Pub Date : 2013-11-20DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2013.844503
Florin Curta
Abstract There is a conspicuous absence of interest in markets and commercial activities in recent studies of al-Andalus. A similar problem existed in the Marxist historiography of commercial relations in Eastern Europe during the early Middle Ages. Although Soviet scholars initially downplayed trade in favour of agriculture and crafts, the explosion of archaeological research in key Bulghar centres, as well as the discovery of a number of sites that may be defined as emporia have dramatically changed both the terms of the discussion and the role of trade in studies of urbanisation and state formation. This may in turn provide inspiration for the study of trade in contemporary al-Andalus. Moreover, the recent emphasis on hydraulic archaeology and its role in explaining the extraordinary wealth of al-Andalus in the tenth and early eleventh centuries provides a useful background for a re-assessment of the question of trade in the westernmost region of medieval Islam.
{"title":"Markets in Tenth-Century al-Andalus and Volga Bulghāria: Contrasting Views of Trade in Muslim Europe","authors":"Florin Curta","doi":"10.1080/09503110.2013.844503","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2013.844503","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract There is a conspicuous absence of interest in markets and commercial activities in recent studies of al-Andalus. A similar problem existed in the Marxist historiography of commercial relations in Eastern Europe during the early Middle Ages. Although Soviet scholars initially downplayed trade in favour of agriculture and crafts, the explosion of archaeological research in key Bulghar centres, as well as the discovery of a number of sites that may be defined as emporia have dramatically changed both the terms of the discussion and the role of trade in studies of urbanisation and state formation. This may in turn provide inspiration for the study of trade in contemporary al-Andalus. Moreover, the recent emphasis on hydraulic archaeology and its role in explaining the extraordinary wealth of al-Andalus in the tenth and early eleventh centuries provides a useful background for a re-assessment of the question of trade in the westernmost region of medieval Islam.","PeriodicalId":42974,"journal":{"name":"Al-Masaq-Journal of the Medieval Mediterranean","volume":"132 1","pages":"305 - 330"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2013-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79158752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-11-20DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2013.845518
Ulisse Cecini
Abstract This article sets out to be a concise account of Mark of Toledo's Qurʾān translation. It will be structured as follows: first, it will provide information about when and in what circumstances it was realised. Second, it will present some examples, which will show Mark's way of translating and transferring form and content of the Qurʾān for his Latin-speaking Christian audience. Mark mostly translates words consistently throughout the text, and also tries to translate words derived from the same Arabic root with root-related Latin words. Moreover, he does not usually try to convey the semantic nuances a word may have, seemingly not paying attention to the context, but translating with a standard, basic meaning of the word. (This observation should be taken as a tendency and not as a rule, as the excursus at the end will illustrate.) Nevertheless, Mark does not violate the grammar of the Latin language. Despite his fidelity to the text, Mark's Christian cultural background sometimes influences the translation. In the conclusion, the features of Mark's translation will be set out in relation to the cultural and political activity of its commissioner, the Archbishop of Toledo Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada.
{"title":"Main Features of Mark of Toledo's Latin Qurʾān Translation","authors":"Ulisse Cecini","doi":"10.1080/09503110.2013.845518","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2013.845518","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article sets out to be a concise account of Mark of Toledo's Qurʾān translation. It will be structured as follows: first, it will provide information about when and in what circumstances it was realised. Second, it will present some examples, which will show Mark's way of translating and transferring form and content of the Qurʾān for his Latin-speaking Christian audience. Mark mostly translates words consistently throughout the text, and also tries to translate words derived from the same Arabic root with root-related Latin words. Moreover, he does not usually try to convey the semantic nuances a word may have, seemingly not paying attention to the context, but translating with a standard, basic meaning of the word. (This observation should be taken as a tendency and not as a rule, as the excursus at the end will illustrate.) Nevertheless, Mark does not violate the grammar of the Latin language. Despite his fidelity to the text, Mark's Christian cultural background sometimes influences the translation. In the conclusion, the features of Mark's translation will be set out in relation to the cultural and political activity of its commissioner, the Archbishop of Toledo Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada.","PeriodicalId":42974,"journal":{"name":"Al-Masaq-Journal of the Medieval Mediterranean","volume":"57 1","pages":"331 - 344"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2013-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84875858","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-11-20DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2013.845519
A. Echevarría
Abstract Burial rites of religious minorities in the Iberian Peninsula were dominated by strong issues of identity. Agreements and legislation permitted Jews and Muslims to have separate cemeteries, where they enjoyed absolute freedom of ritual and practice, and therefore in this framework religious ideology could be fostered, as well as the sense of belonging to a select, religiously defined group. Methodologically, this article aims at a new approach by using the archaeological information provided by the expeditions at the Mudejar cemetery in Avila and contrasting them with contemporary accounts. Mudejar burial rites were recorded during the meetings of a confraternity in Toledo (active c. 1400–1420). This description is compared with the theoretical fiqh treatises used at the time: the Aljamiado and Arabic manuscripts of Ibn al-Jallāb al-Baṣrī's Kitāb al-Tafrīʿ (tenth century), the Risāla fī l-fiqh, by Ibn Abī Zayd al-Qayrawānī (d. 996), and the Sunni Breviary, compiled by Yça Jabῑr, mufti of Segovia (fifteenth century).
{"title":"Islamic Confraternities and Funerary Practices: Hallmarks of Mudejar Identity in the Iberian Peninsula?","authors":"A. Echevarría","doi":"10.1080/09503110.2013.845519","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2013.845519","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Burial rites of religious minorities in the Iberian Peninsula were dominated by strong issues of identity. Agreements and legislation permitted Jews and Muslims to have separate cemeteries, where they enjoyed absolute freedom of ritual and practice, and therefore in this framework religious ideology could be fostered, as well as the sense of belonging to a select, religiously defined group. Methodologically, this article aims at a new approach by using the archaeological information provided by the expeditions at the Mudejar cemetery in Avila and contrasting them with contemporary accounts. Mudejar burial rites were recorded during the meetings of a confraternity in Toledo (active c. 1400–1420). This description is compared with the theoretical fiqh treatises used at the time: the Aljamiado and Arabic manuscripts of Ibn al-Jallāb al-Baṣrī's Kitāb al-Tafrīʿ (tenth century), the Risāla fī l-fiqh, by Ibn Abī Zayd al-Qayrawānī (d. 996), and the Sunni Breviary, compiled by Yça Jabῑr, mufti of Segovia (fifteenth century).","PeriodicalId":42974,"journal":{"name":"Al-Masaq-Journal of the Medieval Mediterranean","volume":"11 1","pages":"345 - 368"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2013-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77762233","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-11-20DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2013.844472
E. Karachaliou
Abstract The medieval Mediterranean has predominantly been considered to be a place of continuous conflict in matters of political and territorial ambitions, and, of course, religious dominance. The constant incursions on the islands of the Mediterranean have been considered by historians, legitimately in many instances, to be destructive of local communities, and to have caused turbulence in the economy, society, and culture. However, there is documentation which proves that such invasions were frequently followed by improvement in administration, and subsequently by production of art and a new type of culture that was an amalgam of Western and Eastern elements. This article aims to illustrate certain positive side effects of this interaction in the Mediterranean through a specific example: the medieval city of Aegina in the Aegean Sea. During its history, the island passed through the hands of the Franks, the Venetians, the Catalans, and eventually the Ottomans. The architectural forms and artistic patterns that will be discussed support the argument that the medieval Mediterranean became a place for the exchange of ideas, and a canvas for multicultural activities.
{"title":"The Island of Aegina: An Example of Modus Vivendi in the Medieval Mediterranean","authors":"E. Karachaliou","doi":"10.1080/09503110.2013.844472","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2013.844472","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The medieval Mediterranean has predominantly been considered to be a place of continuous conflict in matters of political and territorial ambitions, and, of course, religious dominance. The constant incursions on the islands of the Mediterranean have been considered by historians, legitimately in many instances, to be destructive of local communities, and to have caused turbulence in the economy, society, and culture. However, there is documentation which proves that such invasions were frequently followed by improvement in administration, and subsequently by production of art and a new type of culture that was an amalgam of Western and Eastern elements. This article aims to illustrate certain positive side effects of this interaction in the Mediterranean through a specific example: the medieval city of Aegina in the Aegean Sea. During its history, the island passed through the hands of the Franks, the Venetians, the Catalans, and eventually the Ottomans. The architectural forms and artistic patterns that will be discussed support the argument that the medieval Mediterranean became a place for the exchange of ideas, and a canvas for multicultural activities.","PeriodicalId":42974,"journal":{"name":"Al-Masaq-Journal of the Medieval Mediterranean","volume":"9 1","pages":"279 - 304"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2013-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89073119","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-11-20DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2013.844478
Maria Haralambakis
{"title":"Coptic Christianity in Ottoman Egypt","authors":"Maria Haralambakis","doi":"10.1080/09503110.2013.844478","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2013.844478","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42974,"journal":{"name":"Al-Masaq-Journal of the Medieval Mediterranean","volume":"27 1","pages":"375 - 376"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2013-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78367837","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-11-20DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2013.844480
Matthew S. Gordon
a smoother transition from the Ottoman period to the present day. Throughout the work Armanios engages with a wide range of scholarly literature on relevant topics, and demonstrates detailed awareness of the state of research into the history of theMiddle East. As pointed out in the introduction, and on various occasions throughout the book, there are very few accessible Coptic primary sources relating to the Ottoman period, and the scantiness of thematerial is amajor challenge to research. The sourcematerial that is used in the book,Coptic-Arabicmanuscripts, closely relates to the topics of the chapters: saints’ lives, chronicles (which describe festivals and pilgrimages), andsermons.Although these are“elite” sources, theymayreflect someof theexperiences of the community at large, as “the masses” would have participated in the festivals, and listened to the saint’s lives and to the sermons. Armanios thus seeks to understand the diverse socio-religious experiences of the Coptic community in Egypt in the Ottoman period at large. In addition, the author also makes use of some other sources, such as European travel accounts, including those of missionaries, and chronicles written by Muslims. In spite of using the sources and quoting excerpts from them, Armanios’ focus is more on socio-religious questions than on a detailed engagement with the sources. The promised “close-reading” (p. 45) of the neo-martyrdom narrative of St Salib (sixteenth century) in chapter two, for example, is not as “close” as some scholars maywish for. Exposition of the hagiographic literaturemight have benefited fromamore detailed analysis of how these stories “work”, and how they might have been narrated. Some more information on the surviving manuscripts would also have been useful. Nevertheless, this is a very valuable book: the first comprehensive assessment of the Coptic community and its diverse religious expressions in the Ottoman period. The intended readership was not indicated explicitly, but the book deserves to be widely read. It should be of interest to social, political, ecclesiological and intellectual historians, especially to those interested in minority cultures and issues of identity formation and maintenance. With its generally clear writing style and logical structure, the book should also be accessible to students and a wider readership, for example within the Coptic community.
{"title":"Entre mémoire et pouvoir: L'espace syrien sous les derniers Omeyyades et les premiers Abbassides (v. 72–193/692–809)","authors":"Matthew S. Gordon","doi":"10.1080/09503110.2013.844480","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2013.844480","url":null,"abstract":"a smoother transition from the Ottoman period to the present day. Throughout the work Armanios engages with a wide range of scholarly literature on relevant topics, and demonstrates detailed awareness of the state of research into the history of theMiddle East. As pointed out in the introduction, and on various occasions throughout the book, there are very few accessible Coptic primary sources relating to the Ottoman period, and the scantiness of thematerial is amajor challenge to research. The sourcematerial that is used in the book,Coptic-Arabicmanuscripts, closely relates to the topics of the chapters: saints’ lives, chronicles (which describe festivals and pilgrimages), andsermons.Although these are“elite” sources, theymayreflect someof theexperiences of the community at large, as “the masses” would have participated in the festivals, and listened to the saint’s lives and to the sermons. Armanios thus seeks to understand the diverse socio-religious experiences of the Coptic community in Egypt in the Ottoman period at large. In addition, the author also makes use of some other sources, such as European travel accounts, including those of missionaries, and chronicles written by Muslims. In spite of using the sources and quoting excerpts from them, Armanios’ focus is more on socio-religious questions than on a detailed engagement with the sources. The promised “close-reading” (p. 45) of the neo-martyrdom narrative of St Salib (sixteenth century) in chapter two, for example, is not as “close” as some scholars maywish for. Exposition of the hagiographic literaturemight have benefited fromamore detailed analysis of how these stories “work”, and how they might have been narrated. Some more information on the surviving manuscripts would also have been useful. Nevertheless, this is a very valuable book: the first comprehensive assessment of the Coptic community and its diverse religious expressions in the Ottoman period. The intended readership was not indicated explicitly, but the book deserves to be widely read. It should be of interest to social, political, ecclesiological and intellectual historians, especially to those interested in minority cultures and issues of identity formation and maintenance. With its generally clear writing style and logical structure, the book should also be accessible to students and a wider readership, for example within the Coptic community.","PeriodicalId":42974,"journal":{"name":"Al-Masaq-Journal of the Medieval Mediterranean","volume":"103 1","pages":"376 - 378"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2013-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77670062","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-11-20DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2013.844474
P. Oldfield
{"title":"Shipping, Trade and Crusade in the Medieval Mediterranean: Studies in Honour of John Pryor","authors":"P. Oldfield","doi":"10.1080/09503110.2013.844474","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2013.844474","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42974,"journal":{"name":"Al-Masaq-Journal of the Medieval Mediterranean","volume":"27 1","pages":"369 - 371"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2013-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75324062","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-11-20DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2013.844484
B. o'kane
that the original manuscript was a text used for study by the Zaydı̄ Imām al-Nāt ̇ iq bil-h ̇ aqq, the book also sheds some light on how deeply Zaydı̄ theology was influenced by Muʿtazilism, the ties between Yemeni Zaydiyya and Muʿtazila beliefs, especially the pro-ʿAlid tendency in the Muʿtazilı̄ doctrine on the imāmate, particularly as Muʿtazilism had become marginalised in Sunnı̄ Islam by the sixth/twelfth century. This volume should also facilitate comparison between Yemeni and Kūfı̄ Zaydı̄ thoughts and explain the reception of Bas ̇ ran Muʿtazilı̄ thought and why it experienced a sudden rise among the Zaydı̄s of Yemen. Bas ̇ ran Muʿtazilite Theology can also help to clarify the transfer of Bas ̇ ran Muʿtazilı̄ texts and doctrines to Yemen and the role of Yemenı̄ Zaydı̄s in the preservation of Muʿtazilı̄ theological sources. The book will be indispensible for the proper understanding of scholastic argumentation and will be especially useful for Islamicists, philosophers, theologians and students of these disciplines. It should be a starting point for more inter-sectarian comparisons and studies.
{"title":"The Public Figure: Political Iconography in Medieval Mesopotamia","authors":"B. o'kane","doi":"10.1080/09503110.2013.844484","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2013.844484","url":null,"abstract":"that the original manuscript was a text used for study by the Zaydı̄ Imām al-Nāt ̇ iq bil-h ̇ aqq, the book also sheds some light on how deeply Zaydı̄ theology was influenced by Muʿtazilism, the ties between Yemeni Zaydiyya and Muʿtazila beliefs, especially the pro-ʿAlid tendency in the Muʿtazilı̄ doctrine on the imāmate, particularly as Muʿtazilism had become marginalised in Sunnı̄ Islam by the sixth/twelfth century. This volume should also facilitate comparison between Yemeni and Kūfı̄ Zaydı̄ thoughts and explain the reception of Bas ̇ ran Muʿtazilı̄ thought and why it experienced a sudden rise among the Zaydı̄s of Yemen. Bas ̇ ran Muʿtazilite Theology can also help to clarify the transfer of Bas ̇ ran Muʿtazilı̄ texts and doctrines to Yemen and the role of Yemenı̄ Zaydı̄s in the preservation of Muʿtazilı̄ theological sources. The book will be indispensible for the proper understanding of scholastic argumentation and will be especially useful for Islamicists, philosophers, theologians and students of these disciplines. It should be a starting point for more inter-sectarian comparisons and studies.","PeriodicalId":42974,"journal":{"name":"Al-Masaq-Journal of the Medieval Mediterranean","volume":"61 1","pages":"380 - 382"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2013-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91353991","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-08-01DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2013.804326
Eliza Tasbihi
̇ ayrı̄-ʿAlawı̄ studies is analytical, encyclopaedic and well-written. In addition to challenging misunderstandings of Nus ̇ ayrı̄ beliefs, Friedman demonstrates how the migration from Iraq to Syria, a series of charismatic leaders during the fourth/tenth and fifth/eleventh centuries, and autonomy during the Crusades enabled a small and sometimes reviled sect to survive to the present. Despite persecution in their earliest years, Nus ̇ ayrı̄s have been tolerated by their Shı̄ʿı̄ and Sunnı̄ neighbours for most of their history. The only written attacks on Nus ̇ ayrism were penned by Ibn Taymiyya, the H ̇ anbalı̄ scholar of the eighth/fourteenth century, who was part of a short-lived Mamlūk effort to convert Nus ̇ ayrı̄s to Sunnism and later to destroy their communities. Both efforts failed. Even in modern times, ʿAlawı̄tes have been integrated into Syrian and Arab nationalist movements. Only since the 1980s have neo-H ̇ anbalı̄ Islamists resurrected Ibn Taymiyya’s charges of heresy. At least one major portion of this story remains unexplained. As Friedman’s sources demonstrate, the esoteric knowledge that is at the core of Nus ̇ ayrism is the preserve of a male elite (al-khās ̇ s ̇ a). How did Nus ̇ ayrism develop beyond this minority and encompass the mass of adherents (al-ʿāmma) that would make it a viable social and political group? The book under review calls for a study of Nus ̇ ayrı̄ history during the 400 years between the Mamlūk failure to liquidate the sect and the early thirteenth/nineteenth century, when European scholars began to study it. Like any excellent work of research, Friedman’s answers big questions and inspires more.
{"title":"Muḥammad the Prophet and Arabia","authors":"Eliza Tasbihi","doi":"10.1080/09503110.2013.804326","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2013.804326","url":null,"abstract":"̇ ayrı̄-ʿAlawı̄ studies is analytical, encyclopaedic and well-written. In addition to challenging misunderstandings of Nus ̇ ayrı̄ beliefs, Friedman demonstrates how the migration from Iraq to Syria, a series of charismatic leaders during the fourth/tenth and fifth/eleventh centuries, and autonomy during the Crusades enabled a small and sometimes reviled sect to survive to the present. Despite persecution in their earliest years, Nus ̇ ayrı̄s have been tolerated by their Shı̄ʿı̄ and Sunnı̄ neighbours for most of their history. The only written attacks on Nus ̇ ayrism were penned by Ibn Taymiyya, the H ̇ anbalı̄ scholar of the eighth/fourteenth century, who was part of a short-lived Mamlūk effort to convert Nus ̇ ayrı̄s to Sunnism and later to destroy their communities. Both efforts failed. Even in modern times, ʿAlawı̄tes have been integrated into Syrian and Arab nationalist movements. Only since the 1980s have neo-H ̇ anbalı̄ Islamists resurrected Ibn Taymiyya’s charges of heresy. At least one major portion of this story remains unexplained. As Friedman’s sources demonstrate, the esoteric knowledge that is at the core of Nus ̇ ayrism is the preserve of a male elite (al-khās ̇ s ̇ a). How did Nus ̇ ayrism develop beyond this minority and encompass the mass of adherents (al-ʿāmma) that would make it a viable social and political group? The book under review calls for a study of Nus ̇ ayrı̄ history during the 400 years between the Mamlūk failure to liquidate the sect and the early thirteenth/nineteenth century, when European scholars began to study it. Like any excellent work of research, Friedman’s answers big questions and inspires more.","PeriodicalId":42974,"journal":{"name":"Al-Masaq-Journal of the Medieval Mediterranean","volume":"1 1","pages":"273 - 275"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2013-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80579420","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-08-01DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2013.799957
C. Caselli
Abstract Among the Latin states, it was the maritime republic of Genoa that established the earliest official contacts with the Ottomans by concluding a treaty with them in 1352. This was the first step in the development of relatively smooth relations between the Genoese and the Ottoman Empire, which lasted from the mid-fourteenth until the mid-fifteenth century. Within Christendom, such familiarity earned the republic a negative reputation, which the adversaries of Genoa – Venice among others – tried to exploit for their own purposes. An element that contributed to the idea of a close connection between the Genoese and Ottomans was the outstanding position gained by some citizens of Genoa at the Ottoman court. They were influential men of affairs who owed their acquaintance with the sultans to their specific commercial activity. However, despite the fact that in some cases they held offices in the Genoese colonial administration, these merchants acted quite independently of Genoa itself and sometimes contrary to its directives.
{"title":"Genoa, Genoese Merchants and the Ottoman Empire in the First Half of the Fifteenth Century: Rumours and Reality","authors":"C. Caselli","doi":"10.1080/09503110.2013.799957","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2013.799957","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Among the Latin states, it was the maritime republic of Genoa that established the earliest official contacts with the Ottomans by concluding a treaty with them in 1352. This was the first step in the development of relatively smooth relations between the Genoese and the Ottoman Empire, which lasted from the mid-fourteenth until the mid-fifteenth century. Within Christendom, such familiarity earned the republic a negative reputation, which the adversaries of Genoa – Venice among others – tried to exploit for their own purposes. An element that contributed to the idea of a close connection between the Genoese and Ottomans was the outstanding position gained by some citizens of Genoa at the Ottoman court. They were influential men of affairs who owed their acquaintance with the sultans to their specific commercial activity. However, despite the fact that in some cases they held offices in the Genoese colonial administration, these merchants acted quite independently of Genoa itself and sometimes contrary to its directives.","PeriodicalId":42974,"journal":{"name":"Al-Masaq-Journal of the Medieval Mediterranean","volume":"12 1","pages":"252 - 263"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2013-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88596602","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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