Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.14315/arg-2020-1110108
Steven W. Tyra
“According to the error of the Greeks and the Calvinists, the [departed soul] has not gone to God, but to the lower world, or to some other place outside heaven where God is not any more present than he is here with us.”1 With this statement, the Jesuit polemicist, Robert Bellarmine, summed up what he considered one of Reformed Protestantism’s chief heresies in the sixteenth century. The Calvinists were preaching that, upon death, faithful souls did not immediately ascend to God and enjoy the “beatific vision” as was the traditional hope of late medieval Christians. Rather, they migrated to “some other place” where they rested until the last judgment and resurrection. Only then would they enjoy the fullness of beatitude and behold God “face to face.” Bellarmine had no doubt who was to blame for this false teaching in his own day. “[John] Calvin stubbornly defends the notion that souls do not see God [animas non videre Deum]” before the last day, he warned.2 The Genevan heresiarch had drunk from a polluted stream whose headwaters lay to the East. The error of the Calvinists was that of the Greeks. However familiar Calvin’s Greek sensibility was to near contemporaries like Bellarmine, it is likely to surprise modern scholars. The most complete treatments of the reformer’s eschatology remain those of Heinrich Quistorp (1941) and George H. Tavard (2000).3 Despite their different eras and aims, these studies agree in casting Calvin as a “traditional” voice regarding the visio Dei
{"title":"“Neither the Spirit Without the Flesh”: John Calvin’s Greek Doctrine of the Beatific Vision","authors":"Steven W. Tyra","doi":"10.14315/arg-2020-1110108","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14315/arg-2020-1110108","url":null,"abstract":"“According to the error of the Greeks and the Calvinists, the [departed soul] has not gone to God, but to the lower world, or to some other place outside heaven where God is not any more present than he is here with us.”1 With this statement, the Jesuit polemicist, Robert Bellarmine, summed up what he considered one of Reformed Protestantism’s chief heresies in the sixteenth century. The Calvinists were preaching that, upon death, faithful souls did not immediately ascend to God and enjoy the “beatific vision” as was the traditional hope of late medieval Christians. Rather, they migrated to “some other place” where they rested until the last judgment and resurrection. Only then would they enjoy the fullness of beatitude and behold God “face to face.” Bellarmine had no doubt who was to blame for this false teaching in his own day. “[John] Calvin stubbornly defends the notion that souls do not see God [animas non videre Deum]” before the last day, he warned.2 The Genevan heresiarch had drunk from a polluted stream whose headwaters lay to the East. The error of the Calvinists was that of the Greeks. However familiar Calvin’s Greek sensibility was to near contemporaries like Bellarmine, it is likely to surprise modern scholars. The most complete treatments of the reformer’s eschatology remain those of Heinrich Quistorp (1941) and George H. Tavard (2000).3 Despite their different eras and aims, these studies agree in casting Calvin as a “traditional” voice regarding the visio Dei","PeriodicalId":42621,"journal":{"name":"ARCHIV FUR REFORMATIONSGESCHICHTE-ARCHIVE FOR REFORMATION HISTORY","volume":"20 1","pages":"170 - 193"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66697276","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.14315/arg-2020-1110107
Mark A. Hutchinson
This article sets out to explain religious change in Ireland in terms of the crown’s call for obedience in a well-ordered commonwealth. This means thinking about the problem of religious change in Ireland in terms of the categories of authority and obedience, as opposed to those of confession and choice. There is no doubt that tentative confessional positions had emerged by 1530 with the Augsburg confession. But Henry VIII, like other European rulers and magistrates, did not ask his subjects to choose a new confession. Whilst the king was quite clearly asking his subjects to change their religious position by rejecting papal authority, this was presented as a demand that the king’s subjects obey the prince as the correctly ordained head of the commonwealth; and in setting out such a position Henry emphasized his religious orthodoxy. Significantly, in presenting religious change as a traditional demand for obedience to the prince, this placed severe limits on the conceptual space for dissent and disobedience. This is important, because it suggests that in such a mental world, where orthodoxy and obedience were key, dissent would only become possible if different languages of obedience and orthodoxy became available, which could explain and justify different positions.1 For the Old English community in Ireland this was particularly pertinent. The Old English consisted of those English residents in Ireland, who, since the twelfth century conquest,
{"title":"The Question of Obedience and the Formation of Confessional Identity in the Irish Reformation","authors":"Mark A. Hutchinson","doi":"10.14315/arg-2020-1110107","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14315/arg-2020-1110107","url":null,"abstract":"This article sets out to explain religious change in Ireland in terms of the crown’s call for obedience in a well-ordered commonwealth. This means thinking about the problem of religious change in Ireland in terms of the categories of authority and obedience, as opposed to those of confession and choice. There is no doubt that tentative confessional positions had emerged by 1530 with the Augsburg confession. But Henry VIII, like other European rulers and magistrates, did not ask his subjects to choose a new confession. Whilst the king was quite clearly asking his subjects to change their religious position by rejecting papal authority, this was presented as a demand that the king’s subjects obey the prince as the correctly ordained head of the commonwealth; and in setting out such a position Henry emphasized his religious orthodoxy. Significantly, in presenting religious change as a traditional demand for obedience to the prince, this placed severe limits on the conceptual space for dissent and disobedience. This is important, because it suggests that in such a mental world, where orthodoxy and obedience were key, dissent would only become possible if different languages of obedience and orthodoxy became available, which could explain and justify different positions.1 For the Old English community in Ireland this was particularly pertinent. The Old English consisted of those English residents in Ireland, who, since the twelfth century conquest,","PeriodicalId":42621,"journal":{"name":"ARCHIV FUR REFORMATIONSGESCHICHTE-ARCHIVE FOR REFORMATION HISTORY","volume":"111 1","pages":"143 - 169"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45862209","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-02eCollection Date: 2020-01-01DOI: 10.1136/bmjstel-2018-000395
Patrizia Kündig, Franziska Tschan, Norbert K Semmer, Camille Morgenthaler, Jasmin Zimmermann, Eliane Holzer, Simon Andreas Huber, Sabina Hunziker, Stephan Marsch
Background: Teams that regularly step back from action and deliberately reflect on their performance and strategies show higher performance. Ad hoc emergency teams with changing team composition cannot develop such habits but may engage in short postaction reflection to discuss shortcomings of past performance and potential adaptations of their strategies for future similar tasks. This study aimed to test the effect of a short postaction self-led reflective team briefing on resuscitation performance in a simulator setting in terms of three performance parameters: hands-on time, coordination between chest compression and ventilation, and defibrillation.
Methods: We performed a randomised controlled trial including 56 ad hoc formed teams of three fourth-year medical students each. All groups performed a resuscitation task, followed by a self-guided reflective briefing, based on a general instruction (n=28 teams), or an unrelated discussion session (control condition; n=29), followed by a second resuscitation task in the same team composition.
Results: Adjusted for performance in the first task, teams in the reflection condition showed higher performance gain in the second resuscitation than teams in the control condition (6.21 percentage points (95% CI 1.31 to 11.10, p<0.001)) for basic hands-on performance; 15.0 percentage points (95% CI 2 to 28, p<0.001) for coordinative performance but non-significantly lower performance for defibrillation (-9%, 95% CI -27% to -9%, p=0.312).
Conclusion: Even very short self-led postaction reflective briefings enhance basic resuscitation performance in ad hoc groups but may not influence more complex aspects of the task. We recommend including short self-led team debriefings as part of simulator training.
背景：经常从行动中后退并有意识地反思自己的表现和策略的团队表现出更高的绩效。团队组成不断变化的临时急救团队无法养成这样的习惯，但可以在行动后进行简短反思，讨论过去表现的不足之处，以及对未来类似任务的策略进行调整的可能性。本研究旨在测试在模拟器环境中，行动后自我主导的简短反思性团队简报对复苏表现的影响，包括三个表现参数：动手时间、胸外按压与通气之间的协调以及除颤：我们进行了一项随机对照试验，包括 56 个临时组成的小组，每个小组由三名四年级医学生组成。所有小组在完成一项复苏任务后，根据一般指导（28 个小组）或不相关的讨论环节（对照组；29 个小组）进行自我指导的反思性简报，然后以相同的小组组成进行第二项复苏任务：结果：根据第一项任务的表现进行调整后，反思条件下的团队在第二次复苏中的表现收益高于对照条件下的团队（6.21 个百分点（95% CI 1.31 至 11.10，p））：即使是很短的自我主导行动后反思简报也能提高特设小组的基本复苏表现，但可能不会影响任务的更复杂方面。我们建议将简短的自我主导团队汇报作为模拟器培训的一部分。
{"title":"More than experience: a post-task reflection intervention among team members enhances performance in student teams confronted with a simulated resuscitation task-a prospective randomised trial.","authors":"Patrizia Kündig, Franziska Tschan, Norbert K Semmer, Camille Morgenthaler, Jasmin Zimmermann, Eliane Holzer, Simon Andreas Huber, Sabina Hunziker, Stephan Marsch","doi":"10.1136/bmjstel-2018-000395","DOIUrl":"10.1136/bmjstel-2018-000395","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Background: </strong>Teams that regularly step back from action and deliberately reflect on their performance and strategies show higher performance. Ad hoc emergency teams with changing team composition cannot develop such habits but may engage in short postaction reflection to discuss shortcomings of past performance and potential adaptations of their strategies for future similar tasks. This study aimed to test the effect of a short postaction self-led reflective team briefing on resuscitation performance in a simulator setting in terms of three performance parameters: hands-on time, coordination between chest compression and ventilation, and defibrillation.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>We performed a randomised controlled trial including 56 ad hoc formed teams of three fourth-year medical students each. All groups performed a resuscitation task, followed by a self-guided reflective briefing, based on a general instruction (n=28 teams), or an unrelated discussion session (control condition; n=29), followed by a second resuscitation task in the same team composition.</p><p><strong>Results: </strong>Adjusted for performance in the first task, teams in the reflection condition showed higher performance gain in the second resuscitation than teams in the control condition (6.21 percentage points (95% CI 1.31 to 11.10, p<0.001)) for basic hands-on performance; 15.0 percentage points (95% CI 2 to 28, p<0.001) for coordinative performance but non-significantly lower performance for defibrillation (-9%, 95% CI -27% to -9%, p=0.312).</p><p><strong>Conclusion: </strong>Even very short self-led postaction reflective briefings enhance basic resuscitation performance in ad hoc groups but may not influence more complex aspects of the task. We recommend including short self-led team debriefings as part of simulator training.</p>","PeriodicalId":42621,"journal":{"name":"ARCHIV FUR REFORMATIONSGESCHICHTE-ARCHIVE FOR REFORMATION HISTORY","volume":"37 1","pages":"81-86"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2020-03-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC8936849/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88747452","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-01DOI: 10.14315/arg-2019-1100111
Patrick Nehr
This article examines the connection between religious knowledge and religious action using the example of communion attendance at the Lutheran parish of St. Blasii in the imperial city of Nordhausen in Thuringia during the second half of the seventeenth century. The parish’s account book between 1649 and 1696 is used to reconstruct communion frequency among the parishioners. One striking feature is a phase of increased communion frequency between 1663 and 1673, during which the calculated average number of parishioners who took communion almost doubled. Thereafter, the figures drop down to the levels common before 1663. These developments cannot be explained by demographic changes alone. Rather, this change was influenced by the transformation of religious knowledge in the Nordhausen parish (pastoral theology, early Pietist literature) on the one hand and by official interventions (the promulgation and enforcement of a Policeyordnung) on the other.
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Pub Date : 2019-12-01DOI: 10.14315/arg-2019-1100104
C. Strohm
There is no consensus in current research about the extent of Luther’s influence on Calvin. While earlier interpretations were influenced by national identities, today’s scholars focus on the question of the unity of “the” Reformation. The influence of Melanchthon has rightly been weighted more strongly in recent decades. At the same time, it is obvious that there was an intensive reception of Luther in the circles of biblical humanists around Jacques Lefèvre d’Etaples and Gérard Roussel. This is evidenced by, among other things, the early distribution of Luther’s writings in France. Calvin’s reception of Luther has to be interpreted in this context. In his early texts there are unquestionable references to the Wittenberg reformer, including the literal adoption of Luther quotations, especially with regard to the doctrine of the sacraments and the interpretation of the commandments. 79. „Vestram libertatem erga Calvinum valde probo; videtur enim nimium semper Lutherum et Bucerum defendere [...]“ (Haller an Bullinger, 28.12.1554, CO 15,362). 80. Vgl. J. Calvin, Ultima admonitio ad Westphalum, 1557, CO 9,238. 81. „De Luthero non est quod dubiam coniecturam sumat: quando nunc quoque, sicut hactenus, non dissimulanter testamur, eum nos habere pro insigni Christi apostolo, cuius maxime opera et ministerio restituta hoc tempore fuerit evangelii puritas“ (Johannes Calvin, Responsio contra Pighium de libero arbitrio, 1543, CO 6,250). Weitere entsprechende Belege in: Wendel, Calvin (wie Anm. 9), 112 mit Anm. 70 u. 71.
在目前的研究中，关于路德对加尔文的影响程度没有达成共识。虽然早期的解释受到国家身份的影响，但今天的学者关注的是“宗教改革”的统一性问题。近几十年来，梅兰希顿的影响力理所当然地得到了更大的重视。与此同时，很明显，在以雅克·勒弗勒特弗尔·德·埃塔普尔斯和格姆拉德·鲁塞尔为中心的圣经人文主义者的圈子里，路德受到了强烈的欢迎。路德的著作早期在法国的传播就证明了这一点。加尔文对路德的接受必须在这个背景下解释。在他早期的文本中，毫无疑问地提到了维滕贝格的改革者，包括字面上采用路德的语录，特别是关于圣礼的教义和对诫命的解释。79年。”自由之源与自由之源;[英文][中文](Haller and Bullinger, 1554年12月28日，CO 15362)。80. Vgl。加尔文，《最后训诫与威斯特法伦》，1557,CO . 9238。81年。”(约翰·加尔文，《反对自由仲裁的责任》，1543年，共6250页)。作者:温德尔，卡尔文(魏氏第九卷)，112卷，70卷，71卷。
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Pub Date : 2019-12-01DOI: 10.14315/arg-2019-1100108
Maria Crǎciun
The statutes for the barbers’ guild of the Transylvanian towns, drafted in 1550, mention adultery and abandonment of family as one of the reasons for expulsion from the association, highlighting sexual misconduct as one of the offences that deserved the most severe punishment.1 Unworthy of the company of honourable men, those guilty of such misdeeds were expelled from the guilds because they tarnished not just their own good name and respectability but also the reputation of the professional community.2 Moreover, mentioned only three times in the second half of the sixteenth century and always in the statutes of the barbers, adultery is referred to as ‘crime’ rather than ‘sin’.3 By examining the list of sexual offences, the most frequent offenders and the methods used to punish them, this study will explore the definition of sexual misconduct after the Reformation of the Saxon community in the towns of Transylvania and identify the agents involved in the process of moral disciplining.4 The emphasis will be placed on the nature of these offences, its possible re-
{"title":"‘The Price of Sin’: Sexual Misconduct and its Social Consequences in Sixteenth-Century Transylvanian Towns","authors":"Maria Crǎciun","doi":"10.14315/arg-2019-1100108","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14315/arg-2019-1100108","url":null,"abstract":"The statutes for the barbers’ guild of the Transylvanian towns, drafted in 1550, mention adultery and abandonment of family as one of the reasons for expulsion from the association, highlighting sexual misconduct as one of the offences that deserved the most severe punishment.1 Unworthy of the company of honourable men, those guilty of such misdeeds were expelled from the guilds because they tarnished not just their own good name and respectability but also the reputation of the professional community.2 Moreover, mentioned only three times in the second half of the sixteenth century and always in the statutes of the barbers, adultery is referred to as ‘crime’ rather than ‘sin’.3 By examining the list of sexual offences, the most frequent offenders and the methods used to punish them, this study will explore the definition of sexual misconduct after the Reformation of the Saxon community in the towns of Transylvania and identify the agents involved in the process of moral disciplining.4 The emphasis will be placed on the nature of these offences, its possible re-","PeriodicalId":42621,"journal":{"name":"ARCHIV FUR REFORMATIONSGESCHICHTE-ARCHIVE FOR REFORMATION HISTORY","volume":"110 1","pages":"157 - 199"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48223093","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-01DOI: 10.14315/arg-2019-1100103
Tabita Landová
The article is concerned with the significance of Luke of Prague (1460–1528), a theologian and a bishop of the Unity of the Czech Brethren, for the development of the liturgy in his church. It explores the theological presuppositions of his liturgical reform, its particular components, and the characteristics of his liturgical theology in his voluminous work Zprávy kněžské (Instructions for Priests), printed in 1527. It argues that the Brethren’s liturgy, inspired by the liturgy of radical Hussites (Taborites), cannot be conceived as a simple negation of the Roman Catholic and Utraquist liturgical traditions but that it mediated between tradition and innovation. The desire to become a part of the true church of Christ led the Brethren not only to the intensive study of Scripture, the Apostles’ Creed, and the tradition of the ancient church but also to an intense communal liturgical life. Luke’s theological reflection on worship was thus influenced by the deeply felt communal experience of believers, as they listened to the Word of God, confessed their faith at a baptism, and received the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper sub utraque specie. At the center of his liturgical theology we find the idea of the new covenant between God and man, which impacts the shape of almost all sacramental liturgies in Zprávy kněžské. bei Johannes Augusta“, in: Anna Vind, Hg., The Church at the Time of Reformation (Refo500 Academic Studies), Göttingen [im Druck]; Dies., „Lekcionář Jana Augusty a jeho role v bratrském sporu o perikopy“, in: Listy filologické 135 (2012/3–4), 333–365.
这篇文章是关于布拉格的路加(1460-1528)的意义，一个神学家和统一的捷克弟兄主教，为发展礼仪在他的教会。它探讨了神学的先决条件，他的礼仪改革，其特定的组成部分，并在他的大量工作Zprávy kněžské(指示牧师)，印刷于1527年他的礼仪神学的特点。它认为，兄弟的礼仪，灵感来自激进的胡斯(tababorites)的礼仪，不能被认为是一个简单的否定罗马天主教和超教礼仪传统，但它调解之间的传统和创新。为了成为真正的基督教会的一员，弟兄们不仅认真研读圣经、使徒信经和古代教会的传统，而且还积极参与集体的礼拜生活。因此，路加对敬拜的神学反思受到信徒们深切感受到的共同经历的影响，当他们聆听神的话语，在洗礼中承认他们的信仰，并在特别的地点接受主的晚餐。在他的礼仪神学的中心，我们发现上帝和人之间的新约的想法，这影响了几乎所有的圣礼礼仪的形状在Zprávy kněžské。bejohannes Augusta”，见:Anna Vind, Hg.，《宗教改革时期的教会》(Refo500学术研究)，Göttingen [im Druck];死亡。，“Lekcionář Jana Augusty的jeho role v bratrskachm sporu o perikopy”，见:listlistfilologick 135(2012/3-4)， 333-365。
{"title":"Zwischen Tradition und Innovation: Lukas von Prag als liturgischer Theologe der Böhmischen Brüder","authors":"Tabita Landová","doi":"10.14315/arg-2019-1100103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14315/arg-2019-1100103","url":null,"abstract":"The article is concerned with the significance of Luke of Prague (1460–1528), a theologian and a bishop of the Unity of the Czech Brethren, for the development of the liturgy in his church. It explores the theological presuppositions of his liturgical reform, its particular components, and the characteristics of his liturgical theology in his voluminous work Zprávy kněžské (Instructions for Priests), printed in 1527. It argues that the Brethren’s liturgy, inspired by the liturgy of radical Hussites (Taborites), cannot be conceived as a simple negation of the Roman Catholic and Utraquist liturgical traditions but that it mediated between tradition and innovation. The desire to become a part of the true church of Christ led the Brethren not only to the intensive study of Scripture, the Apostles’ Creed, and the tradition of the ancient church but also to an intense communal liturgical life. Luke’s theological reflection on worship was thus influenced by the deeply felt communal experience of believers, as they listened to the Word of God, confessed their faith at a baptism, and received the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper sub utraque specie. At the center of his liturgical theology we find the idea of the new covenant between God and man, which impacts the shape of almost all sacramental liturgies in Zprávy kněžské. bei Johannes Augusta“, in: Anna Vind, Hg., The Church at the Time of Reformation (Refo500 Academic Studies), Göttingen [im Druck]; Dies., „Lekcionář Jana Augusty a jeho role v bratrském sporu o perikopy“, in: Listy filologické 135 (2012/3–4), 333–365.","PeriodicalId":42621,"journal":{"name":"ARCHIV FUR REFORMATIONSGESCHICHTE-ARCHIVE FOR REFORMATION HISTORY","volume":"110 1","pages":"23 - 48"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43458574","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-01DOI: 10.14315/arg-2019-1100112
William Monter
{"title":"Numismatics in a Confessional Age: Maria of Jever’s Talers (1558–1573)","authors":"William Monter","doi":"10.14315/arg-2019-1100112","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14315/arg-2019-1100112","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42621,"journal":{"name":"ARCHIV FUR REFORMATIONSGESCHICHTE-ARCHIVE FOR REFORMATION HISTORY","volume":"110 1","pages":"301 - 313"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43476176","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-01DOI: 10.14315/arg-2019-1100105
L. Achtelstetter
This article is concerned with the question whether the Lutheran circular disputation about Matthew 19:21, which was held in 1539, legitimized resistance against Emperor Charles V. Luther wrote the theses of this disputation in early 1539, when war with the emperor seemed imminent. But the theses apparently lost political relevance when the emperor and the Protestant estates made peace in the Treaty of Frankfurt on 19 April 1539. Nevertheless, the theses were debated on 9 May 1539, and Luther participated in the disputation. A close analysis of the disputation leads to the conclusion that the scholarly distinction between theological and political arguments was blurred in light of contemporary events. The Lutherans’ apocalyptic understanding of the struggle against the pope as the struggle against the Antichrist overlaps with the question of the legitimacy of secular resistance against the emperor. Therefore, it is likely that the theological aspect of the argument was used by the Protestant princes for their political purposes.
{"title":"Der Kaiser als Verteidiger des Antichristen – Zur Legitimitätsfrage des protestantischen Widerstandes gegen den Kaiser in der Zirkulardisputation über Matthäus 19,21","authors":"L. Achtelstetter","doi":"10.14315/arg-2019-1100105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14315/arg-2019-1100105","url":null,"abstract":"This article is concerned with the question whether the Lutheran circular disputation about Matthew 19:21, which was held in 1539, legitimized resistance against Emperor Charles V. Luther wrote the theses of this disputation in early 1539, when war with the emperor seemed imminent. But the theses apparently lost political relevance when the emperor and the Protestant estates made peace in the Treaty of Frankfurt on 19 April 1539. Nevertheless, the theses were debated on 9 May 1539, and Luther participated in the disputation. A close analysis of the disputation leads to the conclusion that the scholarly distinction between theological and political arguments was blurred in light of contemporary events. The Lutherans’ apocalyptic understanding of the struggle against the pope as the struggle against the Antichrist overlaps with the question of the legitimacy of secular resistance against the emperor. Therefore, it is likely that the theological aspect of the argument was used by the Protestant princes for their political purposes.","PeriodicalId":42621,"journal":{"name":"ARCHIV FUR REFORMATIONSGESCHICHTE-ARCHIVE FOR REFORMATION HISTORY","volume":"110 1","pages":"69 - 93"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41898403","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-01DOI: 10.14315/arg-2019-1100106
J. Steiniger
The editorial work on the extensive correspondence of the Zurich reformer Heinrich Bullinger provided new insights into the Italian religious refugee Francesco Stancaro and his stay in Basel towards the end of the Schmalkaldic War. In addition, the only surviving copy of Stancaro’s Collatio doctrinae Arrii et Philippi Melanchthonis from 1559 was found in Zurich. In this tract Stancaro argued against Melanchthon and the Hungarian theologian Franz Davidis (Ferenc Dávid). Since this text is barely known today, it is edited here and put into the context of its printing history. The sources used by Stancaro are listed in the appendix.
{"title":"Francesco Stancaros Schrift „Collatio doctrinae Arrii et Philippi Melanchthonis et sequacium“: Kontextualisierung und Edition","authors":"J. Steiniger","doi":"10.14315/arg-2019-1100106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14315/arg-2019-1100106","url":null,"abstract":"The editorial work on the extensive correspondence of the Zurich reformer Heinrich Bullinger provided new insights into the Italian religious refugee Francesco Stancaro and his stay in Basel towards the end of the Schmalkaldic War. In addition, the only surviving copy of Stancaro’s Collatio doctrinae Arrii et Philippi Melanchthonis from 1559 was found in Zurich. In this tract Stancaro argued against Melanchthon and the Hungarian theologian Franz Davidis (Ferenc Dávid). Since this text is barely known today, it is edited here and put into the context of its printing history. The sources used by Stancaro are listed in the appendix.","PeriodicalId":42621,"journal":{"name":"ARCHIV FUR REFORMATIONSGESCHICHTE-ARCHIVE FOR REFORMATION HISTORY","volume":"110 1","pages":"137 - 94"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48766300","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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