonomi, sementara di sisi komersial kehadiran BRI tidak lain sebagai kelanjutan kebijakan Go Out, yakni intenasionalisasi BUMN dalam hubungan kerja sama pembangunan infrastruktur.
{"title":"AMBISI EKSPANSI BISNIS DAN POLITIK STRATEGIS CINA DI ASIA TENGGARA MELALUI BELT ROAD INITIATIVE: TINJAUAN DIPLOMASI INFRASTRUKTUR","authors":"Aspin Nur Arifin Rivai","doi":"10.24252/rir.v4i2.35041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/rir.v4i2.35041","url":null,"abstract":"Keberhasilan Cina sejatinya berasal dari resep kebijakan Go Out. Dalam kepemimpinan Xi Jinping mengarsiteki wajah baru Cina dalam pentas kawasan dan dunia lewat promosi kerja sama Belt Road Initative. Kerja sama ini dipandang konvergen dengan kepentingan negara-negara Asia Tenggara, di satu sisi menghendaki adanya kemudahan kerja sama ekonomi, di sisi lain adalah kerja sama pembangunan infrastruktur. Tulisan ini berangkat dalam kaca mata diplomasi infrastruktur, bahwa promosi kerja sama yang ditawarkan oleh Cina terhadap Indonesia, Malaysia, dan Filipina sepenuhnya tidak sekedar kerja sama biasa, tetapi upaya pemerintahan Beijing dalam membangun citra hegemonis Cina di kawasan Asia Tenggara berdasarkan motif geoekonomi, sementara di sisi komersial kehadiran BRI tidak lain sebagai kelanjutan kebijakan Go Out, yakni intenasionalisasi BUMN dalam hubungan kerja sama pembangunan infrastruktur.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"142 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77464388","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
R. Azhiim, G. R. Bastari, N. Zahara, Semmy Tyar Armandha, Dicky Adiatma, Xandra Leonora
Artikel ini mengkaji kebermanfaatan komitmen dalam deklarasi pemimpin negara pada KTT G20 tahun 2020 di Riyadh, Arab Saudi, bagi pembangunan nasional Indonesia. Metode analisis yang diaplikasikan dalam kajian ini terdiri dari analisis pemetaan, analisis teks kualitatif, dan analisis diskursus kritis. Melalui ketiga rangkaian metode analisis tersebut, kajian ini menghasilkan tiga identifikasi utama. Pertama, identifikasi komitmen dalam deklarasi pemimpin G20 Riyadh yang secara substansial memuat agenda pembangunan. Kedua, identifikasi komitmen G20 Arab Saudi yang seiring dan sejalan dengan prioritas pembangunan Indonesia. Ketiga, identifikasi komitmen bidang pembangunan yang memuat urgensi untuk diimplementasikan melalui diplomasi. Ketiga identifikasi tersebut setidaknya mengindikasikan dua hal. Pertama, ‘sinkronisasi’, yaitu penyesuaian antara agenda global dengan kebijakan, baik kebijakan yang telah ditetapkan maupun kebijakan yang dirumuskan. Kedua, adanya penyeimbangan kepentingan nasional dengan nilai-nilai yang dianggap sebagai Kebaikan Bersama Global.
{"title":"KOMITMEN INDONESIA PADA KTT G20 ARAB SAUDI DAN PEMBANGUNAN NASIONAL: SEBUAH TINJAUAN KOMPREHENSIF","authors":"R. Azhiim, G. R. Bastari, N. Zahara, Semmy Tyar Armandha, Dicky Adiatma, Xandra Leonora","doi":"10.24252/rir.v4i2.29819","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/rir.v4i2.29819","url":null,"abstract":"Artikel ini mengkaji kebermanfaatan komitmen dalam deklarasi pemimpin negara pada KTT G20 tahun 2020 di Riyadh, Arab Saudi, bagi pembangunan nasional Indonesia. Metode analisis yang diaplikasikan dalam kajian ini terdiri dari analisis pemetaan, analisis teks kualitatif, dan analisis diskursus kritis. Melalui ketiga rangkaian metode analisis tersebut, kajian ini menghasilkan tiga identifikasi utama. Pertama, identifikasi komitmen dalam deklarasi pemimpin G20 Riyadh yang secara substansial memuat agenda pembangunan. Kedua, identifikasi komitmen G20 Arab Saudi yang seiring dan sejalan dengan prioritas pembangunan Indonesia. Ketiga, identifikasi komitmen bidang pembangunan yang memuat urgensi untuk diimplementasikan melalui diplomasi. Ketiga identifikasi tersebut setidaknya mengindikasikan dua hal. Pertama, ‘sinkronisasi’, yaitu penyesuaian antara agenda global dengan kebijakan, baik kebijakan yang telah ditetapkan maupun kebijakan yang dirumuskan. Kedua, adanya penyeimbangan kepentingan nasional dengan nilai-nilai yang dianggap sebagai Kebaikan Bersama Global.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"100 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73581393","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Fadhlan Nur Hakiem, Tania Amelinda Hasanah, Annisa Febrianti Putri Indrasari
ABSTRAK Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mencari tahu bagaimana jalan keluar dari permasalahan kudeta militer Myanmar terutama sesama Negara anggota di dalam suatu Kawasan ditinjau dari ada atau tidaknya pergolakan dari berbagai aspek seperti: sosial, ekonomi, politik, pertahanan dan keamanannya. Kejadian pada Februari 2021 lalu, tercatat sebagai kudeta kedua yang terjadi di Myanmar. Dalam menyikapi krisis politik yang terjadi di Myanmar, ASEAN agaknya sulit keluar dari prinsip non-interference yang mana krisis politik yang terjadi di salah satu negara ASEAN menjadi urusan dalam negeri negara yang bersangkutan. ASEAN harus bersikap lebih lembut untuk mengintervensi dan memberikan tekanan melalui sikap tegas seperti ancaman mengeluarkan Myanmar dari ASEAN apabila pemimpin militer tidak bersedia mengakhiri kudeta. Hal itu menjadi tantangan ASEAN, karena stabilitas di wilayah ASEAN akan semakin terganggu apabila penolakan terhadap rekonsiliasi tidak dapat dilakukan di kemudian hari. Penelitian ini akan mengaplikasikan Pendekatan Keamanan Regional dan Pendekatan Human Security yang dirasa tepat untuk diaplikasikan ke dalam penelitian ini. Metode yang digunakan dalam penulisan jurnal ini adalah kualitatif deskriptif dengan Teknik pengumpulan data menggunakan metode library research. Penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Pengaruh kudeta militer Myanmar terhadap stabilitas Kawasan ASEAN semakin terasa adanya. ASEAN harus mempelajari bagaimana menerapkan konsep non-intervensi secara lebih fleksibel terhadap isu Myanmar.
{"title":"PENGARUH KUDETA MILITER MYANMAR TERHADAP STABILITAS KAWASAN ASEAN PADA TAHUN 2021","authors":"Fadhlan Nur Hakiem, Tania Amelinda Hasanah, Annisa Febrianti Putri Indrasari","doi":"10.24252/rir.v4i2.32655","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/rir.v4i2.32655","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRAK \u0000Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mencari tahu bagaimana jalan keluar dari permasalahan kudeta militer Myanmar terutama sesama Negara anggota di dalam suatu Kawasan ditinjau dari ada atau tidaknya pergolakan dari berbagai aspek seperti: sosial, ekonomi, politik, pertahanan dan keamanannya. Kejadian pada Februari 2021 lalu, tercatat sebagai kudeta kedua yang terjadi di Myanmar. Dalam menyikapi krisis politik yang terjadi di Myanmar, ASEAN agaknya sulit keluar dari prinsip non-interference yang mana krisis politik yang terjadi di salah satu negara ASEAN menjadi urusan dalam negeri negara yang bersangkutan. ASEAN harus bersikap lebih lembut untuk mengintervensi dan memberikan tekanan melalui sikap tegas seperti ancaman mengeluarkan Myanmar dari ASEAN apabila pemimpin militer tidak bersedia mengakhiri kudeta. Hal itu menjadi tantangan ASEAN, karena stabilitas di wilayah ASEAN akan semakin terganggu apabila penolakan terhadap rekonsiliasi tidak dapat dilakukan di kemudian hari. Penelitian ini akan mengaplikasikan Pendekatan Keamanan Regional dan Pendekatan Human Security yang dirasa tepat untuk diaplikasikan ke dalam penelitian ini. Metode yang digunakan dalam penulisan jurnal ini adalah kualitatif deskriptif dengan Teknik pengumpulan data menggunakan metode library research. Penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Pengaruh kudeta militer Myanmar terhadap stabilitas Kawasan ASEAN semakin terasa adanya. ASEAN harus mempelajari bagaimana menerapkan konsep non-intervensi secara lebih fleksibel terhadap isu Myanmar. \u0000 ","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"46 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83691886","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"China Grand Strategy","authors":"U. B. Kudaiarov","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2022-6-87-206-217","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2022-6-87-206-217","url":null,"abstract":"Book review: Doshi Roshi. 2021. The Long Game: China's Grand Strategy to Displace American Order. The USA: Oxford University Press. 432 p.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"40 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88483969","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-30DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2022-6-87-166-178
I. Y. Khruleva
The focus of this study is the views of Feofan Prokopovich, a unique Orthodox thinker whose world outlook was shaped by an obvious influence of the ideas of the Protestant and Catholic Enlightenment. Talking about the Enlightenment, modern historiography focuses on the versatility of the phenomenon, preferring to talk about the Enlightenment, including the religious or confessional Enlightenment, aimed at rethinking the role of religion and the church. The Religious Enlightenment was a pan-European phenomenon that embraced Protestantism, Catholicism, Judaism, and Orthodoxy, and grew out of the desire to create an intelligent religion free of superstition and serving society. The intellectual movement of the religious Enlightenment sought to reconcile the natural philosophy of the 17th-18th centuries with a religious worldview, while trying to overcome the extremes of religious fanaticism, on the one hand, and nihilism and godlessness, on the other. The process of forming a new intellectual environment is marked by the coexistence and mutual influence of the most diverse, sometimes poorly compatible traditions, their transformation and modification. Comprehensively arguing the need for unlimited autocracy in Russia, Feofan Prokopovich, nevertheless, actively used the discourse of the Enlightenment in his writings, discussing the problem of the origin of the state, the mode of government, the boundaries of the power of the monarch, the rights and duties of subjects. On the example of Feofan Prokopovich, we can talk about the emergence and rooting of intellectual practices of a new type in Russian everyday life. The integration of Western European ideas and practices into Russian culture was ambiguous, multifaceted and depended on their adaptation to the socio-political space of Russia. Being well acquainted with the works of European authors of the 17th early 18th centuries, he rather took on the formal side of their discussions on socio-political topics, adapted a conceptual glossary that was new for the Russian educated public, which opened up opportunities for talking about politics in a new way.
{"title":"Western European Intellectual Practices of a New Type in Russian Everyday Life at Early 18th Century (case of Feofan Prokopovich)","authors":"I. Y. Khruleva","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2022-6-87-166-178","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2022-6-87-166-178","url":null,"abstract":"The focus of this study is the views of Feofan Prokopovich, a unique Orthodox thinker whose world outlook was shaped by an obvious influence of the ideas of the Protestant and Catholic Enlightenment. Talking about the Enlightenment, modern historiography focuses on the versatility of the phenomenon, preferring to talk about the Enlightenment, including the religious or confessional Enlightenment, aimed at rethinking the role of religion and the church. The Religious Enlightenment was a pan-European phenomenon that embraced Protestantism, Catholicism, Judaism, and Orthodoxy, and grew out of the desire to create an intelligent religion free of superstition and serving society. The intellectual movement of the religious Enlightenment sought to reconcile the natural philosophy of the 17th-18th centuries with a religious worldview, while trying to overcome the extremes of religious fanaticism, on the one hand, and nihilism and godlessness, on the other. The process of forming a new intellectual environment is marked by the coexistence and mutual influence of the most diverse, sometimes poorly compatible traditions, their transformation and modification. Comprehensively arguing the need for unlimited autocracy in Russia, Feofan Prokopovich, nevertheless, actively used the discourse of the Enlightenment in his writings, discussing the problem of the origin of the state, the mode of government, the boundaries of the power of the monarch, the rights and duties of subjects. On the example of Feofan Prokopovich, we can talk about the emergence and rooting of intellectual practices of a new type in Russian everyday life. The integration of Western European ideas and practices into Russian culture was ambiguous, multifaceted and depended on their adaptation to the socio-political space of Russia. Being well acquainted with the works of European authors of the 17th early 18th centuries, he rather took on the formal side of their discussions on socio-political topics, adapted a conceptual glossary that was new for the Russian educated public, which opened up opportunities for talking about politics in a new way.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"35 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84449489","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-30DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2022-6-87-36-54
O. Zinevich, N. Selezneva
The article focuses on the Chinese concept and strategy of using soft power to create an attractive image of the country. In the age of fierce competition for global/regional leadership, the concept of soft power has become the mainstream in China's foreign policy and was considered by Chinese politicians and experts as a tool to strengthen the influence through the introduction into the cultural space of other countries, the dissemination of language and cultural codes in order to create a positive image of China. The Western-based concept of soft power in China has been thoroughly analyzed and specified. Supported by a context-based approach, the article shows how, having previously criticized the concept of Joseph Nye, Chinese scientists and experts developed a specifically Chinese theory of soft power of culture (中国文化软实力), which was used in the foreign and domestic policy of the state and served as the basis for the observed changes in the strategy of using soft power. Based on the analysis of Chinese sources, the authors of the article conclude that at the beginning of the XXI century, the buildup of soft power through the creation of a network of Confucius Institutes was presented by China as a policy for mutual gain in the international arena. With the ascendance of Xi Jinping, the soft power of culture as a resource and tool of China's external influence is leaving the frontier of the political agenda. The foreign policy vector of the soft power of culture is redirected inward, and culture, which until recently openly acted as a driver of soft power in foreign policy, moves to the internal track and fits into the concept of "four self-confidences" and "double circulation", focusing on the qualitative component, while maintaining its high foreign policy significance for the Chinese policymakers.
{"title":"China's New Soft Power Strategy","authors":"O. Zinevich, N. Selezneva","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2022-6-87-36-54","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2022-6-87-36-54","url":null,"abstract":"The article focuses on the Chinese concept and strategy of using soft power to create an attractive image of the country. In the age of fierce competition for global/regional leadership, the concept of soft power has become the mainstream in China's foreign policy and was considered by Chinese politicians and experts as a tool to strengthen the influence through the introduction into the cultural space of other countries, the dissemination of language and cultural codes in order to create a positive image of China. The Western-based concept of soft power in China has been thoroughly analyzed and specified. Supported by a context-based approach, the article shows how, having previously criticized the concept of Joseph Nye, Chinese scientists and experts developed a specifically Chinese theory of soft power of culture (中国文化软实力), which was used in the foreign and domestic policy of the state and served as the basis for the observed changes in the strategy of using soft power. Based on the analysis of Chinese sources, the authors of the article conclude that at the beginning of the XXI century, the buildup of soft power through the creation of a network of Confucius Institutes was presented by China as a policy for mutual gain in the international arena. With the ascendance of Xi Jinping, the soft power of culture as a resource and tool of China's external influence is leaving the frontier of the political agenda. The foreign policy vector of the soft power of culture is redirected inward, and culture, which until recently openly acted as a driver of soft power in foreign policy, moves to the internal track and fits into the concept of \"four self-confidences\" and \"double circulation\", focusing on the qualitative component, while maintaining its high foreign policy significance for the Chinese policymakers.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82533399","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-30DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2022-6-87-55-85
I. Okunev, M. Shestakova
In the post-pandemic years of 2021–2022, the post-Soviet space has entered a stage of decisive transformation, which will test the maturity of the state institutions formed 30 years ago for the region’s countries. The study captures a snapshot of public sentiment in these countries on the eve of this wave of transformation it is based on a series of largescale opinion polls in Belarus, Georgia and Kazakhstan, conducted immediately after the last elections to the lower houses of the parliaments of these countries in the pre-crisis era. The main research question of the sociological study was to identify demographic and geographical patterns in determining the attitude of voters toward the prospects for relations with Russia. Countries with traditionally different strategies of relations with Russia were taken: Belarus is a strategic ally, Kazakhstan is friendly but pursues a multi-vector policy, and Georgia is generally hostile at the level of the political class. The analysis showed that in matters of orientation towards positive relations with Russia, the voters of these countries nevertheless had more in common than differences. Based on the analysis results, several lines of delimitation can be distinguished. Firstly, the “macro-regional, geopolitical” line runs between Belarus and Kazakhstan, on the one hand, and Georgia, on the other. The second split along the “center-periphery” line takes place within states, i.e., Such a demarcation was singled out by many researchers, singled out concerning Russia; however, we found the same demarcations in Belarus (“Minsk and the rest of the country”) partly in Georgia and Kazakhstan. Finally, the authors admit to it the possibility of delimitation along the north-south lines: in Georgia and, to some extent, in Kazakhstan, as a result of territorial differentiation in the residence of Russians in the northern regions of the republic, where sympathy for Russia is more clearly manifested than in the southern regions remote from it; and this demarcation is less pronounced in Belarus, where it refers to the regions bordering Russia and Ukraine.
{"title":"Foreign Policy Orientation and Electoral Behavior: Analyzing Opinion Polls in Belarus, Georgia, and Kazakhstan","authors":"I. Okunev, M. Shestakova","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2022-6-87-55-85","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2022-6-87-55-85","url":null,"abstract":"In the post-pandemic years of 2021–2022, the post-Soviet space has entered a stage of decisive transformation, which will test the maturity of the state institutions formed 30 years ago for the region’s countries. The study captures a snapshot of public sentiment in these countries on the eve of this wave of transformation it is based on a series of largescale opinion polls in Belarus, Georgia and Kazakhstan, conducted immediately after the last elections to the lower houses of the parliaments of these countries in the pre-crisis era. The main research question of the sociological study was to identify demographic and geographical patterns in determining the attitude of voters toward the prospects for relations with Russia. Countries with traditionally different strategies of relations with Russia were taken: Belarus is a strategic ally, Kazakhstan is friendly but pursues a multi-vector policy, and Georgia is generally hostile at the level of the political class. The analysis showed that in matters of orientation towards positive relations with Russia, the voters of these countries nevertheless had more in common than differences. Based on the analysis results, several lines of delimitation can be distinguished. Firstly, the “macro-regional, geopolitical” line runs between Belarus and Kazakhstan, on the one hand, and Georgia, on the other. The second split along the “center-periphery” line takes place within states, i.e., Such a demarcation was singled out by many researchers, singled out concerning Russia; however, we found the same demarcations in Belarus (“Minsk and the rest of the country”) partly in Georgia and Kazakhstan. Finally, the authors admit to it the possibility of delimitation along the north-south lines: in Georgia and, to some extent, in Kazakhstan, as a result of territorial differentiation in the residence of Russians in the northern regions of the republic, where sympathy for Russia is more clearly manifested than in the southern regions remote from it; and this demarcation is less pronounced in Belarus, where it refers to the regions bordering Russia and Ukraine.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"94 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81752998","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Belt and Road Initiative as a Tool for the International Socialization of Political Elites","authors":"A. Zaseeva, M. Ivanova, G. P. Galin","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2022-6-87-194-205","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2022-6-87-194-205","url":null,"abstract":"Book review: Tudoroiu T., Ramlogan А. 2021. China’s International Socialization of Political Elites in the Belt and Road Initiative. Routledge. 292 p.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"56 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82068990","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-30DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2022-6-87-7-25
A. Artizov
Historical origins of the current Ukrainian crisis is a complex topic since it covers a thousand-year history and includes the main issues of the past and present of the people living on the East European Plain. The preparation of an anthology of archival documents in support of Vladimir Putin's well-known article «On the historical unity of Russians and Ukrainians» is being completed. Andrei Artizov, Head of the Federal Archival Agency, shares some of the results of the joint work of scientists and historians-archivists in this article.
{"title":"Historical Origins of the Current Ukrainian Crisis","authors":"A. Artizov","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2022-6-87-7-25","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2022-6-87-7-25","url":null,"abstract":"Historical origins of the current Ukrainian crisis is a complex topic since it covers a thousand-year history and includes the main issues of the past and present of the people living on the East European Plain. The preparation of an anthology of archival documents in support of Vladimir Putin's well-known article «On the historical unity of Russians and Ukrainians» is being completed. Andrei Artizov, Head of the Federal Archival Agency, shares some of the results of the joint work of scientists and historians-archivists in this article.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78231300","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-30DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2022-6-87-135-165
N. Belukhin, V. Vorotnikov, S. Dianina
The article deals with the «total defense» concept considering it to be part of Sweden’s strategic culture and provides an overview of how this concept defines Sweden’s approach towards the defense cooperation within the EU. «Total defence» remains staple in the Swedish defence planning and the perception of risks to national security, but has not yet received sufficient attention from Russian researchers. The announced restoration of the effective total defense system potentially comparable to that of the period of bipolar confrontation is associated with significant difficulties due to the gradual reduction in defense spending after the end of the Cold War and the decentralization of the national crisis preparedness structures which was initiated in the early 2000s. The total defense itself also reveals tensions between the demands for consolidation and centralized decision-making and the liberal, open nature of the Swedish society and national economy, as well as the principles of responsibility, subsidiarity and similarity that underline the present Swedish emergency response system. The total defense, is, therefore, regarded as an attempt at creating an effective crisis preparedness system that would function successfully in a democratic society, both under the conditions of peace and potential armed conflict, without the need to declare an emergency and endow individual bodies or a selected group of individuals with exclusive powers. The Swedish strategic culture, therefore, stipulates that it is important not only to resolve a crisis effectively, but also to do so in a way which would not endanger the regular functioning of political institutions and the rule of law. Within the EU Sweden has earned credit for developing civilian or non-military elements of crisis management, while «more hardware» defense cooperation within PESCO and the European Defense Fund is defined by the pragmatic economic interests of Swedish defense companies rather than by strategic considerations. The Swedish Experience with «total defence» will continue to face the same dilemma – the need to rebuild a robust and self-reliant national defence while preserving the liberal principles in politics as well as in economy.
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