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Belarus’ new political nation? 2020 anti-authoritarian protests as identity building 白俄罗斯的新政治国家?2020年,反威权抗议作为身份认同的建立
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X20984340
Aliaksei Kazharski
The rigged 2020 presidential election in Belarus, as well as the disproportionate use of violence by authorities and multiple reports of tortures of detainees served as a catalyst for the Belarusian society. The mass protests that ensued were on a scale unseen since the 1990’s. Mass mobilization of citizens during Sunday rallies as well as grassroot activity and the rise of local communities led some to proclaim the birth of a new civic society and even a new Belarusian political nation (Przybylski, 2020). The ultimate validity of these statements can be fully evaluated only with the benefit of hindsight, which we do not have as of the time of writing. One can nevertheless safely argue that unprecedented mass political mobilization and new forms of horizontal solidarity are important contributions to nation building—which, in the social constructivist paradigm, should be understood as a never-ending process rather than a singular event. This line of thought has been previously developed by authors who understand nations and nation-states as performing their identities through various genres of cultural production (e.g. Shapiro, 2004). This contribution focuses on symbolic politics of the protest movement as ‘‘signifying practices’’ (Hall, 1997) and examines ways in which these practices reappropriate crucial symbolic legacies in order to articulate a new political subject through representations of an anti-Lukashenka majority. Following a discussion of the broader context of identity building in the post-Communist Belarus, I provide an empirical analysis of two key legacies recycled by the protests. The first one is the political legacy of Belarusian national revivalism and its symbols that quickly became the dominant visual theme in the protests. Though, in their origin, these symbols were closely linked to ethnocultural Belarusian nationalism, the protest movement has worked to resignify them into
白俄罗斯2020年总统选举受到操纵,当局过度使用暴力,以及有关被拘留者遭受酷刑的多份报告,都是白俄罗斯社会的催化剂。随后的大规模抗议活动达到了自20世纪90年代以来从未见过的规模。周日集会期间公民的大规模动员,以及基层活动和当地社区的兴起,导致一些人宣布新的公民社会甚至新的白俄罗斯政治国家的诞生(Przybylski, 2020)。这些陈述的最终有效性只能通过后见之明来充分评估,而在撰写本文时,我们还没有后见之明。尽管如此,人们可以肯定地说,前所未有的大规模政治动员和新形式的横向团结是对国家建设的重要贡献——在社会建构主义范式中,国家建设应该被理解为一个永无止境的过程,而不是一个单一的事件。这一思路之前已经由一些作者发展起来,他们认为民族和民族国家通过各种文化生产类型来表现他们的身份(例如夏皮罗,2004)。这篇文章关注的是作为“象征实践”的抗议运动的象征政治(Hall, 1997),并研究了这些实践如何重新利用重要的象征遗产,以便通过反卢卡申科多数的代表来阐明一个新的政治主题。在讨论了后共产主义白俄罗斯身份建构的更广泛背景之后,我对抗议活动中回收的两个关键遗产进行了实证分析。第一个是白俄罗斯民族复兴主义的政治遗产及其象征,这些象征迅速成为抗议活动的主要视觉主题。尽管在起源上,这些符号与白俄罗斯民族主义的民族文化密切相关,但抗议运动一直在努力将它们重新定义为
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引用次数: 19
Creating a comprehensive peaceful assembly law for Ukraine: Idea and ideal 为乌克兰制定全面的和平集会法:构想与理想
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x20983743
G. Mykhailiuk, Larry A. DiMatteo
The right to freedom of peaceful assembly is guaranteed by Article 39 of the Ukrainian Constitution. However, there is no stand-alone law or case law that defines, regulates and supports the process of organizing and conducting peaceful assemblies. This is largely due to the fact that until the 2014 Maidan Revolution (Euromaidan), Ukraine’s history was one of autocratic rule. This article argues that given this historical context, secondary legislation is needed to safeguard this freedom and entrench it into Ukrainian legal culture. The idea of the right to peaceful assembly is sacrosanct. This article analyses the key elements needed to transform this idea into an ideal law. For example, any such legislation should follow the spirit of the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR), especially in the area of limitations of the personal freedom. Ukraine has moved forward on a broad reform agenda including reforms of the judiciary in order to create an independent and competent court system. It is widely recognized that such a system is needed to fight widespread corruption. The article argues that now is the time to enact a law on peaceful assembly in order to elevate Ukraine’s legal system to EU and international standards.
《乌克兰宪法》第39条保障和平集会自由的权利。然而,没有单独的法律或判例法来界定、规范和支持组织和进行和平集会的进程。这在很大程度上是因为在2014年的独立革命(Euromaidan)之前,乌克兰的历史是专制统治的历史。本文认为,鉴于这一历史背景,需要二级立法来保障这种自由,并将其纳入乌克兰法律文化。和平集会的权利是神圣不可侵犯的。本文分析了将这一理念转化为理想法律所需的关键要素。例如,任何这类立法都应遵循《欧洲人权公约》的精神,特别是在限制人身自由方面。乌克兰在广泛的改革议程上取得了进展,包括司法改革,以便建立一个独立和有能力的法院系统。人们普遍认为,需要这样一个制度来打击普遍存在的腐败。文章认为,现在是制定和平集会法的时候了,以便将乌克兰的法律制度提升到欧盟和国际标准。
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引用次数: 2
Russia’s cultural leverage in Belarus 俄罗斯在白俄罗斯的文化影响力
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X20984331
Piotr Rudkouski
In 2020, we have witnessed unprecedented mass mobilization of Belarusians against autocracy and lawlessness. The durability of protests, scale of solidarity, ability of self-organization, and readiness to accept serious risks seem to testify to the fact that the demand for democracy is rooted in the value sphere. There is, however, a distinctly Belarusian problem in this context, relating to national identity. In this forum contribution, I will first specify the problem of Belarusian national identity and provide evidence of its weakness. Second, I will argue that Belarusians tend to compensate for the weakness of their national identity by reinforcing a supranational identity. The ‘Russian World’ (Russkiy mir) currently fulfils this function. Third, I will show that Belarusians are relatively eurosceptic, and suggest that this is a byproduct of attachment to Russianness as a substitute for national identity.
2020年,我们目睹了白俄罗斯人民前所未有的大规模动员,反对专制和无法无天。抗议的持久性、团结的规模、自我组织的能力和接受严重风险的意愿似乎证明了这样一个事实,即对民主的要求植根于价值领域。然而,在这方面有一个明显的白俄罗斯问题,与民族特性有关。在这篇论坛文章中,我将首先具体说明白俄罗斯民族认同的问题,并提供其弱点的证据。其次,我认为白俄罗斯人倾向于通过强化超国家认同来弥补其民族认同的弱点。“俄罗斯世界”(Russkiy mir)目前正在履行这一职能。第三,我将证明白俄罗斯人相对来说对欧洲持怀疑态度,并指出这是将俄罗斯作为国家认同的替代品而产生的副产品。
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引用次数: 2
Russia’s game in Belarus: 2020 presidential elections as a checkmate for Lukashenka? 俄罗斯在白俄罗斯的比赛:2020年总统选举是卢卡申科的将军?
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X20984337
Alla Leukavets
It is sometimes claimed that during his 26 years of rule Lukashenka has acted as a guarantor of Belarusian sovereignty (Preiherman, 2018; Tsikhamirau, 2018). According to this point of view, as long as Lukashenka stays in power, Russia will not be able to fully control Belarus. This paper will argue that although during Lukashenka’s time in office Belarus has avoided deeper integration with Russia within the Union State, the Belarusian regime has failed to reduce the country’s economic dependence on its eastern neighbor. This provided the Kremlin with leverage to control Belarus, compromising its sovereignty. The extent of the leverage became particularly evident in the wake of the 2020 presidential elections when the survival of the Belarusian regime proved to be contingent on Russia’s support. The Kremlin’s generous economic assistance over the last 26 years has created a “sponsored authoritarianism” in Belarus. Lukashenka’s role in it is to ensure that the country will not leave the orbit of Russia’s influence and drift to the West while the Kremlin attempts to realize a soft mode of occupation of Belarus via deep economic and political integration under the auspices of unified supranational bodies. The paper starts by analyzing different phases in Belarus-Russia relations in 2000–2020 and argues that the recent presidential elections in Belarus have become a new critical juncture. The work proceeds with assessing the extent of Russia’s economic leverage over Belarus in 2000–2020 by focusing on three main components: 1) Belarus-Russia bilateral trade 2) Belarus’s energy dependence on Russia 3) Russia’s financial support to Belarus. The paper demonstrates that by the time of the 2020 presidential elections none of these components have been reduced, thus making the Belarusian regime vulnerable to Kremlin’s pressure. The work concludes by discussing the trajectory of Belarus’s future regardless of whether Lukashenka stays in power or leaves office and argues that the Belarusian protests represent both a challenge and an opportunity for the Kremlin.
有时有人声称,在他26年的统治期间,卢卡申科充当了白俄罗斯主权的保证人(Preiherman, 2018;Tsikhamirau, 2018)。按照这种观点,只要卢卡申科继续掌权,俄罗斯就不可能完全控制白俄罗斯。本文将论证,尽管在卢卡申科执政期间,白俄罗斯在联盟国家内避免了与俄罗斯更深层次的融合,但白俄罗斯政权未能减少该国对其东部邻国的经济依赖。这为克里姆林宫提供了控制白俄罗斯的筹码,损害了白俄罗斯的主权。在2020年总统大选之后,这种影响力的程度变得尤为明显,当时白俄罗斯政权的生存被证明取决于俄罗斯的支持。过去26年来,克里姆林宫慷慨的经济援助在白俄罗斯创造了一个“赞助的威权主义”。在此过程中,卢卡申科的作用是确保白俄罗斯不会脱离俄罗斯的影响轨道,向西方靠拢,而克里姆林宫则试图在统一的超国家机构的支持下,通过深度的经济和政治一体化,实现对白俄罗斯的软占领模式。本文首先分析了2000-2020年白俄关系的不同阶段,并认为最近的白俄罗斯总统选举成为一个新的关键节点。通过关注三个主要组成部分,评估2000-2020年俄罗斯对白俄罗斯的经济影响力程度:1)白俄罗斯与俄罗斯的双边贸易;2)白俄罗斯对俄罗斯的能源依赖;3)俄罗斯对白俄罗斯的财政支持。这篇论文表明,到2020年总统选举时,这些因素都没有减少,因此白俄罗斯政权很容易受到克里姆林宫的压力。文章最后讨论了白俄罗斯未来的发展轨迹,无论卢卡申科是继续执政还是下台,并认为白俄罗斯的抗议活动对克里姆林宫来说既是挑战,也是机遇。
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引用次数: 5
New openings 新机会
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X21997354
Nicholas Michelsen
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引用次数: 0
The Minsk–Khabarovsk nexus: Ethical, performative, corporeal 明斯克-哈巴罗夫斯克的关系:道德的、表演的、肉体的
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X20984336
A. Makarychev
This essay attempts to juxtapose mass-scale protest movements that almost simultaneously erupted in summer 2020 in Belarus and Russia’s Far East. In spite of dissimilar root causes of both events, they however share a number of common characteristics, such as spontaneity, lack of wellestablished leadership, networking/horizontal structure (Paneyakh, 2020) and explicitly nonideological character. What made the symbolic connection between the two post-Soviet ‘‘hot spots’’ even more politically pronounced were explicit and unprecedented signs of solidarity expressed by protesters in Khabarovsk with the anti-Lukashenka movement. Since we can see some emerging similarities in these two cases, let us try to understand what they are, why did they emerge, and how they can be conceptualized theoretically. The protests that have been unfolding in parallel to each other in Minsk (as well as other major cities of Belarus) and Khabarovsk were driven by obviously different reasons and could have remained detached from each other. The outburst of street activity in Belarus was triggered by the fraudulent presidential election, while in Khabarovsk people went to streets as a reaction to the sudden arrest of the region’s governor by the order of the federal center. For Belarus the protests constituted a basis for national anti-authoritarian consolidation, while the anti-Moscow actions in the Far East are regarded as potentially conducive to Russia’s decentralization (Luchikhin, 2020). However, the appearance of slogans of solidarity with Belarus among protesters in Khabarovsk has created a symbolic connection between the two events (Sibir’ Realii, 2020), which looked quite unique since never before had the Russian opposition expressed any well-articulated sympathy with democratic movements in other post-Soviet countries. For example, Alexei Navalny’s attitude towards Ukrainian national discourse on retrieving the annexed Crimea was always quite
这篇文章试图将2020年夏天几乎同时在白俄罗斯和俄罗斯远东爆发的大规模抗议运动并列起来。尽管这两个事件的根本原因不同,但它们有一些共同的特征,如自发性、缺乏良好的领导、网络/横向结构(Paneyakh, 2020)和明显的非意识形态特征。哈巴罗夫斯克的抗议者对反卢卡申科运动表达了明确而前所未有的团结,这使得这两个后苏联时代的“热点地区”之间的象征性联系在政治上更加明显。既然我们可以在这两种情况中看到一些相似之处,那么让我们试着理解它们是什么,它们为什么会出现,以及它们如何在理论上概念化。在明斯克(以及白俄罗斯其他主要城市)和哈巴罗夫斯克同时展开的抗议活动,显然是由不同的原因驱动的,它们本可以彼此分离。白俄罗斯街头活动的爆发是由总统选举舞弊引发的,而在哈巴罗夫斯克,人们走上街头,抗议联邦中央政府突然下令逮捕该地区的州长。对于白俄罗斯来说,抗议活动构成了国家反专制巩固的基础,而远东地区的反莫斯科行动被认为可能有利于俄罗斯的权力下放(Luchikhin, 2020)。然而,哈巴罗夫斯克抗议者中声援白俄罗斯的口号的出现,在这两个事件之间创造了一种象征性的联系(Sibir ' Realii, 2020),这看起来非常独特,因为俄罗斯反对派此前从未对其他后苏联国家的民主运动表达过任何明确的同情。例如,阿列克谢·纳瓦尔尼(Alexei Navalny)对乌克兰民族话语中收复被吞并的克里米亚的态度一直是平静的
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引用次数: 3
The gendered iconography of the Belarus protest 白俄罗斯抗议的性别形象
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X20984334
Elizaveta Gaufman
Those familiar with Soviet posters might have seen the heart-wrenching ‘‘Red Army soldier, save!’’ artwork from the Great Patriotic War that features a woman holding her child huddled in fear of the bayonet with the Nazi insignia on it. The damsel in distress trope is not unique to the Post-Soviet space: iconography of any political turmoil in the world would offer one. But what happens when the damsel is in distress but she does not need a male to rescue her? Or even more so, when she is actively fighting against the male in power? Does she have to bare her chest as the Liberty on the French barricades or wield a sword like the statue in Volgograd? This is the iconographic challenge that the protests in Belarus were faced with: apart from the confrontation between a large part of the population against an authoritarian leader, the conflict had also clear gendered lines: a leader striving to project hypermasculinity (at least, at the beginning) versus a female-led protest. How does this gender divide translate into the visual iconography of the protest? Belarus is clearly a part of the Post-Soviet cultural space (although Belarusians might take issues with their current President saying that they are Russia’s ‘‘younger brother’’) and the protest iconography is deeply imbued with the Soviet and Russian cultural artifacts. This also makes Belarusian population more receptive to other Soviet representations of women: not just damsels in distress, but armed Motherlands, muscular female Kolkhoz members and voluptuous sportswomen. At the same time, as Reid argues (Reid, 1998), even the portrayal of strong women in visual Soviet culture put them in a slightly subordinate role, where in the seemingly equal tandem of Factory worker and Kolkhoz member statue by Mukhina, the factory worker had a higher and more important position in the Soviet society, not to mention the perceived femininity of food-related occupation. Thus, even the purportedly emancipated and gender-equal Soviet society still managed to promote patriarchal values through cinema and art (Gorsuch, 1996; Haynes, 2003).
那些熟悉苏联海报的人可能看到过令人心痛的“红军战士,救救我!”卫国战争时期的一件艺术品,画中一个女人抱着她的孩子,因为害怕刺刀上的纳粹徽章而蜷缩在一起。陷入困境的少女并不是后苏联时代所独有的:世界上任何政治动荡的肖像学都会提供这样的比喻。但是,当少女陷入困境,却不需要雄性来救她时,会发生什么呢?或者当她积极地与掌权的男性斗争时,更是如此?她必须像法国街垒上的自由女神那样袒露胸膛,还是像伏尔加格勒的雕像那样挥舞着剑?这就是白俄罗斯抗议活动所面临的形象挑战:除了大部分民众反对专制领导人的对抗之外,冲突也有明确的性别界限:一个努力表现出超级男性化的领导人(至少在开始时)与一个由女性领导的抗议活动。这种性别差异是如何转化为抗议的视觉图像的?白俄罗斯显然是后苏联文化空间的一部分(尽管白俄罗斯人可能会对现任总统说他们是俄罗斯的“弟弟”有异议),抗议的图像深深地融入了苏联和俄罗斯的文化文物。这也使得白俄罗斯人更容易接受苏联对女性的其他描述:不仅是陷入困境的少女,还有武装的祖国、肌肉发达的女性集体农庄成员和性感的女运动员。与此同时,正如Reid所言(Reid, 1998),即使是苏联视觉文化中对女强人的描绘也将她们置于一个略微从属的角色,而在Mukhina所描绘的看似平等的工厂工人和集体农庄成员雕像中,工厂工人在苏联社会中有着更高和更重要的地位,更不用说与食品相关的职业中被感知到的女性化了。因此,即使是所谓的解放和性别平等的苏联社会,仍然设法通过电影和艺术来促进父权价值观(Gorsuch, 1996;海恩斯,2003)。
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引用次数: 11
New Perspectives across viral time: Russia in the World 病毒时代的新视角:世界上的俄罗斯
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X20972896
Nicholas Michelsen
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引用次数: 0
Russia and the world: 2020 IMEMO forecast 俄罗斯和世界:2020年IMEMO预测
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-09-16 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X20954758
S. Afontsev, I. Kobrinskaya, G. Machavariany, A. Zagorski, V. Zhuravleva, I. Zviagelskaya, K. Voda, N. Kozhanov, A. Davydov, O. Davydov, S. Dmitriev, A. Lomanov, S. Lukonin, D. Malysheva, V. Mikheev, N. Rabotiazhev, I. Svistunova, I. Ibragimov, S. Kislitsin, E. Solovyev, E. Kuzmina, N. Surkov, N. Toganova, S. Utkin, A. Fedorovsky, B. Frumkin, V. Shvydko, YE Kanaev, L. Samarskaya
The editors had to make significant adjustments to this abridged version of IMEMO’s annual ‘Russia and the World’ forecast published in early January 2020. However, none of the numerous forecasts published until March 2020 had been anywhere close to considering, among the potential ‘black swan’ factors, the global scenario caused by COVID-19. No one had anticipated the scale of the pandemic and its consequences for the world economy and trade, including the fall in oil prices and the reaction of financial markets.
编辑们不得不对国际气象组织于2020年1月初发布的年度“俄罗斯与世界”预测的节略版进行重大调整。然而,在2020年3月之前发布的众多预测中,没有一个在潜在的“黑天鹅”因素中考虑到2019冠状病毒病造成的全球情景。没有人预料到大流行的规模及其对世界经济和贸易的影响,包括石油价格下跌和金融市场的反应。
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引用次数: 3
The new era of confrontation: Russia and the World: 2020 IMEMO Forecast 对抗的新时代:俄罗斯与世界:2020年国际气象组织预测
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-09-15 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X20954442
R. Sakwa
The annual reports published by Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO) on Russia and the state of world affairs act like the rings on a tree, measuring changes over time by offering a snapshot of a particular instant. This report is no different but comes at a time that could scarcely be more unlike earlier years. The Covid-19 pandemic has acted like a savage beam of light, illuminating processes that were apparent yet not fully revealed. The pandemic has also intensified many of these processes, accentuating what had already been observed to be ‘the great acceleration’, the speeding up of historical processes in recent years. Drawing on the analysis presented in the IMEMO report, this comment identifies three key interrelated issues that are now subject to accelerated change: first, the broader retreat of the post-1945 ‘Yalta’ international system established at the end of the Second World War, focused above all on the United Nations (UN); second, the decay of the post-1989 settlement, which turned out not to be a settlement in any meaningful sense; and third, the return of a certain type of great power relations in the Covid era. The emergence of the rudiments of bipolarity signals the onset of a new era of confrontation, with few of the guardrails of the First Cold War and none of the clear ideological markers of the earlier era, rendering this period more dangerous than that of the post-war conflict and more akin to the period leading up to the First World War.
世界经济与国际关系研究所(IMEMO)发布的关于俄罗斯和世界事务状况的年度报告就像树上的年轮,通过提供特定时刻的快照来衡量随时间的变化。这份报告没有什么不同,但它发布的时间与早些年几乎没有什么不同。Covid-19大流行就像一束野蛮的光,照亮了那些明显但尚未完全揭示的过程。这场大流行病还加剧了其中许多进程,加剧了近年来已经观察到的“大加速”,即历史进程的加速。根据国际货币基金组织报告中的分析,本评论指出了三个相互关联的关键问题,这些问题现在正在加速变化:首先,1945年后在第二次世界大战结束时建立的“雅尔塔”国际体系在更大范围内的退缩,其重点首先是联合国;第二,1989年后解决方案的衰败,最终证明这不是一个有意义的解决方案;三是新冠时代某种大国关系的回归。两极分化雏形的出现标志着一个新的对抗时代的开始,第一次冷战的护栏很少,早期时代的明确意识形态标志也没有,使这一时期比战后冲突时期更危险,更类似于第一次世界大战之前的时期。
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引用次数: 0
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