Pub Date : 2023-07-02DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-56-80
R. Bulyga, M. Melnik, I. Safonova, V. Gisin
The increasing importance of Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG) assessments in advancing the international sustainable development agenda necessitates the disclosure of ESG reporting information by public companies. Such disclosure plays a crucial role in facilitating effective global business communication with stakeholders and enhancing the credibility of ESG transparency measurements. The primary objective of this study is to develop and validate a robust model for a business transparency index. By leveraging mathematical tools, this model quantitatively measures the level of Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG) transparency, taking into account the requirements of stakeholders and evaluating a public company's ability to disclose comprehensive information.The research hypothesis posits that assessing ESG transparency in public company reporting based solely on the "quantity" of estimated values, while neglecting the critical factors of "quality" and "reliability," undermines the accuracy and reliability of the results. By utilizing existing mathematical tools, a business value management model is constructed, incorporating a balanced system of "quantity," "quality," and "reliability" factors present in the ESG information disclosed in public company reports.The research methodology adopts a comprehensive approach, combining logical and structural analysis, mathematical modeling, and content analysis methods. A thorough examination of the regulatory framework, international and Russian practices, and scientific research in ESG disclosure reveals the emergence of authoritative professional standards and frameworks between 2000 and 2023. These standards and frameworks play a pivotal role in shaping the disclosure of financial and non-financial information related to sustainable development in corporate reporting. However, a significant gap exists in established practices for determining ESG transparency levels. Current "transparency indices" fall short in incorporating these factors, leading to methodological incomparability and gaps in assessing the "quality" and "reliability" of estimated values.To address this gap, the authors propose a novel mathematical model for the ESG transparency index in corporate reporting. This model effectively integrates the factors of "quantity," "quality," and "reliability" within the disclosed information of public companies. Through a comparative analysis of disclosure and verification practices across various types of activities within Russian public joint-stock companies (PJSCs), the established model enables the creation of an industry rating gradation. This rating gradation assists in determining the level of information disclosure about public companies' activities, fulfilling societal (state) requirements and optimizing business objectives.
{"title":"A Model of ESG-Transparency Index in Corporate Reporting","authors":"R. Bulyga, M. Melnik, I. Safonova, V. Gisin","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-56-80","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-56-80","url":null,"abstract":"The increasing importance of Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG) assessments in advancing the international sustainable development agenda necessitates the disclosure of ESG reporting information by public companies. Such disclosure plays a crucial role in facilitating effective global business communication with stakeholders and enhancing the credibility of ESG transparency measurements. The primary objective of this study is to develop and validate a robust model for a business transparency index. By leveraging mathematical tools, this model quantitatively measures the level of Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG) transparency, taking into account the requirements of stakeholders and evaluating a public company's ability to disclose comprehensive information.The research hypothesis posits that assessing ESG transparency in public company reporting based solely on the \"quantity\" of estimated values, while neglecting the critical factors of \"quality\" and \"reliability,\" undermines the accuracy and reliability of the results. By utilizing existing mathematical tools, a business value management model is constructed, incorporating a balanced system of \"quantity,\" \"quality,\" and \"reliability\" factors present in the ESG information disclosed in public company reports.The research methodology adopts a comprehensive approach, combining logical and structural analysis, mathematical modeling, and content analysis methods. A thorough examination of the regulatory framework, international and Russian practices, and scientific research in ESG disclosure reveals the emergence of authoritative professional standards and frameworks between 2000 and 2023. These standards and frameworks play a pivotal role in shaping the disclosure of financial and non-financial information related to sustainable development in corporate reporting. However, a significant gap exists in established practices for determining ESG transparency levels. Current \"transparency indices\" fall short in incorporating these factors, leading to methodological incomparability and gaps in assessing the \"quality\" and \"reliability\" of estimated values.To address this gap, the authors propose a novel mathematical model for the ESG transparency index in corporate reporting. This model effectively integrates the factors of \"quantity,\" \"quality,\" and \"reliability\" within the disclosed information of public companies. Through a comparative analysis of disclosure and verification practices across various types of activities within Russian public joint-stock companies (PJSCs), the established model enables the creation of an industry rating gradation. This rating gradation assists in determining the level of information disclosure about public companies' activities, fulfilling societal (state) requirements and optimizing business objectives.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76687126","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-02DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-7-55
R. Aliev
The article explores the challenges associated with the adaptation of energy policies in the Caspian region to the principles of sustainable development. In the contemporary context, the oil and gas resources of Caspian countries play a vital role in national economic development and ensuring energy security for key importing nations amidst the global reshuffling of energy flows. The author analyzes the transformative changes brought about by the energy transition within the structure of the global fuel and energy complex.The study contributes to the field by proposing an integrated approach to promoting energy sustainability in energy-exporting countries. This approach entails the adaptation of the oil and gas sector to decarbonization processes, while simultaneously embracing the development of carbon-free energy sources within a dynamically evolving geopolitical landscape. The research endeavor seeks to determine the main directions for transforming the energy policies of oil and gas producing countries in the Caspian region in response to imperatives of sustainable development.At present, the most relevant aspects of energy policy in the Caspian countries involve the further development of oil and gas projects, strict adherence to environmental standards and regulations, ensuring energy efficiency across the entire production chain, and the implementation of "operational decarbonization" measures and carbon capture and storage technologies to reduce the carbon footprint of the fuel and energy complex. Additionally, to mitigate climate risks in the Caspian region, strategic energy policy priorities should encompass resource diversification towards the advancement of carbon-free generation based on renewable energy sources.The study assesses the potential of the Caspian countries not only in implementing "operational decarbonization" measures but also in developing renewable and low-carbon energy sources. Furthermore, it examines the prospects for realizing ambitious "green" projects in the region.
{"title":"The Role of the Sustainable Development Concept in Shaping Energy Policy Transformations in the Caspian Region Countries","authors":"R. Aliev","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-7-55","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-7-55","url":null,"abstract":"The article explores the challenges associated with the adaptation of energy policies in the Caspian region to the principles of sustainable development. In the contemporary context, the oil and gas resources of Caspian countries play a vital role in national economic development and ensuring energy security for key importing nations amidst the global reshuffling of energy flows. The author analyzes the transformative changes brought about by the energy transition within the structure of the global fuel and energy complex.The study contributes to the field by proposing an integrated approach to promoting energy sustainability in energy-exporting countries. This approach entails the adaptation of the oil and gas sector to decarbonization processes, while simultaneously embracing the development of carbon-free energy sources within a dynamically evolving geopolitical landscape. The research endeavor seeks to determine the main directions for transforming the energy policies of oil and gas producing countries in the Caspian region in response to imperatives of sustainable development.At present, the most relevant aspects of energy policy in the Caspian countries involve the further development of oil and gas projects, strict adherence to environmental standards and regulations, ensuring energy efficiency across the entire production chain, and the implementation of \"operational decarbonization\" measures and carbon capture and storage technologies to reduce the carbon footprint of the fuel and energy complex. Additionally, to mitigate climate risks in the Caspian region, strategic energy policy priorities should encompass resource diversification towards the advancement of carbon-free generation based on renewable energy sources.The study assesses the potential of the Caspian countries not only in implementing \"operational decarbonization\" measures but also in developing renewable and low-carbon energy sources. Furthermore, it examines the prospects for realizing ambitious \"green\" projects in the region.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91037946","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-02DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-153-179
E. Arlyapova, E. Ponomareva
The Ukrainian crisis has reverberated throughout the troubled region of the Balkans in Southern Europe, exposing deep-seated cracks and fractures that have long characterized this geopolitical area. The crisis has not only highlighted divisions between local states but also between communities and ethno-religious groups. In many cases, these intraregional contradictions are exacerbated by external actors and their demands. This article examines the foreign policy priorities and orientations of Western Balkan capitals within the "five plus one" format states (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Serbia, and the partially recognized "Republic of Kosovo") in light of the crisis in Ukraine, illustrating the interplay between regional dynamics and international crises.Drawing on a wide range of sources, including official documents and opinion polls on foreign policy, this paper identifies regional discrepancies in the perception and assessment of the ongoing Ukrainian conflict. The study employs a historical-systemic approach and neorealism principles to discern potential directions for political institutions in the external context. The analysis reveals that a fragile "balance of threats" persists in the region, heavily influenced by the goals and interests of external actors such as the EU, NATO, the United States, Russia, and to a lesser extent, China and Turkey.The military and political disengagement observed in 2022 mirrors the alignment of local players witnessed in 2014, but with a significant difference: the West now expects all participants in the "five plus one" format to fully adhere to their joint foreign policy, including implementing restrictive measures against the Russian Federation. This presents a challenging dilemma for Belgrade and Banja Luka, as they cannot overlook the widespread support for Russia's actions among the Serbian population. Any anti-Russian steps taken by local authorities may lead to serious internal political conflicts in both Serbia and Republika Srpska, with far-reaching implications for regional stability.
{"title":"Cracks and Fault Lines: Foreign Policy Orientations of Western Balkan Capitals in the Context of the Ukrainian Crisis","authors":"E. Arlyapova, E. Ponomareva","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-153-179","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-153-179","url":null,"abstract":"The Ukrainian crisis has reverberated throughout the troubled region of the Balkans in Southern Europe, exposing deep-seated cracks and fractures that have long characterized this geopolitical area. The crisis has not only highlighted divisions between local states but also between communities and ethno-religious groups. In many cases, these intraregional contradictions are exacerbated by external actors and their demands. This article examines the foreign policy priorities and orientations of Western Balkan capitals within the \"five plus one\" format states (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Serbia, and the partially recognized \"Republic of Kosovo\") in light of the crisis in Ukraine, illustrating the interplay between regional dynamics and international crises.Drawing on a wide range of sources, including official documents and opinion polls on foreign policy, this paper identifies regional discrepancies in the perception and assessment of the ongoing Ukrainian conflict. The study employs a historical-systemic approach and neorealism principles to discern potential directions for political institutions in the external context. The analysis reveals that a fragile \"balance of threats\" persists in the region, heavily influenced by the goals and interests of external actors such as the EU, NATO, the United States, Russia, and to a lesser extent, China and Turkey.The military and political disengagement observed in 2022 mirrors the alignment of local players witnessed in 2014, but with a significant difference: the West now expects all participants in the \"five plus one\" format to fully adhere to their joint foreign policy, including implementing restrictive measures against the Russian Federation. This presents a challenging dilemma for Belgrade and Banja Luka, as they cannot overlook the widespread support for Russia's actions among the Serbian population. Any anti-Russian steps taken by local authorities may lead to serious internal political conflicts in both Serbia and Republika Srpska, with far-reaching implications for regional stability.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91182829","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Penelitian ini mencoba untuk mengkaji potensi reunifikasi Tiongkok terhadap Taiwan yang terus diperjuangkan hingga era pemerintahan Xi Jinping. Pihak Tiongkok telah melakukan berbagai upaya untuk mewujudkan reunifikasi, salah satunya dengan menawarkan model “Satu Negara Dua Sistem" yang akan menjadikan Taiwan sebagai bagian provinsi Tiongkok yang mempunyai status otonomi tinggi. Namun, Taiwan masih menolak ajakan reunifikasi dari Tiongkok. Menggunakan pendekatan teori faktor integrasi, yakni Attitudinal Factor dari Michael Haas, peneliti menemukan bahwa potensi reunifikasi akan sulit terwujud dalam waktu dekat dikarenakan perbedaan ideologi, kecurigaan Taiwan terhadap komitmen Tiongkok, menguatnya identitas Taiwan, dan adanya campur tangan Amerika Serikat. Tiongkok perlu mengubah pendekatan jika ingin merealisasikan reunifikasi dengan menghindari metode ancaman militer dan berkomitmen tinggi menghormati otonomi daerah-daerah reunifikasi sehingga mendapatkan kepercayaan penuh dari Taiwan.
{"title":"Telaah Potensi Reunifikasi Tiongkok Terhadap Taiwan: Tinjauan Teori Attitudinal Factor","authors":"Kristoforus Bagas Romualdi, Saefur Rochmat","doi":"10.24252/rir.v5i1.35279","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/rir.v5i1.35279","url":null,"abstract":"Penelitian ini mencoba untuk mengkaji potensi reunifikasi Tiongkok terhadap Taiwan yang terus diperjuangkan hingga era pemerintahan Xi Jinping. Pihak Tiongkok telah melakukan berbagai upaya untuk mewujudkan reunifikasi, salah satunya dengan menawarkan model “Satu Negara Dua Sistem\" yang akan menjadikan Taiwan sebagai bagian provinsi Tiongkok yang mempunyai status otonomi tinggi. Namun, Taiwan masih menolak ajakan reunifikasi dari Tiongkok. Menggunakan pendekatan teori faktor integrasi, yakni Attitudinal Factor dari Michael Haas, peneliti menemukan bahwa potensi reunifikasi akan sulit terwujud dalam waktu dekat dikarenakan perbedaan ideologi, kecurigaan Taiwan terhadap komitmen Tiongkok, menguatnya identitas Taiwan, dan adanya campur tangan Amerika Serikat. Tiongkok perlu mengubah pendekatan jika ingin merealisasikan reunifikasi dengan menghindari metode ancaman militer dan berkomitmen tinggi menghormati otonomi daerah-daerah reunifikasi sehingga mendapatkan kepercayaan penuh dari Taiwan.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77362673","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ellen Monica Audrey Suharyanto, Christy Damayanti, None Untari Narulita Madyar Dewi
Sejak masa pemerintahan Dinasti Tang yakni tahun 618-907, China sudah mulai menggunakan cara diplomasi soft power untuk mempengaruhi negara-negara Timur Tengah dengan menyebarkan produk-produk mereka. Sejak saat itu, China mulai mengedepankan diplomasi soft power mereka untuk menjalin hubungan dengan negara-negara lain dan didasari dengan kebudayaan yang mereka pegang cukup erat. China dan Uni Emirat Arab (UEA) menjalin kerja sama bilateral sejak tahun 1971, dan hubungan politik, ekonomi, dan komersial kedua negara telah berkembang sejak saat itu. Dengan latar belakang kebudayaan yang berbeda antara kedua negara, China menggunakan kebudayaan sebagai alat untuk berdiplomasi dengan UEA agar dapat meningkatkan hubungan dagang antara kedua negara. Penulis berusaha menjelaskan bagaimana China memanfaatkan kebudayaan sebagai jalan masuk untuk menembus kerja sama dagang dengan UEA dengan konsep diplomasi kebudayaan dan diplomasi perdagangan. Bentuk penelitian ini menggunakan metodologi penelitian kualitatif serta dengan menggunakan sumber data primer dan sekunder. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui strategi China dalam menggunakan kebudayaan sebagai jalan masuk dalam bidang perdagangan menggunakan metodologi library research. Dari analisis tersebut, dapat disimpulkan bahwa adanya diplomasi kebudayaan China terhadap UEA dengan strategi-strategi kebudayaan dalam meningkatkan hubungan dagang kedua negara, ditandai dengan penandatanganan kerja sama dan konferensi-konferensi lainnya.
{"title":"Diplomasi Kebudayaan China dalam Hubungan Dagang dengan Uni Emirat Arab","authors":"Ellen Monica Audrey Suharyanto, Christy Damayanti, None Untari Narulita Madyar Dewi","doi":"10.24252/rir.v5i1.28132","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/rir.v5i1.28132","url":null,"abstract":"Sejak masa pemerintahan Dinasti Tang yakni tahun 618-907, China sudah mulai menggunakan cara diplomasi soft power untuk mempengaruhi negara-negara Timur Tengah dengan menyebarkan produk-produk mereka. Sejak saat itu, China mulai mengedepankan diplomasi soft power mereka untuk menjalin hubungan dengan negara-negara lain dan didasari dengan kebudayaan yang mereka pegang cukup erat. China dan Uni Emirat Arab (UEA) menjalin kerja sama bilateral sejak tahun 1971, dan hubungan politik, ekonomi, dan komersial kedua negara telah berkembang sejak saat itu. Dengan latar belakang kebudayaan yang berbeda antara kedua negara, China menggunakan kebudayaan sebagai alat untuk berdiplomasi dengan UEA agar dapat meningkatkan hubungan dagang antara kedua negara. Penulis berusaha menjelaskan bagaimana China memanfaatkan kebudayaan sebagai jalan masuk untuk menembus kerja sama dagang dengan UEA dengan konsep diplomasi kebudayaan dan diplomasi perdagangan. Bentuk penelitian ini menggunakan metodologi penelitian kualitatif serta dengan menggunakan sumber data primer dan sekunder. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui strategi China dalam menggunakan kebudayaan sebagai jalan masuk dalam bidang perdagangan menggunakan metodologi library research. Dari analisis tersebut, dapat disimpulkan bahwa adanya diplomasi kebudayaan China terhadap UEA dengan strategi-strategi kebudayaan dalam meningkatkan hubungan dagang kedua negara, ditandai dengan penandatanganan kerja sama dan konferensi-konferensi lainnya.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136065992","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui perubahan pola pembayaran dalam industri pariwisata di kabupaten Banyumas berbasis cashless management system pada saat pandemi Covid-19. Pariwisata adalah salah satu sektor yang terdampak akibat pandemi Covid-19. Dalam menyikapi pandemi Covid-19, pariwisata Indonesia dengan cepat melakukan adaptasi terhadap berbagai perubahan yang terjadi, termasuk dalam pola transaksi. Kabupaten Banyumas menjadi salah satu daerah yang terkenal akan potensi industri pariwisatanya sehingga penulis akan menganalisis lebih lanjut mengenai upaya industri pariwisata Banyumas dalam menghadapi perubahan pola transaksi yang terjadi saat pandemi Covid-19. Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep cashless management system dalam menganalisis upaya industri pariwisata Banyumas dalam menyikapi perubahan pola transaksi yang terjadi. Metode yang digunakan dalam penulisan ini adalah kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus. Teknik pengumpulan data menggunakan metode studi kepustakaan. Penelitian menunjukkan bahwa industri pariwisata Banyumas menyikapi perubahan pola transaksi dengan menerapkan cashless management system untuk menciptakan rasa aman dan nyaman bagi wsiatawan yang ingin berwisata di daerah Banyumas. Selain itu, penerapan cashless management system juga dilakukan untuk mewadahi masyarakat yang ingin melakukan transaksi non-tunai dan secara tidak langsung penerapan cashless management system akan membentuk iklim keuangan yang transparan dan akuntabel.
{"title":"Pandemi Covid 19 dan Perubahan Pola Pembayaran dalam Industri Pariwisata di Kabupaten Banyumas Berbasis Cashless Management System","authors":"M. Yamin, Ratna Ningtyas, I. P. A. Aditia Utama","doi":"10.24252/rir.v5i1.35665","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/rir.v5i1.35665","url":null,"abstract":"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui perubahan pola pembayaran dalam industri pariwisata di kabupaten Banyumas berbasis cashless management system pada saat pandemi Covid-19. Pariwisata adalah salah satu sektor yang terdampak akibat pandemi Covid-19. Dalam menyikapi pandemi Covid-19, pariwisata Indonesia dengan cepat melakukan adaptasi terhadap berbagai perubahan yang terjadi, termasuk dalam pola transaksi. Kabupaten Banyumas menjadi salah satu daerah yang terkenal akan potensi industri pariwisatanya sehingga penulis akan menganalisis lebih lanjut mengenai upaya industri pariwisata Banyumas dalam menghadapi perubahan pola transaksi yang terjadi saat pandemi Covid-19. Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep cashless management system dalam menganalisis upaya industri pariwisata Banyumas dalam menyikapi perubahan pola transaksi yang terjadi. Metode yang digunakan dalam penulisan ini adalah kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus. Teknik pengumpulan data menggunakan metode studi kepustakaan. Penelitian menunjukkan bahwa industri pariwisata Banyumas menyikapi perubahan pola transaksi dengan menerapkan cashless management system untuk menciptakan rasa aman dan nyaman bagi wsiatawan yang ingin berwisata di daerah Banyumas. Selain itu, penerapan cashless management system juga dilakukan untuk mewadahi masyarakat yang ingin melakukan transaksi non-tunai dan secara tidak langsung penerapan cashless management system akan membentuk iklim keuangan yang transparan dan akuntabel.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83118893","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper asseses Indonesian and US approach toward Myanmar democratisation as consequences of globalisation of democracy. The US put pressure and political and economic boycott toward Myanmar to push democratisation process. In other hand, Indonesia insist that democratisation in Myanmar part of its domestic affair and no need foreign intervention. This approach is in line with basic principles of ASEAN including to build constructive engagement with Myanmar. Indonesian approach seems more suitable to create changes toward demoratisation in the Myanmar.
{"title":"Pendekatan Indonesia dan Amerika Serikat Terhadap Proses Demokratisasi Myanmar","authors":"A. Setiawan, Laode Muhamad Fathun","doi":"10.24252/rir.v5i1.34434","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/rir.v5i1.34434","url":null,"abstract":"The paper asseses Indonesian and US approach toward Myanmar democratisation as consequences of globalisation of democracy. The US put pressure and political and economic boycott toward Myanmar to push democratisation process. In other hand, Indonesia insist that democratisation in Myanmar part of its domestic affair and no need foreign intervention. This approach is in line with basic principles of ASEAN including to build constructive engagement with Myanmar. Indonesian approach seems more suitable to create changes toward demoratisation in the Myanmar.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73917024","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The old economic globalization has come to a halt. Most scholars have considered the current model of economic globalization, and the new path of globalization is to inherit the parts of neoliberal economic globalization that benefit economic growth while reforming the parts that are insufficient. Many academics have backed China's "Belt and Road" initiative (BRI) as a platform for jointly exploring a new type of globalization in this context. Based on a brief overview of the economic globalization development process, this article investigates how the BRI reflects the characteristics of inclusive globalization in its policies. Equal opportunity, balanced benefits, shared development, and openness are the four characteristics investigated. This article demonstrates, using qualitative methods and a literature review, that BRI has fulfilled all of these characteristics of inclusive globalization, with a wide range of programs carried out under the BRI scheme. In Exconclusion, BRI can be used as a "role model" for implementing inclusive globalization.
{"title":"Inclusive Globalization and The Belt and Road Initiative","authors":"Jingyi Xie","doi":"10.24252/rir.v5i1.34115","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/rir.v5i1.34115","url":null,"abstract":"The old economic globalization has come to a halt. Most scholars have considered the current model of economic globalization, and the new path of globalization is to inherit the parts of neoliberal economic globalization that benefit economic growth while reforming the parts that are insufficient. Many academics have backed China's \"Belt and Road\" initiative (BRI) as a platform for jointly exploring a new type of globalization in this context. Based on a brief overview of the economic globalization development process, this article investigates how the BRI reflects the characteristics of inclusive globalization in its policies. Equal opportunity, balanced benefits, shared development, and openness are the four characteristics investigated. This article demonstrates, using qualitative methods and a literature review, that BRI has fulfilled all of these characteristics of inclusive globalization, with a wide range of programs carried out under the BRI scheme. In Exconclusion, BRI can be used as a \"role model\" for implementing inclusive globalization.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88847896","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Etnis Rohingya merupakan salah satu etnis paling sensitif di dunia diakibatkan oleh kekerasan yang didapatkan oleh etnis tersebut di wilayahnya sendiri, bahkan pada akhirnya orang-orang dari etnis ini menjadi stateless akibat dari kebijakan yang dikeluarkan oleh Pemerintah Myanmmmar. Indonesia sebagai salah satu negara yang menjunjung tinggi serta mengangkat nilai Hak Asasi Manusia sekaligus menjadi pemimpin di Asia Tenggara, di bawah kepemimpinan Jokowi, Indonesia berusaha untuk menunjukan keikutsertaanya dalam upaya penyelesaian konflik yang telah berlangsung lama ini dengan berbagai upaya yang mengedepankan kemanusiaan dan perdamaian seperti dengan cara mengeluarkan kebijakan luar negeri dengan diplomasi, serta alokasi bantuan luar negeri dengan fokus kemusiaan yang banyak diberikan kepada orang-orang dari etnis tersebut. Hal tersebut kemudian memunculkan pertanyaan tentang bagaimana peranan yang diberikan oleh pemerintah Indonesia di era Jokowi dengan melalui banyaknya bantuan kemusiaan yang diberikan oleh Indonesia kepada etnis tersebut. Metode deskriptif kualitatif dipilih untuk menjelaskan penelitian ini dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui kajian pustaka serta menggunakan pendekatan pada konsep kebijakan dan bantuan luar negeri serta teori alokasi bantuan. Hasil dari penelitian ini sendiri menunjukan adanya significant contribution yang dilakukan oleh Indonesia dalam menanggapi konflik tersebut.
{"title":"Analisis Peranan Indonesia dalam Pemberian Bantuan Kemanusiaan Terhadap Etnis Rohingya di Era Jokowi","authors":"Nadia Tia Pramita, M. S. Zahidi","doi":"10.24252/rir.v5i1.34500","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/rir.v5i1.34500","url":null,"abstract":"Etnis Rohingya merupakan salah satu etnis paling sensitif di dunia diakibatkan oleh kekerasan yang didapatkan oleh etnis tersebut di wilayahnya sendiri, bahkan pada akhirnya orang-orang dari etnis ini menjadi stateless akibat dari kebijakan yang dikeluarkan oleh Pemerintah Myanmmmar. Indonesia sebagai salah satu negara yang menjunjung tinggi serta mengangkat nilai Hak Asasi Manusia sekaligus menjadi pemimpin di Asia Tenggara, di bawah kepemimpinan Jokowi, Indonesia berusaha untuk menunjukan keikutsertaanya dalam upaya penyelesaian konflik yang telah berlangsung lama ini dengan berbagai upaya yang mengedepankan kemanusiaan dan perdamaian seperti dengan cara mengeluarkan kebijakan luar negeri dengan diplomasi, serta alokasi bantuan luar negeri dengan fokus kemusiaan yang banyak diberikan kepada orang-orang dari etnis tersebut. Hal tersebut kemudian memunculkan pertanyaan tentang bagaimana peranan yang diberikan oleh pemerintah Indonesia di era Jokowi dengan melalui banyaknya bantuan kemusiaan yang diberikan oleh Indonesia kepada etnis tersebut. Metode deskriptif kualitatif dipilih untuk menjelaskan penelitian ini dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui kajian pustaka serta menggunakan pendekatan pada konsep kebijakan dan bantuan luar negeri serta teori alokasi bantuan. Hasil dari penelitian ini sendiri menunjukan adanya significant contribution yang dilakukan oleh Indonesia dalam menanggapi konflik tersebut.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81584086","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-24DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-2-89-65-86
Sergei Lukonin
Due to the breakdown in relations between Russia and major Western countries, Moscow is compelled to take extraordinary measures to reorient its political, trade, and economic ties. Due to its large and diversified economy and geographical proximity, China is increasingly becoming Russia's primary partner. Therefore, assessing the main outcomes of Russian-Chinese cooperation in trade, finance, economics, and science is crucial while identifying their achievements and probable limitations for further development. China has been Russia's largest trading partner for over a decade, importing mainly mineral products while exporting advanced technical products. In 2022, statistics indicate that the roles of Russia and China in bilateral trade have remained unchanged. China has further solidified its position as Russia's primary supplier of high-tech equipment, while Russia continues to be one of China's primary sources of gas and oil. China accounts for around 20% of the total foreign trade volume of the Russian Federation, while Russia's share in Chinese foreign trade turnover is about 3%. Although evaluating mutual direct and accumulated investments is challenging, it can be argued that China is among Russia's largest investors, whereas Russia's direct and accumulated investments in China, while likely higher than official estimates, are still relatively insignificant. The scope of cooperation between the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China in the scientific and technological sectors is narrowing, although additional incentives for expansion have emerged amid the heightened USChinese strategic rivalry and the crisis between Russia and the West. Russian-Chinese cooperation in the financial sector has had some successes, primarily the expansion of the use of national currencies in bilateral trade. However, this expansion is significantly limited by anti-Russian sanctions. In the current international climate, Russian-Chinese relations have the potential to deepen, but doing so will necessitate the creation of various mechanisms that enable large Chinese companies to avoid secondary sanctions.
{"title":"Russia-China Relations: An Asymmetrical Partnership?","authors":"Sergei Lukonin","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-2-89-65-86","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-2-89-65-86","url":null,"abstract":"Due to the breakdown in relations between Russia and major Western countries, Moscow is compelled to take extraordinary measures to reorient its political, trade, and economic ties. Due to its large and diversified economy and geographical proximity, China is increasingly becoming Russia's primary partner. Therefore, assessing the main outcomes of Russian-Chinese cooperation in trade, finance, economics, and science is crucial while identifying their achievements and probable limitations for further development. China has been Russia's largest trading partner for over a decade, importing mainly mineral products while exporting advanced technical products. In 2022, statistics indicate that the roles of Russia and China in bilateral trade have remained unchanged. China has further solidified its position as Russia's primary supplier of high-tech equipment, while Russia continues to be one of China's primary sources of gas and oil. China accounts for around 20% of the total foreign trade volume of the Russian Federation, while Russia's share in Chinese foreign trade turnover is about 3%. Although evaluating mutual direct and accumulated investments is challenging, it can be argued that China is among Russia's largest investors, whereas Russia's direct and accumulated investments in China, while likely higher than official estimates, are still relatively insignificant. The scope of cooperation between the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China in the scientific and technological sectors is narrowing, although additional incentives for expansion have emerged amid the heightened USChinese strategic rivalry and the crisis between Russia and the West. Russian-Chinese cooperation in the financial sector has had some successes, primarily the expansion of the use of national currencies in bilateral trade. However, this expansion is significantly limited by anti-Russian sanctions. In the current international climate, Russian-Chinese relations have the potential to deepen, but doing so will necessitate the creation of various mechanisms that enable large Chinese companies to avoid secondary sanctions.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73428499","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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