Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.1.16
Ilya V. Semenenko-Basin, Stefano Caprio
The article is devoted to the menologion (calendar of saints) compiled in the 20th century for Russian Byzantine Catholics. The latter are a church community with its own Byzantine-Slavic worship and piety, which follow both the Catholic and the Eastern spiritual traditions. Like the entire liturgical literature of the Russian Eastern Catholics, the menologion was created in Rome under the auspices of the Congregation for Eastern Churches, as part of the activities of the Russian Catholic Apostolate, i.e., of the mission of the Catholic Church addressed to Russia and the Russian diaspora in the world. The corpus of service books for Russian, Bulgarian and Serbian Eastern Catholics was called Recensio Vulgata. The menologion under study is contained in the books of Recensio Vulgata and was compiled on the basis of the Orthodox menologia of pre-revolutionary Russia. The compilers of the Byzantine-Catholic menologion did not just select Russian liturgical memories in a certain way, they also included the names of several martyrs of the Eastern Catholic Churches and some additional commemorations of Western saints. According to the compilers of the menologion, the history of Catholic (orthodox) holiness in North-Eastern Russia ended at the turn of the 1440s, when the Principality of Moscow and the Novgorod Republic abandoned the Union of Florence. The menologion reflects the era after the Union of Florence in the events that show the invariable patronage of the Mother of God over the people and the Russian land. The Recensio Vulgata menologion (RVM) contains twelve Russia-specific holidays that honor icons of the Mother of God, nine of which celebrate the events of the period from the late 15th to the 17th centuries. The compilers of the menologion created a well-devised system in which the East Slavic saints, the ancient saints of the Byzantine menologion, the Latin teachers of the Church, the saints of the Byzantine Catholic churches of different eras all are subject to harmonious logic, and harmony serves to organize the whole.
{"title":"Russian Liturgical Memories in the Slavic Byzantine-Catholic Menologion (Recensio Vulgata) of the Mid-20th Century","authors":"Ilya V. Semenenko-Basin, Stefano Caprio","doi":"10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.1.16","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.1.16","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the menologion (calendar of saints) compiled in the 20th century for Russian Byzantine Catholics. The latter are a church community with its own Byzantine-Slavic worship and piety, which follow both the Catholic and the Eastern spiritual traditions. Like the entire liturgical literature of the Russian Eastern Catholics, the menologion was created in Rome under the auspices of the Congregation for Eastern Churches, as part of the activities of the Russian Catholic Apostolate, i.e., of the mission of the Catholic Church addressed to Russia and the Russian diaspora in the world. The corpus of service books for Russian, Bulgarian and Serbian Eastern Catholics was called Recensio Vulgata. The menologion under study is contained in the books of Recensio Vulgata and was compiled on the basis of the Orthodox menologia of pre-revolutionary Russia. The compilers of the Byzantine-Catholic menologion did not just select Russian liturgical memories in a certain way, they also included the names of several martyrs of the Eastern Catholic Churches and some additional commemorations of Western saints. According to the compilers of the menologion, the history of Catholic (orthodox) holiness in North-Eastern Russia ended at the turn of the 1440s, when the Principality of Moscow and the Novgorod Republic abandoned the Union of Florence. The menologion reflects the era after the Union of Florence in the events that show the invariable patronage of the Mother of God over the people and the Russian land. The Recensio Vulgata menologion (RVM) contains twelve Russia-specific holidays that honor icons of the Mother of God, nine of which celebrate the events of the period from the late 15th to the 17th centuries. The compilers of the menologion created a well-devised system in which the East Slavic saints, the ancient saints of the Byzantine menologion, the Latin teachers of the Church, the saints of the Byzantine Catholic churches of different eras all are subject to harmonious logic, and harmony serves to organize the whole.","PeriodicalId":42189,"journal":{"name":"Slovene-International Journal of Slavic Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69618902","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.1.8
D. Polonski, D. N. Ramazanova
The article discusses the identification of textual and pictorial sources that were used in 1717 by the famous Serbian writer Gabriel Stefanović Venclović (c. 1680 – c. 1749) to compile a handwritten textbook containing a collection of elementary knowledge on the Slavonic language, grammar, and the basics of the Orthodox faith. According to our study, Gabriel used several educational and liturgical books published in Kiev, Lvov, and Moscow. In particular, we conclude that the school book issued from the Kiev-Pechersk Lavra printing office in 1705 served as the primary source for Venclović’s Primer. We also analyzed how Gabriel adapted the syllabic verses written by the poet Karion Istomin from Moscow, containing sententious examples for different Slavic letters. In our opinion, it is Venclović’s handwritten textbook, but not the famous Venetian edition of 1597, that should be interpreted as the first Serbian Primer.
{"title":"East Slavonic Sources of the First Serbian Primer Composed by Gabriel Stefanović Venclović (1717)","authors":"D. Polonski, D. N. Ramazanova","doi":"10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.1.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.1.8","url":null,"abstract":"The article discusses the identification of textual and pictorial sources that were used in 1717 by the famous Serbian writer Gabriel Stefanović Venclović (c. 1680 – c. 1749) to compile a handwritten textbook containing a collection of elementary knowledge on the Slavonic language, grammar, and the basics of the Orthodox faith. According to our study, Gabriel used several educational and liturgical books published in Kiev, Lvov, and Moscow. In particular, we conclude that the school book issued from the Kiev-Pechersk Lavra printing office in 1705 served as the primary source for Venclović’s Primer. We also analyzed how Gabriel adapted the syllabic verses written by the poet Karion Istomin from Moscow, containing sententious examples for different Slavic letters. In our opinion, it is Venclović’s handwritten textbook, but not the famous Venetian edition of 1597, that should be interpreted as the first Serbian Primer.","PeriodicalId":42189,"journal":{"name":"Slovene-International Journal of Slavic Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69619127","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.2.11
Roman V. Ronko
In this paper we will consider a construction with a preposition na (on) and an addressee of speech with verbs govorit’ (to speak) and skazat’ (to say) in some Southern Russian and Western Russian dialects. In standard Russian, the semantic role of the addressee of speech is marked with the dative case. We will focus on the examples from Russian dialects that use a different marker of the addressee of speech: the preposition na with the accusative case. The research is based on the data extracted from several dialectal corpora, including the Rogovatka corpus, (Starooskolsky district, Belgorod region) the Malinino corpus (Khlevinsky district, Lipetsk region), and the Opochka corpus (Opochecky district, Pskov region). Thus, we analyzed Western Russian (Opochka corpus) and Southern Russian data (Rogovatka and Malinino corpus). Constructions with the preposition na can have several meanings that can be distinguished into 2 groups: contexts with invectives and contexts that contain an impulse (motivation) to action. In the paper, we will consider these two groups of meanings as three stages of a semantic shift. We can suggest that the metaphorical transition of the construction occurs as follows: 1. A surface of a real physical object; 2. A sound wave on a surface, in which the addressee of speech acts with a component of aggression; 3. Influence and control of this addressee.
{"title":"Na with the Accusative: Marking the Addressee of Speech in some Western and Southern Russian Dialects","authors":"Roman V. Ronko","doi":"10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.2.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.2.11","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper we will consider a construction with a preposition na (on) and an addressee of speech with verbs govorit’ (to speak) and skazat’ (to say) in some Southern Russian and Western Russian dialects. In standard Russian, the semantic role of the addressee of speech is marked with the dative case. We will focus on the examples from Russian dialects that use a different marker of the addressee of speech: the preposition na with the accusative case. The research is based on the data extracted from several dialectal corpora, including the Rogovatka corpus, (Starooskolsky district, Belgorod region) the Malinino corpus (Khlevinsky district, Lipetsk region), and the Opochka corpus (Opochecky district, Pskov region). Thus, we analyzed Western Russian (Opochka corpus) and Southern Russian data (Rogovatka and Malinino corpus). Constructions with the preposition na can have several meanings that can be distinguished into 2 groups: contexts with invectives and contexts that contain an impulse (motivation) to action. In the paper, we will consider these two groups of meanings as three stages of a semantic shift. We can suggest that the metaphorical transition of the construction occurs as follows: 1. A surface of a real physical object; 2. A sound wave on a surface, in which the addressee of speech acts with a component of aggression; 3. Influence and control of this addressee.","PeriodicalId":42189,"journal":{"name":"Slovene-International Journal of Slavic Studies","volume":"45 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69619920","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.2.2
M. Bobrik, Viktor K. Singkh
In the summer of 2020, a fragment of a cow's rib with a Cyrillic inscription was found at excavations in Novgorod. The place of the find is one of the richest boyar estates in the Lyudin quarter of medieval Novgorod. The time of the document hitting the ground is the last quarter of the 13th—the first twenty years of the 14th century. The inscription is fully preserved, it contains a whole readable message. The historical and cultural value of the find lies in the content of its compact inscription: it is unique evidence of a bride-price agreement. The terminology is of value: the bride, on whose behalf the text is written, and the groom (addressee) are designated not by their own names (Christian or pre-Christian), but by the images of the ritual folklore of the wedding — kuna ‘marten’ (she) and sobol’a ‘sable’ (he). The bride-price is no less interesting. The text communicates an idea of a dialogue between the two sides of the marriage ritual. The new evidence of the matrimonial rites and the associated oral-written communication expands our understanding of this sphere of medieval culture and allows us to correct some interpretations of the few birch bark letters on the topic of marriage.
2020年夏天，在诺夫哥罗德的挖掘中发现了一块刻有西里尔字母铭文的牛肋骨碎片。发现地点是中世纪诺夫哥罗德的柳丁区最富有的波雅尔庄园之一。这份文件落地的时间是13世纪的最后25年，也就是14世纪的头20年。碑文保存完好，包含了完整的可读信息。这一发现的历史和文化价值在于其紧凑的铭文内容:这是一份彩礼协议的独特证据。术语是有价值的:文本是代表新娘写的，新郎(收信人)不是通过他们自己的名字(基督教或前基督教)来指定的，而是通过婚礼仪式民间传说的形象来指定的——kuna ' marten '(她)和sobol ' a ' sable '(他)。彩礼也同样有趣。这篇文章传达了一种婚姻仪式双方对话的想法。婚礼仪式和相关的口头-书面交流的新证据扩大了我们对中世纪文化领域的理解，并使我们能够纠正对少数关于婚姻主题的桦树皮信件的一些解释。
{"title":"A Witness of the Matrimonial Rituals from Old Novgorod. Inscription on a Bone from the 13th Century Excavated 2020","authors":"M. Bobrik, Viktor K. Singkh","doi":"10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.2.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.2.2","url":null,"abstract":"In the summer of 2020, a fragment of a cow's rib with a Cyrillic inscription was found at excavations in Novgorod. The place of the find is one of the richest boyar estates in the Lyudin quarter of medieval Novgorod. The time of the document hitting the ground is the last quarter of the 13th—the first twenty years of the 14th century. The inscription is fully preserved, it contains a whole readable message. The historical and cultural value of the find lies in the content of its compact inscription: it is unique evidence of a bride-price agreement. The terminology is of value: the bride, on whose behalf the text is written, and the groom (addressee) are designated not by their own names (Christian or pre-Christian), but by the images of the ritual folklore of the wedding — kuna ‘marten’ (she) and sobol’a ‘sable’ (he). The bride-price is no less interesting. The text communicates an idea of a dialogue between the two sides of the marriage ritual. The new evidence of the matrimonial rites and the associated oral-written communication expands our understanding of this sphere of medieval culture and allows us to correct some interpretations of the few birch bark letters on the topic of marriage.","PeriodicalId":42189,"journal":{"name":"Slovene-International Journal of Slavic Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69620038","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.1.12
S. Polekhov, C. Squires
The paper presents a missive from the Grand Duke of Moscow Ivan III declaring war to the Grand Duke of Lithuania Aleksander Jagiellończyk on June the 24th, 1500. The missive, so far unaccounted in scientific publications, survives in a Middle Low German translation kept in the archive of the Hanseatic City of Lübeck. The declaration of war is motivated by alleged injustices done to Ivan III, to his subjects and to his daughter Elena Ivanovna, who was Aleksander’s wife. Judging by the particular dialect of Low German, the translation was made in Lübeck. Its literality allows conclusions about the content of the original missive and the sources on which it was based. Analysis shows that the arguments included complaints formulated by Muscovite diplomats after the conclusion of the ‘eternal peace’ of 1494, beginning with the negotiations in 1495. Compared to indirect and short textual evidence available so far, this document gives a fuller picture of the events, including a more precise date of the beginning of the Muscovite-Lithuanian War of 1500–1503: brought together, all sources show that the declaration was made by Ivan III with considerable delay, months after warfare had begun. The document also demonstrates how the 15th-century Russian state used official documentation in its foreign policy and which role the emerging bureaucratic class played in it. The published document is accompanied by a Russian translation.
{"title":"Casus belli. Ivan the Third’s Declaration of War to Aleksander Jagiellończyk, June 24th, 1500","authors":"S. Polekhov, C. Squires","doi":"10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.1.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.1.12","url":null,"abstract":"The paper presents a missive from the Grand Duke of Moscow Ivan III declaring war to the Grand Duke of Lithuania Aleksander Jagiellończyk on June the 24th, 1500. The missive, so far unaccounted in scientific publications, survives in a Middle Low German translation kept in the archive of the Hanseatic City of Lübeck. The declaration of war is motivated by alleged injustices done to Ivan III, to his subjects and to his daughter Elena Ivanovna, who was Aleksander’s wife. Judging by the particular dialect of Low German, the translation was made in Lübeck. Its literality allows conclusions about the content of the original missive and the sources on which it was based. Analysis shows that the arguments included complaints formulated by Muscovite diplomats after the conclusion of the ‘eternal peace’ of 1494, beginning with the negotiations in 1495. Compared to indirect and short textual evidence available so far, this document gives a fuller picture of the events, including a more precise date of the beginning of the Muscovite-Lithuanian War of 1500–1503: brought together, all sources show that the declaration was made by Ivan III with considerable delay, months after warfare had begun. The document also demonstrates how the 15th-century Russian state used official documentation in its foreign policy and which role the emerging bureaucratic class played in it. The published document is accompanied by a Russian translation.","PeriodicalId":42189,"journal":{"name":"Slovene-International Journal of Slavic Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69618734","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.1.18
Heng Fu
The article presents an analysis of Antioch Cantemir’s Russian translation of the historical work of Marcus Junianus Justinus, written in Latin. In the first part of the article, we establish the sources that became the basis of translation. We conclude that the sources for Cantemir were the Latin edition of 1719 and the French edition translated by Louis Ferrier de La Martinière. Then Cantemir’s style of translation is analyzed. To determine the peculiarity of Cantemir’s text, we compare it with Nikita Popov’s translation. The conclusion is made that the tendency of “simple language” is manifested in the translation of Cantemir.
{"title":"Prose Translation of Justin’s “History” by Antiochus Cantemir","authors":"Heng Fu","doi":"10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.1.18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.1.18","url":null,"abstract":"The article presents an analysis of Antioch Cantemir’s Russian translation of the historical work of Marcus Junianus Justinus, written in Latin. In the first part of the article, we establish the sources that became the basis of translation. We conclude that the sources for Cantemir were the Latin edition of 1719 and the French edition translated by Louis Ferrier de La Martinière. Then Cantemir’s style of translation is analyzed. To determine the peculiarity of Cantemir’s text, we compare it with Nikita Popov’s translation. The conclusion is made that the tendency of “simple language” is manifested in the translation of Cantemir.","PeriodicalId":42189,"journal":{"name":"Slovene-International Journal of Slavic Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69618953","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.1.7
B. Uspenskij
The article is devoted to the portraits of Princess Sophia Alekseyevna placed in the representation of the two-headed eagle (so-called portraits “in the eagle”). There are three paintings of this kind and an engraving (the latter has not survived). The engraving was made by Leon or Alexander Tarassevich in 1689 (it is not excluded that Alexander Tarassevich and Leon Tarassevich were one and the same person with a double name) while the portraits seem to have been modelled on the engraving. The composition in question has undoubtedly a Western prototype: the portraits of Sophia Alekseyevna imitated a portrait of Leopold I, the Holy Roman emperor. However in the Russian context the portraits of the Princess could be perceived as a modification of the Russian coat of arms where traditionally there was an image of the monarch within the two-headed eagle. There are grounds to believe that the portraits were intended for the coronation of Sophia Alekseyevna which seems to be planned on the 1st of September 1689.
{"title":"From a Coat of Arms to a Parsuna (Portrait of Princess Sophia Alekseуevna “in the Eagle”)","authors":"B. Uspenskij","doi":"10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.1.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.1.7","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the portraits of Princess Sophia Alekseyevna placed in the representation of the two-headed eagle (so-called portraits “in the eagle”). There are three paintings of this kind and an engraving (the latter has not survived). The engraving was made by Leon or Alexander Tarassevich in 1689 (it is not excluded that Alexander Tarassevich and Leon Tarassevich were one and the same person with a double name) while the portraits seem to have been modelled on the engraving. The composition in question has undoubtedly a Western prototype: the portraits of Sophia Alekseyevna imitated a portrait of Leopold I, the Holy Roman emperor. However in the Russian context the portraits of the Princess could be perceived as a modification of the Russian coat of arms where traditionally there was an image of the monarch within the two-headed eagle. There are grounds to believe that the portraits were intended for the coronation of Sophia Alekseyevna which seems to be planned on the 1st of September 1689.","PeriodicalId":42189,"journal":{"name":"Slovene-International Journal of Slavic Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69619078","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.2.3
Katarína Džunková
The New Testament translation from the mid-15th century attributed to the Utraquist priest and diplomat Martin Lupáč represents the first phase of the 4th redaction of the Old Czech Bible translation. It served as a model for the Prague Bible (1488) — the first printed Slavic Bible.The aim of the present work is to detect specific features of Lupáč’s translation method by comparing his texts with four editions of the Old Czech Bible translation. In addition we aim to verify Lupáč’s authorship of the translation, previously attributed to him on the basis of insufficient evidence, by comparing it with two Czech texts written by him. Our results show that Lupáč’s translation contains a number of grammatical innovations that were consciously used to make the Bible content more accessible to the contemporary recipients, e.g., using iterative verbs instead of disappearing imperfect tense, using compound sentences with a finite verb instead of Latin nominal constructions. We detected vocabulary specific for the 15th century (currency, units of measurement, names of feasts), additional explanatory notes, precise translations of non-specific Latin verbs, stylistic dissimilation, and German and new bohemicized Latin loanwords. In addition, in Lupáč’s translation of the Pauline Epistles we found traces of Utraquist theology. We compare the language of two Czech tractates written by Lupáč with the New Testament translation attributed to him, but the degree of similarity is not sufficient to confirm the attribution. In conclusion, Lupáč’s New Testament is a vivid and explanatory translation with unique stylistic figures. Some innovations were so unusual that they were omitted in the Prague Bible created by Utraquists 40 years later.
{"title":"The New Testament translation by Martin Lupáč (ca. 1450): Questions of language and authorship","authors":"Katarína Džunková","doi":"10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.2.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.2.3","url":null,"abstract":"The New Testament translation from the mid-15th century attributed to the Utraquist priest and diplomat Martin Lupáč represents the first phase of the 4th redaction of the Old Czech Bible translation. It served as a model for the Prague Bible (1488) — the first printed Slavic Bible.The aim of the present work is to detect specific features of Lupáč’s translation method by comparing his texts with four editions of the Old Czech Bible translation. In addition we aim to verify Lupáč’s authorship of the translation, previously attributed to him on the basis of insufficient evidence, by comparing it with two Czech texts written by him. Our results show that Lupáč’s translation contains a number of grammatical innovations that were consciously used to make the Bible content more accessible to the contemporary recipients, e.g., using iterative verbs instead of disappearing imperfect tense, using compound sentences with a finite verb instead of Latin nominal constructions. We detected vocabulary specific for the 15th century (currency, units of measurement, names of feasts), additional explanatory notes, precise translations of non-specific Latin verbs, stylistic dissimilation, and German and new bohemicized Latin loanwords. In addition, in Lupáč’s translation of the Pauline Epistles we found traces of Utraquist theology. We compare the language of two Czech tractates written by Lupáč with the New Testament translation attributed to him, but the degree of similarity is not sufficient to confirm the attribution. In conclusion, Lupáč’s New Testament is a vivid and explanatory translation with unique stylistic figures. Some innovations were so unusual that they were omitted in the Prague Bible created by Utraquists 40 years later.","PeriodicalId":42189,"journal":{"name":"Slovene-International Journal of Slavic Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69620078","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.1.5
D. Bulanin
There are different opinions about when and under which circumstances the baptism of Rus took place. Opinions were differing already in the sixteenth century, when a version extracted from the Chronicle by Joannes Zonaras has been added to the assumptions that existed on this point. According to Zonaras’ version, during the reign of Emperor Vasily the Macedonian a bishop has been sent to Rus in order to convert the pagans. The pagans started to express doubts about the Christian faith, and the bishop, at their request, had to throw the Gospel into the fire. The book miraculously remained unharmed, and the barbarians adopted the Christianity. This story penetrated into the Moscow literary corpus through two channels — with a selection from the Chronicle’s Serbian translation, this selection being called “Paralipomenon”, and with the translation of excerpts from the Chronicle that were made by Maxim the Greek. The learned abba suggested to start the history of Russian Christianity from the Gospel’s Miracle, and not with the capture of Korsun, the event about which Greek sources say nothing. The shocking proposal of Maxim the Greek was not accepted. Still, the Miracle with the Gospel entered into the series of incidents, that were considered to constitute the long history of Rus baptism. The episode was regularly reproduced first in Muscovy historical compilations, and then in West Russian anti-Catholic polemical writings. The multi-steps (up to six stages) Christianization, stretched for two centuries and overwhelmed with different legends troubles the mind of historians who operate with the categories of modernism. From their point of view stretching of the kind is identical to a devaluation of the baptism sacrament. On the contrary, in the Middle Ages this situation was perceived as a sign of the inexhaustible mercy from the side of the Providence toward beloved nation.
{"title":"“Paralipomenon” by Joannes Zonaras and the First Baptism of Rus","authors":"D. Bulanin","doi":"10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.1.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.1.5","url":null,"abstract":"There are different opinions about when and under which circumstances the baptism of Rus took place. Opinions were differing already in the sixteenth century, when a version extracted from the Chronicle by Joannes Zonaras has been added to the assumptions that existed on this point. According to Zonaras’ version, during the reign of Emperor Vasily the Macedonian a bishop has been sent to Rus in order to convert the pagans. The pagans started to express doubts about the Christian faith, and the bishop, at their request, had to throw the Gospel into the fire. The book miraculously remained unharmed, and the barbarians adopted the Christianity. This story penetrated into the Moscow literary corpus through two channels — with a selection from the Chronicle’s Serbian translation, this selection being called “Paralipomenon”, and with the translation of excerpts from the Chronicle that were made by Maxim the Greek. The learned abba suggested to start the history of Russian Christianity from the Gospel’s Miracle, and not with the capture of Korsun, the event about which Greek sources say nothing. The shocking proposal of Maxim the Greek was not accepted. Still, the Miracle with the Gospel entered into the series of incidents, that were considered to constitute the long history of Rus baptism. The episode was regularly reproduced first in Muscovy historical compilations, and then in West Russian anti-Catholic polemical writings. The multi-steps (up to six stages) Christianization, stretched for two centuries and overwhelmed with different legends troubles the mind of historians who operate with the categories of modernism. From their point of view stretching of the kind is identical to a devaluation of the baptism sacrament. On the contrary, in the Middle Ages this situation was perceived as a sign of the inexhaustible mercy from the side of the Providence toward beloved nation.","PeriodicalId":42189,"journal":{"name":"Slovene-International Journal of Slavic Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69618931","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.2.15
K. Lappo-Danilevskii
[Rev. of: Kafanova O. B., Perevody N. M. Karamzina kak kul’turnyi universum. St. Petersburg: Aleteiia, 2020. 356 p. (in Russian)] O. B. Kafanova’s monograph «N. M. Karamzin’s translations as a cultural universe» (2020) is the result of many years of comparative studies. Numerous articles on the topic preceded this book, which covers the period from 1783 to 1800. In the beginning Karamzin had good knowledge of French and German only so that he used numerous intermediaries in these languages to acquaint the Russian audience with world literature (ancient and eastern poetry, dramas of Shakespeare, Ossian etc.). Only in the final decade of the eighteenth century did Karamzin begin to draw on texts in English and Italian for these purposes. Among other things, the review establishes some previously unknown sources of Karamzin’s translations. V. I. Simankov’s supplemental list pursues the same objective.
[Rev.]卡法诺瓦O. B.， Perevody N. M. Karamzina。圣彼得堡:Aleteiia, 2020。(俄文)]O. B.卡法诺瓦的专著《N。卡拉姆津的《作为一个文化宇宙的翻译》(2020)是多年比较研究的结果。在这本书之前，有许多关于这个主题的文章，涵盖了从1783年到1800年的时期。一开始，卡拉姆津只懂法语和德语，所以他使用了许多这两种语言的媒介来让俄罗斯观众熟悉世界文学(古代和东方诗歌、莎士比亚戏剧、奥西翁戏剧等)。直到18世纪的最后十年，卡拉姆津才开始为这些目的而借鉴英语和意大利语的文本。除其他事项外，该审查确定了一些以前未知的卡拉姆津翻译来源。Simankov的补充清单也追求同样的目标。
{"title":"N. M. Karamzin’s Literary Transfer","authors":"K. Lappo-Danilevskii","doi":"10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.2.15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.2.15","url":null,"abstract":"[Rev. of: Kafanova O. B., Perevody N. M. Karamzina kak kul’turnyi universum. St. Petersburg: Aleteiia, 2020. 356 p. (in Russian)] O. B. Kafanova’s monograph «N. M. Karamzin’s translations as a cultural universe» (2020) is the result of many years of comparative studies. Numerous articles on the topic preceded this book, which covers the period from 1783 to 1800. In the beginning Karamzin had good knowledge of French and German only so that he used numerous intermediaries in these languages to acquaint the Russian audience with world literature (ancient and eastern poetry, dramas of Shakespeare, Ossian etc.). Only in the final decade of the eighteenth century did Karamzin begin to draw on texts in English and Italian for these purposes. Among other things, the review establishes some previously unknown sources of Karamzin’s translations. V. I. Simankov’s supplemental list pursues the same objective.","PeriodicalId":42189,"journal":{"name":"Slovene-International Journal of Slavic Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69620017","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：