Pub Date : 2021-12-02DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2021.2005655
Ayonghe Akonwi Nebasifu, Francisco Cuogo
Since the institutionalization of biodiversity conservation in the 1980s, co-management has been employed as an economic policy for regulating the joint use of natural resources. However, barriers to its effectiveness may at times arise, as when imported initiatives are poorly acculturated to local needs. Inspired by contributions on the commons, globalization, and critical policy studies, we examine lapses in co-management and related natural resource governance practices, using a systematic review of policy publications on nature-reliant communities in the global South and North. The conclusions propose options through which a “localized co-management” may help enhance the inclusion of local/indigenous people in making decisions concerning the use of natural resources. ARTICLE HISTORY Received 17 November 2020 Revised 26 February 2021 Accepted 26 April 2021
{"title":"Prospects for Localizing Co-management","authors":"Ayonghe Akonwi Nebasifu, Francisco Cuogo","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2021.2005655","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2021.2005655","url":null,"abstract":"Since the institutionalization of biodiversity conservation in the 1980s, co-management has been employed as an economic policy for regulating the joint use of natural resources. However, barriers to its effectiveness may at times arise, as when imported initiatives are poorly acculturated to local needs. Inspired by contributions on the commons, globalization, and critical policy studies, we examine lapses in co-management and related natural resource governance practices, using a systematic review of policy publications on nature-reliant communities in the global South and North. The conclusions propose options through which a “localized co-management” may help enhance the inclusion of local/indigenous people in making decisions concerning the use of natural resources. ARTICLE HISTORY Received 17 November 2020 Revised 26 February 2021 Accepted 26 April 2021","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"72 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84356411","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-19DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.1996836
Hui Jiang
Since its founding, the Communist Party of China (CPC) has placed striving for socialism and communism at the core of its program. The CPC is a firm believer in and practitioner of Marxism and scientific socialism, an active promoter of the world socialist movement and the international communist movement, and also a leader of and major contributor to the innovative development of Marxism and world socialism in the twenty-first century. Employing historical analysis, this article analyzes the different stages of the party’s 100-year history, and demonstrates that the Chinese revolution led by the party has been a key element in the progress of the international communist movement. The party has created, upheld and developed socialism with Chinese characteristics, promoting reform and opening-up and pursuing the modernization of socialism with Chinese characteristics. In this way, the party has played a major role in promoting the development of world socialism, accumulating important experience for socialists internationally. As humanity enters a new era in the twenty-first century, socialism with Chinese characteristics represents a major contribution made by the CPC to the world socialist movement. ARTICLE HISTORY Received 11 May 2021 Revised 2 August 2021 Accepted 9 August 2021
{"title":"The Great Contribution of the CPC to the World Socialist Movement over the Past Hundred Years","authors":"Hui Jiang","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.1996836","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.1996836","url":null,"abstract":"Since its founding, the Communist Party of China (CPC) has placed striving for socialism and communism at the core of its program. The CPC is a firm believer in and practitioner of Marxism and scientific socialism, an active promoter of the world socialist movement and the international communist movement, and also a leader of and major contributor to the innovative development of Marxism and world socialism in the twenty-first century. Employing historical analysis, this article analyzes the different stages of the party’s 100-year history, and demonstrates that the Chinese revolution led by the party has been a key element in the progress of the international communist movement. The party has created, upheld and developed socialism with Chinese characteristics, promoting reform and opening-up and pursuing the modernization of socialism with Chinese characteristics. In this way, the party has played a major role in promoting the development of world socialism, accumulating important experience for socialists internationally. As humanity enters a new era in the twenty-first century, socialism with Chinese characteristics represents a major contribution made by the CPC to the world socialist movement. ARTICLE HISTORY Received 11 May 2021 Revised 2 August 2021 Accepted 9 August 2021","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"2003 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-11-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87053724","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2021.2012738
Enfu Cheng
ABSTRACT This article poses the question of how to correctly understand the working class and the socialist movement, stresses the existence and development of the Marxist left movements that represent the vanguard of the working class, while putting forward a definition of the proletariat and examining the structural changes the proletariat has undergone. The article indicates how the relationship between the dictatorships of different classes and democracy should be understood, suggests that the state systems of capitalist countries, that is, their class attributes, represent bourgeois-democratic dictatorship. The article puts forward views on how to correctly understand socialism, parliamentary democracy and proletarian revolution, sets out the reasons why proletarian dictatorship constitutes the dictatorship of the people. It explains how the new and old imperialism and the aspirations of the working class should be understood, details the characteristics of the new and old imperialism, and points out that it is necessary to use historical materialism to dialectically analyze the appearance and essence of the aspirations of the working class and of the broad masses of the people. It indicates how the general development trend of human society should be understood; expounds views on the basic contradictions of contemporary capitalism, the law of accumulation and the existence and continued development of various crises; and contends that Leninism is an international Marxist theory, paralleling the thought of Marx and Engels, that has guided the international proletarian revolution and socialist construction.
{"title":"What Is the Scientific Nature and Contemporary Value of Leninism?—A Discussion with Professor David Lane","authors":"Enfu Cheng","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2021.2012738","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2021.2012738","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article poses the question of how to correctly understand the working class and the socialist movement, stresses the existence and development of the Marxist left movements that represent the vanguard of the working class, while putting forward a definition of the proletariat and examining the structural changes the proletariat has undergone. The article indicates how the relationship between the dictatorships of different classes and democracy should be understood, suggests that the state systems of capitalist countries, that is, their class attributes, represent bourgeois-democratic dictatorship. The article puts forward views on how to correctly understand socialism, parliamentary democracy and proletarian revolution, sets out the reasons why proletarian dictatorship constitutes the dictatorship of the people. It explains how the new and old imperialism and the aspirations of the working class should be understood, details the characteristics of the new and old imperialism, and points out that it is necessary to use historical materialism to dialectically analyze the appearance and essence of the aspirations of the working class and of the broad masses of the people. It indicates how the general development trend of human society should be understood; expounds views on the basic contradictions of contemporary capitalism, the law of accumulation and the existence and continued development of various crises; and contends that Leninism is an international Marxist theory, paralleling the thought of Marx and Engels, that has guided the international proletarian revolution and socialist construction.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"8 1","pages":"638 - 654"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87353829","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2021.2007501
Nishkala Sekhar, Rahul A. Sirohi
ABSTRACT The explosion of identity-based movements, has brought issues of social oppression to the forefront of political and academic debates. These emerging voices have emphasized the intertwined fates of social oppression and capitalist development and in doing so, they have challenged traditional assumptions and mores regarding the role of race, gender, caste and ethnicity in reproducing capitalism. It is in this context that this article highlights the views of radical anti-apartheid activists on the relation between race and capitalism. To put things in perspective, the recent political effervescence has gone hand in hand with a resurgence of interest in anti-racist voices from the global south but missing in these discussions are the anti-apartheid voices from South Africa that played a crucial role in overthrowing the authoritarian regime and who, in the process made innovative theoretical interventions that highlighted the close relation between racism and capitalism. It is towards these writings that this article turns to and hopes to underline their enduring legacy.
{"title":"The Revolution Will Not Be Colour Blind: The Enduring Relevance of Anti-Apartheid Voices","authors":"Nishkala Sekhar, Rahul A. Sirohi","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2021.2007501","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2021.2007501","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The explosion of identity-based movements, has brought issues of social oppression to the forefront of political and academic debates. These emerging voices have emphasized the intertwined fates of social oppression and capitalist development and in doing so, they have challenged traditional assumptions and mores regarding the role of race, gender, caste and ethnicity in reproducing capitalism. It is in this context that this article highlights the views of radical anti-apartheid activists on the relation between race and capitalism. To put things in perspective, the recent political effervescence has gone hand in hand with a resurgence of interest in anti-racist voices from the global south but missing in these discussions are the anti-apartheid voices from South Africa that played a crucial role in overthrowing the authoritarian regime and who, in the process made innovative theoretical interventions that highlighted the close relation between racism and capitalism. It is towards these writings that this article turns to and hopes to underline their enduring legacy.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"87 1","pages":"568 - 584"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80956896","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2021.2007502
Maxence Poulin
ABSTRACT This article presents an analysis of the Chinese mode of production since the 1978 economic reforms. We try to explain the Chinese economic reforms based on its Marxist-Leninist ideology. Our research takes the form of a comparative analysis of the economic structures of the Soviet NEP (New Economic Policy) and Chinese reforms using a Marxist theoretical framework. Does the Chinese economic model correspond to the same kind of socialism found in the USSR during the NEP period? Our thesis is that the modern Chinese mode of production, since 1990s, follows a logic similar to the Soviet one during the NEP era. In the light of the NEP experience, our research shows that the Chinese development strategy shouldn't be understood as trending towards a neoliberal model. It is rather an original evolution of Marxism, in line with the tradition of Marxism-Leninism, adapted to the cohabitation with a globalized capitalist system. The NEP model is one of the earliest examples of a type of socialism based in part on market relations. In the USSR, as in China, the critical structures of the economy, heavy regulations and a certain level of economic planning are the basis of this socialist market model.
{"title":"Comparative Analysis of the Economic Structure of the Socialist Market Economy of China and the New Economy Policy","authors":"Maxence Poulin","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2021.2007502","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2021.2007502","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article presents an analysis of the Chinese mode of production since the 1978 economic reforms. We try to explain the Chinese economic reforms based on its Marxist-Leninist ideology. Our research takes the form of a comparative analysis of the economic structures of the Soviet NEP (New Economic Policy) and Chinese reforms using a Marxist theoretical framework. Does the Chinese economic model correspond to the same kind of socialism found in the USSR during the NEP period? Our thesis is that the modern Chinese mode of production, since 1990s, follows a logic similar to the Soviet one during the NEP era. In the light of the NEP experience, our research shows that the Chinese development strategy shouldn't be understood as trending towards a neoliberal model. It is rather an original evolution of Marxism, in line with the tradition of Marxism-Leninism, adapted to the cohabitation with a globalized capitalist system. The NEP model is one of the earliest examples of a type of socialism based in part on market relations. In the USSR, as in China, the critical structures of the economy, heavy regulations and a certain level of economic planning are the basis of this socialist market model.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"28 1","pages":"519 - 534"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75601174","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2021.1994868
David Lane
ABSTRACT Lenin’s theories and tactics are specific to the early twentieth century and cannot be repeated. His project should be considered in terms of its methodology, its understanding of capitalism, the political agency of the working class and the geo-political structures of economic and political power. Lenin combined political economy, geo-politics, political organisation and a sociology of social structure to form an innovative revolutionary praxis. He was correct in his appraisal of the social forces in support of revolutions in Russia. But he provided an over-optimistic prediction for the disintegration of monopoly capitalism and a partial analysis of the working classes in the advanced capitalist countries. His political approach requires a redefinition of countervailing forces and class alliances and a shift of focus away from the semi-periphery to the “strongest links” in the capitalist chain. His proposals for a “party of a new type” and the “dictatorship of the proletariat” require revision. A “renewal” of Lenin has to consider the contradictions of global capitalism and the re-territorialisation of classes. The author considers that a “return to Lenin” is not to adopt his policies but a prompt to reinvent a socialist political and economic vision derived from Marx’s analysis of capitalism.
{"title":"Lenin and Revolution: A Critique—Yesterday and Today","authors":"David Lane","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2021.1994868","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2021.1994868","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 Lenin’s theories and tactics are specific to the early twentieth century and cannot be repeated. His project should be considered in terms of its methodology, its understanding of capitalism, the political agency of the working class and the geo-political structures of economic and political power. Lenin combined political economy, geo-politics, political organisation and a sociology of social structure to form an innovative revolutionary praxis. He was correct in his appraisal of the social forces in support of revolutions in Russia. But he provided an over-optimistic prediction for the disintegration of monopoly capitalism and a partial analysis of the working classes in the advanced capitalist countries. His political approach requires a redefinition of countervailing forces and class alliances and a shift of focus away from the semi-periphery to the “strongest links” in the capitalist chain. His proposals for a “party of a new type” and the “dictatorship of the proletariat” require revision. A “renewal” of Lenin has to consider the contradictions of global capitalism and the re-territorialisation of classes. The author considers that a “return to Lenin” is not to adopt his policies but a prompt to reinvent a socialist political and economic vision derived from Marx’s analysis of capitalism.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"23 1","pages":"616 - 637"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82181284","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2021.1965902
Marcello Musto
ABSTRACT This article analyses Marx’s conviction that the expansion of the capitalist mode of production was a basic prerequisite for the birth of communist society. It overviews this idea through the whole of Marx’s oeuvre, from his early political writings to the studies of the last decade. Particular relevance is given to the analysis of Capital and its preparatory manuscripts, where Marx highlighted in depth the fundamental relationship between the productive growth generated by the capitalist mode of production and the preconditions for the communist society for which the workers’ movement must struggle. Finally, the article shows that in the end of his life—for example when he studied the possible developments of the rural commune (obshchina) in Russia—Marx did not change his basic ideas about the profile of future communist society, as he sketched it from the Grundrisse on. Guided by hostility to schematism he thought it might be possible that the revolution would break out in forms and conditions that had never been considered before.
{"title":"Marx’s Theory on the Dialectical Function of Capitalism","authors":"Marcello Musto","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2021.1965902","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2021.1965902","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article analyses Marx’s conviction that the expansion of the capitalist mode of production was a basic prerequisite for the birth of communist society. It overviews this idea through the whole of Marx’s oeuvre, from his early political writings to the studies of the last decade. Particular relevance is given to the analysis of Capital and its preparatory manuscripts, where Marx highlighted in depth the fundamental relationship between the productive growth generated by the capitalist mode of production and the preconditions for the communist society for which the workers’ movement must struggle. Finally, the article shows that in the end of his life—for example when he studied the possible developments of the rural commune (obshchina) in Russia—Marx did not change his basic ideas about the profile of future communist society, as he sketched it from the Grundrisse on. Guided by hostility to schematism he thought it might be possible that the revolution would break out in forms and conditions that had never been considered before.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"56 1","pages":"389 - 407"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80883371","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2021.1972271
John Ross
ABSTRACT The CPC’s 100th anniversary is not only of significance for China. The CPC, since the creation of the People’s Republic of China, has led the greatest improvement in the conditions of the largest number of people, and the greatest proportion of humanity, in any country in history. In just over 70 years China has gone from almost the world’s poorest country, as measured by per capita GDP, to the brink of a high-income economy by World Bank classification—this level will be achieved within three years. High-income economies today include 16% of the world’s population, but China is 18% of the world’s population. China becoming a high-income economy will therefore more than double the proportion of the world’s population living in high-income economies—producing a radical change in the global situation. China’s achievements include the fastest sustained economic growth in any major country in human history, the fastest rise in average living standards of any major country, and the lifting of 853 million people out of World Bank defined poverty—almost three out of every four people lifted from poverty in the world. These are the precise results of the CPC’s integration of Marxism with Chinese reality.
{"title":"What the 100th Anniversary of the CPC Means for Humanity","authors":"John Ross","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2021.1972271","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2021.1972271","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The CPC’s 100th anniversary is not only of significance for China. The CPC, since the creation of the People’s Republic of China, has led the greatest improvement in the conditions of the largest number of people, and the greatest proportion of humanity, in any country in history. In just over 70 years China has gone from almost the world’s poorest country, as measured by per capita GDP, to the brink of a high-income economy by World Bank classification—this level will be achieved within three years. High-income economies today include 16% of the world’s population, but China is 18% of the world’s population. China becoming a high-income economy will therefore more than double the proportion of the world’s population living in high-income economies—producing a radical change in the global situation. China’s achievements include the fastest sustained economic growth in any major country in human history, the fastest rise in average living standards of any major country, and the lifting of 853 million people out of World Bank defined poverty—almost three out of every four people lifted from poverty in the world. These are the precise results of the CPC’s integration of Marxism with Chinese reality.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"14 1","pages":"321 - 340"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72717113","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2021.1966820
Somenath Ghosh, Saumya Chakrabarti
ABSTRACT The processes of modern urbanization across the Global South have generated an intense debate. While mainstream researchers view it as largely inclusive and advocating for slum development, critics argue that this process has an inherent tendency to displace slum. Given this perspective, the authors show that there is, in fact, a change in the location of Indian slums and the slum population from city centers to city fringes, where fringes are found to be significantly and consistently unprivileged in terms of an array of infrastructural facilities in and around the slums. This paper also argues that the typical process of urbanization and increasing urban inequality is inducing this changing location of slums. The analyses indicate a forced relocation of the slum population away from the city centers towards an inferior standard of living on the city fringes. This paper uses Indian slum-level data for 2001–2012, undertakes various advanced statistical analyses, and presents a basic theoretical framework.
{"title":"Urbanization and Exclusion: A Study on Indian Slums","authors":"Somenath Ghosh, Saumya Chakrabarti","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2021.1966820","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2021.1966820","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The processes of modern urbanization across the Global South have generated an intense debate. While mainstream researchers view it as largely inclusive and advocating for slum development, critics argue that this process has an inherent tendency to displace slum. Given this perspective, the authors show that there is, in fact, a change in the location of Indian slums and the slum population from city centers to city fringes, where fringes are found to be significantly and consistently unprivileged in terms of an array of infrastructural facilities in and around the slums. This paper also argues that the typical process of urbanization and increasing urban inequality is inducing this changing location of slums. The analyses indicate a forced relocation of the slum population away from the city centers towards an inferior standard of living on the city fringes. This paper uses Indian slum-level data for 2001–2012, undertakes various advanced statistical analyses, and presents a basic theoretical framework.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"6 1","pages":"450 - 479"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78871292","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2021.1965006
J. Pateman
ABSTRACT Since Black Lives Matter (BLM) rose to prominence, liberal democracies have been internally divided over their response to the movement. Whilst some politicians have supported BLM’s struggle against anti-black racism, others have condemned it as unnecessary, or even harmful to democracy. China, by contrast, has displayed unwavering solidarity with BLM, by providing it with official coverage and support. In an attempt to discredit these efforts, liberals have portrayed China’s solidarity statements as pragmatic gestures, designed to draw attention away from its alleged human rights violations. This article shows that these accusations are baseless. China’s support for the black liberation struggle precedes BLM; and is rooted in the revolutionary internationalism of its founder, Mao Zedong. Under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, the Chinese state has developed Mao’s Marxist analysis of the African American struggle. In doing so, China has helped BLM expose the racist core of US capitalism.
{"title":"Mao Zedong, China and Black Liberation","authors":"J. Pateman","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2021.1965006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2021.1965006","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Since Black Lives Matter (BLM) rose to prominence, liberal democracies have been internally divided over their response to the movement. Whilst some politicians have supported BLM’s struggle against anti-black racism, others have condemned it as unnecessary, or even harmful to democracy. China, by contrast, has displayed unwavering solidarity with BLM, by providing it with official coverage and support. In an attempt to discredit these efforts, liberals have portrayed China’s solidarity statements as pragmatic gestures, designed to draw attention away from its alleged human rights violations. This article shows that these accusations are baseless. China’s support for the black liberation struggle precedes BLM; and is rooted in the revolutionary internationalism of its founder, Mao Zedong. Under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, the Chinese state has developed Mao’s Marxist analysis of the African American struggle. In doing so, China has helped BLM expose the racist core of US capitalism.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"89 1","pages":"357 - 376"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85501789","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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