Pub Date : 2018-09-01DOI: 10.14315/arg-2018-1090104
E. Laubach
In the 1530s, when the popes were reluctant to convene a general council, Emperor Charles V and his brother Ferdinand corresponded several times about how to arrange discussions with the German Protestant estates. Their aim was to regain a unified Christendom and so ensure peace in the Empire. The political result of their considerations was the conference at Haguenau in the summer of 1540, which was presided over by Ferdinand. The brothers’ intention was to take the preliminary results reached by some committees during the Imperial diet of 1530 in Augsburg as the starting point for the conference, but to discuss only those problems that did not touch on fundamental positions of the Roman Catholic church. This strategy was endorsed by several Catholic theologians. The Habsburgs succeeded in getting the support of several Catholic princes, but the Protestant estates refused to cooperate. Außerkonziliare Überwindung der Kirchenspaltung ARG_109_Inhalt_DD.indd 125 10.09.2018 12:49:34
在16世纪30年代，当教皇不愿意召开总会议时，皇帝查理五世和他的兄弟费迪南德多次通信，讨论如何安排与德国新教阶层的讨论。他们的目标是恢复统一的基督教世界，从而确保帝国的和平。他们考虑的政治结果是1540年夏在哈格诺召开的会议，会议由费迪南主持。兄弟俩的意图是以1530年奥格斯堡帝国议会期间一些委员会达成的初步结果为会议的起点，但只讨论那些不触及罗马天主教会基本立场的问题。这一策略得到了几位天主教神学家的赞同。哈布斯堡王朝成功地得到了几位天主教王子的支持，但新教阶层拒绝合作。Außerkonziliare Überwindung der Kirchenspaltung ARG_109_Inhalt_DD。索引125 10.09.2018 12:49:34
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Pub Date : 2018-09-01DOI: 10.14315/arg-2018-1090105
M. Stolberg, Tilmann Walter
This article provides an edition of a medical consilium for Martin Luther by Matthäus Ratzenberger (1501–1559). So far overlooked by Luther’s biographers, it is the only known direct source for the therapeutic communication between the reformer and his personal physicians. In this article, Ratzenberger’s consilium is taken as a starting point for a discussion of the challenges and pitfalls of retrospective diagnosis. While some historians have rejected retrospective diagnosis in toto, the authors take a more nuanced position. They argue that, in Luther’s case, certain diagnoses – for instance, that he had kidneyor bladder-stones, gout or angina pectoris – are much more plausible and pro bable than others. The crucial and frequently underestimated problem, the authors argue, however, is that modern diagnostic terms do not do justice to the very different contemporary notions and experiences of the body and its diseases in early modern Europe. The authors illustrate this by a series of examples, mostly taken from Ratzen berger’s consilium and his account of Luther’s life and death. These range from the different understanding of syphilis and the reasons why contemporaries attributed 85. Jebisch, lies: Eibisch. Stolberg, Walter ARG_109_Inhalt_DD.indd 150 10.09.2018 12:49:35
{"title":"Martin Luthers viele Krankheiten. Ein unbekanntes Konsil von Matthäus Ratzenberger und die Problematik der retrospektiven Diagnose","authors":"M. Stolberg, Tilmann Walter","doi":"10.14315/arg-2018-1090105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14315/arg-2018-1090105","url":null,"abstract":"This article provides an edition of a medical consilium for Martin Luther by Matthäus Ratzenberger (1501–1559). So far overlooked by Luther’s biographers, it is the only known direct source for the therapeutic communication between the reformer and his personal physicians. In this article, Ratzenberger’s consilium is taken as a starting point for a discussion of the challenges and pitfalls of retrospective diagnosis. While some historians have rejected retrospective diagnosis in toto, the authors take a more nuanced position. They argue that, in Luther’s case, certain diagnoses – for instance, that he had kidneyor bladder-stones, gout or angina pectoris – are much more plausible and pro bable than others. The crucial and frequently underestimated problem, the authors argue, however, is that modern diagnostic terms do not do justice to the very different contemporary notions and experiences of the body and its diseases in early modern Europe. The authors illustrate this by a series of examples, mostly taken from Ratzen berger’s consilium and his account of Luther’s life and death. These range from the different understanding of syphilis and the reasons why contemporaries attributed 85. Jebisch, lies: Eibisch. Stolberg, Walter ARG_109_Inhalt_DD.indd 150 10.09.2018 12:49:35","PeriodicalId":42621,"journal":{"name":"ARCHIV FUR REFORMATIONSGESCHICHTE-ARCHIVE FOR REFORMATION HISTORY","volume":"109 1","pages":"126 - 151"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.14315/arg-2018-1090105","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45670592","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-01DOI: 10.14315/ARG-2018-1090119
Uwe Plath
The much-quoted statement, that Castellio compared his own position against Calvin in the toleration controversy to that of a “mosquito against the elephant,” is originally from Stefan Zweig. Zweig referred to the copy of Castellio’s De haereticis an sint persequendi (1554), which the Marquis d’Oria gave to the Basel lawyer, Boniface Amerbach, after adding a personal dedication. Since Castellio did not write this dedication, it also contains no statement concerning his position in the struggle against Calvin. Zweig’s comparison is based on an incorrect 47. CO 14,657f. (Grataroli an Bullinger, 28. Oktober 1553); ebd., 658: „Audivi aliquos hac de causa optimum ministrum Calvinum traducentes, ac si carnifex esset. Hunc pro viribus et loco et tempore in Dei gloriam tutatus sum: neque pro veritate (Domino confisus) posthac etiam acrius desistam, etiamsi pulex sim contra elephantes.“; vgl. Plath, Calvin und Basel (wie Anm. 5), 80; Ders., Der Fall Servet (wie Anm. 5), 99. Zu Grataroli: Church, Italian Reformers (wie Anm. 15), 194ff.; Amerbachkorrespondenz (wie Anm. 15); Bd. 9/2, 442ff. 48. Sébastien Castellion, De l’impunité des hérétiques. De haereticis non puniendis, texte latin inédit publié par Bruno Becker, texte francais [...] par M. Valkhoff, Genf 1971, 20: „Sed cum de veritate agatur, [...], ego veritate, non artibus armatus congrediar et videbo an hic Goliathus possit divini sermonis lapide, pastorali funda iacto, deiici, et suo ipsius gladio (nam Saulina quidem, hoc est humana arma ad hanc pugnam non afferimus) decollari.“ Vgl. dazu auch den folgenden Abschnitt „Huius certaminis conditio“ und die französische Übersetzung: ebd., 219f. Anmerkungen zu Castellios „De haereticis“ ARG_109_Inhalt_DD.indd 439 10.09.2018 12:50:23
卡斯特利奥将自己在宽容争议中对加尔文的立场与“蚊子对大象”的立场进行了比较，这一说法被大量引用，最初来自斯特凡·茨威格。茨威格提到了卡斯特利奥的《De haemeticis an d sint persequendi》（1554年）的副本，这本书是奥里亚侯爵在添加了个人献词后送给巴塞尔律师博尼法斯·阿梅尔巴赫的。由于卡斯特利奥没有写下这篇献词，其中也没有关于他在反对加尔文的斗争中的立场的声明。茨威格的比较是基于一个错误的47。CO 14657f。（Bullinger Grataroli，28岁。1553年10月；ebd。658：“Audivi aliquos是传统Calvinum的最佳迷你型，也是肉制品的关键。这是为了人，为了地方，为了时间，上帝的荣耀：既不为了真理，也不为了死者，在那之后，我就死了，尽管我是对抗大象的尘土。《普拉斯、加尔文与巴塞尔》（第5页），80页；《德福服务》（第五页），99页。祖·格拉塔罗利：《教会，意大利改革者》（wie Anm.15），194ff；Amerbachcorrespondent（姓名为15）；公元前9442年9月。48.Sébastien Castellion，《人权宣言》。事实上，布鲁诺·贝克尔出版的拉丁语文本，法国文本[…]par M.Valkhoff，1971年1月20日：“但事实上，我不会聚集在一起，看看这个巨人是否能用石头、基于岩石的牧师，还有他自己的剑（对扫罗来说，这确实是人类的武器，我们不会带到这场战斗中）。“Vgl.dazu auch den folgenden Abschnitt”Huius certaminis conditio“and die französischeÜbersetzung:ebd.，219f.Anmerkungen zu Castellios”De haemeticis“ARG_109_Inhart_DD.indd 439 10.09.2018 12:50:23
{"title":"„Die Mücke gegen den Elefanten“ – Castellio gegen Calvin? Einige Anmerkungen zu dem Basler Exemplar von Castellios „De haereticis an sint persequendi“, zu Ferdinand Buisson und zu Stefan Zweig","authors":"Uwe Plath","doi":"10.14315/ARG-2018-1090119","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14315/ARG-2018-1090119","url":null,"abstract":"The much-quoted statement, that Castellio compared his own position against Calvin in the toleration controversy to that of a “mosquito against the elephant,” is originally from Stefan Zweig. Zweig referred to the copy of Castellio’s De haereticis an sint persequendi (1554), which the Marquis d’Oria gave to the Basel lawyer, Boniface Amerbach, after adding a personal dedication. Since Castellio did not write this dedication, it also contains no statement concerning his position in the struggle against Calvin. Zweig’s comparison is based on an incorrect 47. CO 14,657f. (Grataroli an Bullinger, 28. Oktober 1553); ebd., 658: „Audivi aliquos hac de causa optimum ministrum Calvinum traducentes, ac si carnifex esset. Hunc pro viribus et loco et tempore in Dei gloriam tutatus sum: neque pro veritate (Domino confisus) posthac etiam acrius desistam, etiamsi pulex sim contra elephantes.“; vgl. Plath, Calvin und Basel (wie Anm. 5), 80; Ders., Der Fall Servet (wie Anm. 5), 99. Zu Grataroli: Church, Italian Reformers (wie Anm. 15), 194ff.; Amerbachkorrespondenz (wie Anm. 15); Bd. 9/2, 442ff. 48. Sébastien Castellion, De l’impunité des hérétiques. De haereticis non puniendis, texte latin inédit publié par Bruno Becker, texte francais [...] par M. Valkhoff, Genf 1971, 20: „Sed cum de veritate agatur, [...], ego veritate, non artibus armatus congrediar et videbo an hic Goliathus possit divini sermonis lapide, pastorali funda iacto, deiici, et suo ipsius gladio (nam Saulina quidem, hoc est humana arma ad hanc pugnam non afferimus) decollari.“ Vgl. dazu auch den folgenden Abschnitt „Huius certaminis conditio“ und die französische Übersetzung: ebd., 219f. Anmerkungen zu Castellios „De haereticis“ ARG_109_Inhalt_DD.indd 439 10.09.2018 12:50:23","PeriodicalId":42621,"journal":{"name":"ARCHIV FUR REFORMATIONSGESCHICHTE-ARCHIVE FOR REFORMATION HISTORY","volume":"109 1","pages":"428 - 441"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48241461","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-01DOI: 10.14315/ARG-2018-1090113
Laura-Marie Krampe
The Reformation resulted in hithero unknown opportunities for religious decision-making by individual actors. But individuals faced not only new religious options. Rather, the innovations in dogma brought with them a variety of implications for the socio-cultural and political environment. Against the backdrop of the causa Lutheri, there thus appeared various social scenarios in which decisions about religious beliefs played a secondary role. In this article, the Nuremberg humanist and advisor to the city council, Christoph Scheurl II, is examined. In particular, I look at the ways in which his decisions were forced by specific social settings. These social considerations often lay far from questions of religious belief, and thus the study of Scheurl’s career can illuminate many aspects of the process of decision-making in the early Reformation. Krampe ARG_109_Inhalt_DD.indd 372 10.09.2018 12:50:17
{"title":"„Ich wünsche nur, wir wären eins in Christo.“ Die Reformationsentscheidungen des Humanisten und Juristen Dr. Christoph Scheurl II","authors":"Laura-Marie Krampe","doi":"10.14315/ARG-2018-1090113","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14315/ARG-2018-1090113","url":null,"abstract":"The Reformation resulted in hithero unknown opportunities for religious decision-making by individual actors. But individuals faced not only new religious options. Rather, the innovations in dogma brought with them a variety of implications for the socio-cultural and political environment. Against the backdrop of the causa Lutheri, there thus appeared various social scenarios in which decisions about religious beliefs played a secondary role. In this article, the Nuremberg humanist and advisor to the city council, Christoph Scheurl II, is examined. In particular, I look at the ways in which his decisions were forced by specific social settings. These social considerations often lay far from questions of religious belief, and thus the study of Scheurl’s career can illuminate many aspects of the process of decision-making in the early Reformation. Krampe ARG_109_Inhalt_DD.indd 372 10.09.2018 12:50:17","PeriodicalId":42621,"journal":{"name":"ARCHIV FUR REFORMATIONSGESCHICHTE-ARCHIVE FOR REFORMATION HISTORY","volume":"109 1","pages":"351 - 372"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.14315/ARG-2018-1090113","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49668751","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-01DOI: 10.14315/ARG-2018-1090112
Hanna Goyer
The starting point for more recent questions concerning the Reformation in the cities is a cultural historical approach which investigates the decision-making process of municipal authorities in the early phases of the Reformation. This article uses the imperial city of Nuremberg as a case study in order to explore the complexity of decision-making processes during the Reformation and draw attention to the fact that the outcomes of these processes were far from predetermined. Several decision-making situations will be analyzed to show that questions of faith did not stand at the center of these decisions. Rather, each decision was concerned also with the political consequences of specific religious practices, as well as with the preservation of the political agency of the municipal council. 70. Lazarus Spengler, „Der letzte und rechte begrif eine e. raths gemeinen ausschreibens in religionssachen“ (1527). Ediert und kommentiert durch Gottfried Seebaß, „Apologia Reformationis: Eine bisher unbekannte Verteidigungsschrift Nürnbergs aus dem Jahre 1528“, in: Zeitschrift für bayerische Kirchengeschichte 39 (1970), 20–74, hier 55. Goyer ARG_109_Inhalt_DD.indd 350 10.09.2018 12:50:16
{"title":"Der Moment der Entscheidung? Die Einführung der Reformation in Nürnberg als Ergebnis von Minimalentscheidungen","authors":"Hanna Goyer","doi":"10.14315/ARG-2018-1090112","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14315/ARG-2018-1090112","url":null,"abstract":"The starting point for more recent questions concerning the Reformation in the cities is a cultural historical approach which investigates the decision-making process of municipal authorities in the early phases of the Reformation. This article uses the imperial city of Nuremberg as a case study in order to explore the complexity of decision-making processes during the Reformation and draw attention to the fact that the outcomes of these processes were far from predetermined. Several decision-making situations will be analyzed to show that questions of faith did not stand at the center of these decisions. Rather, each decision was concerned also with the political consequences of specific religious practices, as well as with the preservation of the political agency of the municipal council. 70. Lazarus Spengler, „Der letzte und rechte begrif eine e. raths gemeinen ausschreibens in religionssachen“ (1527). Ediert und kommentiert durch Gottfried Seebaß, „Apologia Reformationis: Eine bisher unbekannte Verteidigungsschrift Nürnbergs aus dem Jahre 1528“, in: Zeitschrift für bayerische Kirchengeschichte 39 (1970), 20–74, hier 55. Goyer ARG_109_Inhalt_DD.indd 350 10.09.2018 12:50:16","PeriodicalId":42621,"journal":{"name":"ARCHIV FUR REFORMATIONSGESCHICHTE-ARCHIVE FOR REFORMATION HISTORY","volume":"109 1","pages":"331 - 350"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.14315/ARG-2018-1090112","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42568548","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-01DOI: 10.14315/ARG-2018-1090107
Maciej Ptaszyński
In the aftermath of the first Reformation upheavals in Gdańsk in 1525, 41 laypeople and preachers were either executed or banished from the city. While Protestants who suffered for their faith were often stylized as martyrs in other parts of Europe, the events in Gdańsk did not draw the attention of a wider audience and none of the victims were regarded as martyrs in early modern Protestant historiography. The author argues that several factors contributed to this outcome, among others the fact that the preachers involved escaped with their lives and that the condemned laymen were decapitated rather than burnt at the stake or hanged, drawn, and quartered. The most important factor, however, was the conduct of the Polish king’s chancellery and the new Catholic city council of Gdańsk. These authorities did their utmost not to “make martyrs” by describing the upheavals as a revolt against the established order rather than a religious uprising. Ptaszyński ARG_109_Inhalt_DD.indd 230 10.09.2018 12:50:09
{"title":"Märtyrer der Reformation? Die ersten Prediger in Polen","authors":"Maciej Ptaszyński","doi":"10.14315/ARG-2018-1090107","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14315/ARG-2018-1090107","url":null,"abstract":"In the aftermath of the first Reformation upheavals in Gdańsk in 1525, 41 laypeople and preachers were either executed or banished from the city. While Protestants who suffered for their faith were often stylized as martyrs in other parts of Europe, the events in Gdańsk did not draw the attention of a wider audience and none of the victims were regarded as martyrs in early modern Protestant historiography. The author argues that several factors contributed to this outcome, among others the fact that the preachers involved escaped with their lives and that the condemned laymen were decapitated rather than burnt at the stake or hanged, drawn, and quartered. The most important factor, however, was the conduct of the Polish king’s chancellery and the new Catholic city council of Gdańsk. These authorities did their utmost not to “make martyrs” by describing the upheavals as a revolt against the established order rather than a religious uprising. Ptaszyński ARG_109_Inhalt_DD.indd 230 10.09.2018 12:50:09","PeriodicalId":42621,"journal":{"name":"ARCHIV FUR REFORMATIONSGESCHICHTE-ARCHIVE FOR REFORMATION HISTORY","volume":"109 1","pages":"210 - 230"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.14315/ARG-2018-1090107","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44256358","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-01DOI: 10.14315/ARG-2018-1090103
E. Koch
To date, little is known concerning the beginning of the Reformation in the eastern Thuringian small town of Ronneburg, which was located between Gera and Altenburg. However, records in the Thuringian territorial archive at Altenburg, specifically a draft of a church ordinance from Rothenburg and the correspondence of town officials with both the Wettin and Ernestine courts, offer detailed information concerning this process. This information concerns not only the history of the Reformation in Ronneburg; it also offers new insights into the early history of the development of church ordinances during the Reformation era. With regard to this second point, these documents especially speak to the underlying religious policy of the Reformation within the sphere of influence of Johann the Steadfast, the future Elector, as well as to the importance of the former Franciscan from Weimar, Johann Voit. Koch 82 ARG_109_Inhalt_DD.indd 82 10.09.2018 12:49:32
{"title":"Unzeitige Reformation? Zu einer frühreformatorischen Kirchenordnung in Thüringen","authors":"E. Koch","doi":"10.14315/ARG-2018-1090103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14315/ARG-2018-1090103","url":null,"abstract":"To date, little is known concerning the beginning of the Reformation in the eastern Thuringian small town of Ronneburg, which was located between Gera and Altenburg. However, records in the Thuringian territorial archive at Altenburg, specifically a draft of a church ordinance from Rothenburg and the correspondence of town officials with both the Wettin and Ernestine courts, offer detailed information concerning this process. This information concerns not only the history of the Reformation in Ronneburg; it also offers new insights into the early history of the development of church ordinances during the Reformation era. With regard to this second point, these documents especially speak to the underlying religious policy of the Reformation within the sphere of influence of Johann the Steadfast, the future Elector, as well as to the importance of the former Franciscan from Weimar, Johann Voit. Koch 82 ARG_109_Inhalt_DD.indd 82 10.09.2018 12:49:32","PeriodicalId":42621,"journal":{"name":"ARCHIV FUR REFORMATIONSGESCHICHTE-ARCHIVE FOR REFORMATION HISTORY","volume":"109 1","pages":"53 - 82"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.14315/ARG-2018-1090103","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47774803","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-01DOI: 10.14315/ARG-2018-1090108
G. Fluegge
Students of seventeenth century Lutheran history often find themselves in a quandary when they encounter Johann Gerhard (1582–1637). On the one hand, they are told that after Martin Luther (1483–1546) and Martin Chemnitz (1522– 1586), Gerhard is to be recognized as the third preeminent theologian of the Lutheran Reformation. On the other hand, they are confronted by a wide range of interpretations from those labeling him as “dead orthodoxist” to those promoting him as “proto-pietist.” The truth of the matter is that this wide variance of views is due in large part to the fact that Gerhard is a man between eras, a bridge of sorts between the first and second waves of “orthodoxy,”3 who possessed a certain proclivity for integrating the old with the new, faithful to the legacy of the reformers, yet responsive to contemporary concerns. Such a scenario calls for a careful reading and close analysis of the texts produced by Gerhard in order to more accurately define his theological views, more precisely situate him in the existing historio-
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The study of post-Tridentine religious literature has been eclipsed in modern scholarship by the study of baroque imaginative literature or the significant body of scientific or philosophical works produced during the period. Nevertheless, post-Tridentine religious literature accounts for a significant segment of works published in modern European languages over the same period of time. The present is a programmatic essay that puts forward a framework for the historiographical interpretation of a subset of post-Tridentine religious literature published in the course of the seventeenth century and beyond. Religious works written in Spanish dealing with the persecution of Christianity in Tokugawa, Japan, were published in locations as diverse as Manila, Mexico City, Seville and Madrid, and represent an intriguing literary ensemble.1 The following reflections are part of a larger project that seeks to describe, analyze, and explain this body of work as religious literature. The greatest trial to befall the Jesuit missions and Christianity in Japan was the political crisis of 1614. In that year, Shogun Tokugawa Ieyasu (r. 1603-1605, d. 1616), through his son Shogun Tokugawa Hidetada (r. 16051632), proscribed Christianity and ordered all foreign clergy out of the country. Over 350 missionaries, local clergy, and influential Japanese Christians were expelled from Japan. European missionaries articulated a variety of responses to the crisis of Japanese Christianity. One of them was writing. In turning to the written dissemination of the stories of Christian martyrdom in Japan, missionaries were tapping into logistical resources that were
{"title":"Religious Literature and its Institutional Contexts: Prelude to the Study of Spanish Accounts of Christian Martyrdom in Tokugawa Japan","authors":"R. Roldán-Figueroa","doi":"10.14315/arg-2017-0118","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14315/arg-2017-0118","url":null,"abstract":"The study of post-Tridentine religious literature has been eclipsed in modern scholarship by the study of baroque imaginative literature or the significant body of scientific or philosophical works produced during the period. Nevertheless, post-Tridentine religious literature accounts for a significant segment of works published in modern European languages over the same period of time. The present is a programmatic essay that puts forward a framework for the historiographical interpretation of a subset of post-Tridentine religious literature published in the course of the seventeenth century and beyond. Religious works written in Spanish dealing with the persecution of Christianity in Tokugawa, Japan, were published in locations as diverse as Manila, Mexico City, Seville and Madrid, and represent an intriguing literary ensemble.1 The following reflections are part of a larger project that seeks to describe, analyze, and explain this body of work as religious literature. The greatest trial to befall the Jesuit missions and Christianity in Japan was the political crisis of 1614. In that year, Shogun Tokugawa Ieyasu (r. 1603-1605, d. 1616), through his son Shogun Tokugawa Hidetada (r. 16051632), proscribed Christianity and ordered all foreign clergy out of the country. Over 350 missionaries, local clergy, and influential Japanese Christians were expelled from Japan. European missionaries articulated a variety of responses to the crisis of Japanese Christianity. One of them was writing. In turning to the written dissemination of the stories of Christian martyrdom in Japan, missionaries were tapping into logistical resources that were","PeriodicalId":42621,"journal":{"name":"ARCHIV FUR REFORMATIONSGESCHICHTE-ARCHIVE FOR REFORMATION HISTORY","volume":"108 1","pages":"153 - 161"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2017-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.14315/arg-2017-0118","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43920461","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
What did contemporary Germans make of Martin Luther? To many, particularly among the clerical orders, Luther was a man of piercing theological insights; to others a deeply divisive force, shaking the foundations of established belief, practice, and authority. The more perplexing question is quite what those beyond the ranks of church professionals made of this. Without these radiating circles of support, it is clear there would have been no Reformation movement. It was men and women of little theological education who turned a clerical spat into a matter of public interest, a public event and a media event. There were several elements of this: the emergence of Luther as a public figure; public curiosity at the scandal raised by his defiance; the stream of pamphlets that first drew people’s attention to his evolving message and then themselves became part of the story. In the process the public character of the movement both ensured Luther’s survival and effected a radical change in Europe’s media environment – as it turned out, one that was permanent. It is often inferred that none of this could have happened without print, that print made the Reformation. But to the extent that this was so, it required a wholesale reorientation of the print world. The publishing tradition of the seventy years before the Reformation would have been little use to a mass movement of insurgency, since print was such a deeply conservative force. It was a faithful servant of the established church, easily its most reliable client. It required a considerable leap of faith to imagine it could be anything else. Not the least of Luther’s achievements was to have invented a new form of theological writing: short, accessible, and above all written in the vernacular. The Sermon on Indulgences and Grace, through which Luther introduced his teaching on indulgences to a non-scholarly audience, was a masterpiece in miniature. Its radicalism lay less in its teaching, a homely distillation of criticisms of indulgences that had been rumbling around the church community for decades, than in its form. Luther presented his views in twenty short propositions, most one or two sentences long. Luther’s trenchant denunciation, the brutal clarity of the trained academic, mingled with the voice of the distraught, perplexed parishioner. The work (and in this respect the choice of sermon for the title has a certain irony) could have been read, or read aloud, in ten minutes. It
{"title":"The Reformation as a Media Event","authors":"A. Pettegree","doi":"10.14315/arg-2017-0115","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14315/arg-2017-0115","url":null,"abstract":"What did contemporary Germans make of Martin Luther? To many, particularly among the clerical orders, Luther was a man of piercing theological insights; to others a deeply divisive force, shaking the foundations of established belief, practice, and authority. The more perplexing question is quite what those beyond the ranks of church professionals made of this. Without these radiating circles of support, it is clear there would have been no Reformation movement. It was men and women of little theological education who turned a clerical spat into a matter of public interest, a public event and a media event. There were several elements of this: the emergence of Luther as a public figure; public curiosity at the scandal raised by his defiance; the stream of pamphlets that first drew people’s attention to his evolving message and then themselves became part of the story. In the process the public character of the movement both ensured Luther’s survival and effected a radical change in Europe’s media environment – as it turned out, one that was permanent. It is often inferred that none of this could have happened without print, that print made the Reformation. But to the extent that this was so, it required a wholesale reorientation of the print world. The publishing tradition of the seventy years before the Reformation would have been little use to a mass movement of insurgency, since print was such a deeply conservative force. It was a faithful servant of the established church, easily its most reliable client. It required a considerable leap of faith to imagine it could be anything else. Not the least of Luther’s achievements was to have invented a new form of theological writing: short, accessible, and above all written in the vernacular. The Sermon on Indulgences and Grace, through which Luther introduced his teaching on indulgences to a non-scholarly audience, was a masterpiece in miniature. Its radicalism lay less in its teaching, a homely distillation of criticisms of indulgences that had been rumbling around the church community for decades, than in its form. Luther presented his views in twenty short propositions, most one or two sentences long. Luther’s trenchant denunciation, the brutal clarity of the trained academic, mingled with the voice of the distraught, perplexed parishioner. The work (and in this respect the choice of sermon for the title has a certain irony) could have been read, or read aloud, in ten minutes. It","PeriodicalId":42621,"journal":{"name":"ARCHIV FUR REFORMATIONSGESCHICHTE-ARCHIVE FOR REFORMATION HISTORY","volume":"108 1","pages":"126 - 133"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2017-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.14315/arg-2017-0115","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45653947","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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