Pub Date : 2010-06-10DOI: 10.1080/10163271003744421
Dong Ryul Lee
Abstract China is the largest trading partner of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) and also provides considerable economic aid. Thus, China is said to have very strong economic leverage over North Korea. China's goal in its North Korea policy is to secure political and economic stability in the region peripheral to China by using such economic leverage. To achieve this goal, China is expected to approach the North Korea nuclear issue with a more comprehensive and longer-term viewpoint. China seeks to stably manage the North Korea nuclear issue by utilizing its economic leverage over North Korea in the short- to medium-term. China thinks that such management, through the Six-Party Talks, is the most appropriate solution to the North Korea nuclear issue as far as China is concerned. In the long term, China seeks to transplant its reform and open-door model into North Korea and to structurally soft-land North Korea as a China-friendly regime in the region that adjoins the northeastern border o...
{"title":"China's policy and influence on the North Korea nuclear issue: denuclearization and/or stabilization of the Korean peninsula?","authors":"Dong Ryul Lee","doi":"10.1080/10163271003744421","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163271003744421","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract China is the largest trading partner of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) and also provides considerable economic aid. Thus, China is said to have very strong economic leverage over North Korea. China's goal in its North Korea policy is to secure political and economic stability in the region peripheral to China by using such economic leverage. To achieve this goal, China is expected to approach the North Korea nuclear issue with a more comprehensive and longer-term viewpoint. China seeks to stably manage the North Korea nuclear issue by utilizing its economic leverage over North Korea in the short- to medium-term. China thinks that such management, through the Six-Party Talks, is the most appropriate solution to the North Korea nuclear issue as far as China is concerned. In the long term, China seeks to transplant its reform and open-door model into North Korea and to structurally soft-land North Korea as a China-friendly regime in the region that adjoins the northeastern border o...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"163-181"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163271003744421","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59806845","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-06-10DOI: 10.1080/10163271003744462
Jae-Seung Lee
Abstract The importance of Northeast Asian energy cooperation has been consistently emphasized in recent years to cope with uncertainties in the global energy market and to avert potential conflicts regarding energy supply among consumer countries. Energy supply, climate change, and the North Korean energy crisis have posed major concerns with respect to the energy security of Northeast Asian countries. However, the actual implementation of energy cooperation has reflected strong competition among major energy consuming countries, despite the perceived necessity of energy cooperation. Energy cooperation in Northeast Asia has become essential—not only for the facilitation of energy supply but also for the prevention of potential conflicts stemming from competitive energy procurement. This paper proposes that intergovernmental energy cooperation in Northeast Asia should focus more on the aspect of public goods. Intergovernmental energy cooperation should be based on a practical and achievable “soft agenda” ...
{"title":"Energy security and cooperation in Northeast Asia","authors":"Jae-Seung Lee","doi":"10.1080/10163271003744462","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163271003744462","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The importance of Northeast Asian energy cooperation has been consistently emphasized in recent years to cope with uncertainties in the global energy market and to avert potential conflicts regarding energy supply among consumer countries. Energy supply, climate change, and the North Korean energy crisis have posed major concerns with respect to the energy security of Northeast Asian countries. However, the actual implementation of energy cooperation has reflected strong competition among major energy consuming countries, despite the perceived necessity of energy cooperation. Energy cooperation in Northeast Asia has become essential—not only for the facilitation of energy supply but also for the prevention of potential conflicts stemming from competitive energy procurement. This paper proposes that intergovernmental energy cooperation in Northeast Asia should focus more on the aspect of public goods. Intergovernmental energy cooperation should be based on a practical and achievable “soft agenda” ...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"217-233"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163271003744462","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59806954","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-06-10DOI: 10.1080/10163271003744405
Kongdan Oh
Abstract Japan and the Republic of Korea are the United States' two most important allies in East Asia. Although U.S. alliances with those countries have succeeded in maintaining peace and stability in Northeast Asia, it is not clear how effective they would prove to be should they be tested by a major incident originating, say, in North Korea, because South Korea-Japan relations are troublesome. The issues that divide these two countries, based on strong and long-standing emotional attitudes that are resistant to change, largely revolve around Korean perceptions that the Japanese have not sufficiently recognized and apologized for past aggression against their neighbors during the first half of the twentieth century. For its part, the United States can improve trilateral relations by avoiding foreign policy decisions that make other countries nervous, such as decisions based on the principle of preemptive attack. A resumption of trilateral security dialogue is also needed. The U.S. alliances with Japan a...
{"title":"The United States between Japan and Korea: keeping alliances strong in East Asia","authors":"Kongdan Oh","doi":"10.1080/10163271003744405","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163271003744405","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Japan and the Republic of Korea are the United States' two most important allies in East Asia. Although U.S. alliances with those countries have succeeded in maintaining peace and stability in Northeast Asia, it is not clear how effective they would prove to be should they be tested by a major incident originating, say, in North Korea, because South Korea-Japan relations are troublesome. The issues that divide these two countries, based on strong and long-standing emotional attitudes that are resistant to change, largely revolve around Korean perceptions that the Japanese have not sufficiently recognized and apologized for past aggression against their neighbors during the first half of the twentieth century. For its part, the United States can improve trilateral relations by avoiding foreign policy decisions that make other countries nervous, such as decisions based on the principle of preemptive attack. A resumption of trilateral security dialogue is also needed. The U.S. alliances with Japan a...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"127-140"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163271003744405","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59806472","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-06-10DOI: 10.1080/10163271003744488
B. Hamzah
Abstract The parties vying for territories in the South China Sea need not fear China. Despite expanding its military presence in the South China Sea, China does not pose any palpable military threat to the region. On the contrary, a rich and strong China could be a stabilizing factor. Likewise, while there is no evidence to suggest that China, a country that depends on international trade to sustain its strategic interests globally, will interfere with the freedom of navigation as defined under customary international law in the South China Sea. However, as a proud nation with a long-established civilization it will not shy away from challenging what it considers to be unauthorized military activities in its maritime space that is within its national jurisdiction, the South China Sea included.
{"title":"China and the freedom of navigation in the South China Sea","authors":"B. Hamzah","doi":"10.1080/10163271003744488","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163271003744488","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The parties vying for territories in the South China Sea need not fear China. Despite expanding its military presence in the South China Sea, China does not pose any palpable military threat to the region. On the contrary, a rich and strong China could be a stabilizing factor. Likewise, while there is no evidence to suggest that China, a country that depends on international trade to sustain its strategic interests globally, will interfere with the freedom of navigation as defined under customary international law in the South China Sea. However, as a proud nation with a long-established civilization it will not shy away from challenging what it considers to be unauthorized military activities in its maritime space that is within its national jurisdiction, the South China Sea included.","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"235-247"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163271003744488","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59807018","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-03-26DOI: 10.1080/10163270903522853
Hyeong-wook Boo
Abstract This study delves into the issues of the U.S. Army's adaptive capacity in the Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF) Phase IV. The author borrows the concept of organizational adaptive capacity while arguing that adaptive capacity framework can provide coherent theoretical explanations for the U.S. Army's unsatisfactory performance in OIF Phase IV. The author, then, tries to apply the analysis of U.S. Army's experience to the Republic of Korea (ROK) Army. The ROK Army has tried to follow the U.S. Army from doctrine to weapon systems and the author sees that there is a possibility that the ROK Army will be faced with similar challenges that the U.S. Army had to deal with. Thus, the author argues that drawing theoretical implications and lessons from U.S. experiences should be regarded important tasks for the ROK Army.
{"title":"Building organizational adaptive capacity: the U.S. Army's performance in the Iraq War and its implications for the ROK Army","authors":"Hyeong-wook Boo","doi":"10.1080/10163270903522853","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163270903522853","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study delves into the issues of the U.S. Army's adaptive capacity in the Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF) Phase IV. The author borrows the concept of organizational adaptive capacity while arguing that adaptive capacity framework can provide coherent theoretical explanations for the U.S. Army's unsatisfactory performance in OIF Phase IV. The author, then, tries to apply the analysis of U.S. Army's experience to the Republic of Korea (ROK) Army. The ROK Army has tried to follow the U.S. Army from doctrine to weapon systems and the author sees that there is a possibility that the ROK Army will be faced with similar challenges that the U.S. Army had to deal with. Thus, the author argues that drawing theoretical implications and lessons from U.S. experiences should be regarded important tasks for the ROK Army.","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"95-110"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163270903522853","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59805498","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-03-26DOI: 10.1080/10163270903522887
Min-woo Yun
Abstract Asymmetric insurgency warfare is the dominant form of conflict today. The global community has been observing this form of conflict around the world for the past 15 years. The current insurgency warfare is substantially different from warfare of commonsense. This new enemy, the so-called insurgents, is a group of small irregulars, terrorists, religious fanatics, and criminals. Strikingly, the highly advanced and mighty military such as the U.S. forces cannot completely win this battle, despite so much efforts and sacrifice. Rather, the inferior Islamic insurgents seem to be gaining in strength. This paper is an attempt to understand today's irony. For doing so, it tries to explain: (i) what the historical meaning of asymmetric insurgency warfare is; (ii) who this new opponent, called Islamic insurgents is; and (iii) how this new enemy fights. This paper argues that the current asymmetric insurgency warfare should be understood beyond modernity. It suggests that the insurgency warfare is a new mod...
{"title":"Insurgency warfare as an emerging new mode of warfare and the new enemy","authors":"Min-woo Yun","doi":"10.1080/10163270903522887","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163270903522887","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Asymmetric insurgency warfare is the dominant form of conflict today. The global community has been observing this form of conflict around the world for the past 15 years. The current insurgency warfare is substantially different from warfare of commonsense. This new enemy, the so-called insurgents, is a group of small irregulars, terrorists, religious fanatics, and criminals. Strikingly, the highly advanced and mighty military such as the U.S. forces cannot completely win this battle, despite so much efforts and sacrifice. Rather, the inferior Islamic insurgents seem to be gaining in strength. This paper is an attempt to understand today's irony. For doing so, it tries to explain: (i) what the historical meaning of asymmetric insurgency warfare is; (ii) who this new opponent, called Islamic insurgents is; and (iii) how this new enemy fights. This paper argues that the current asymmetric insurgency warfare should be understood beyond modernity. It suggests that the insurgency warfare is a new mod...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"111-125"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163270903522887","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59805627","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-03-26DOI: 10.1080/10163270903526359
H. kim
Abstract The purpose of this article is to understand China's changing strategic views on North Korea during Hu Jintao's era and to consider the implications for South Korea's policies toward North Korea and China. Sino-North Korea cooperation can be theoretically explained by the alliance transition theory, a modified one from the political realist perspective. The implications of the alliance transition theory are that China would strengthen its alliance with North Korea, seek to weaken the South Korea–U.S. alliance, and induce South Korea to cooperate with China, while preventing North Korea from getting close to the United States. However, it is noteworthy that even in China, there exist various groups of strategic thinking in international relations on China's roles in North Korean issues. North Korea's incessant provocations have effects on mobilizing the Developing Country Diplomacy School as well as the Rising Great Power Diplomacy School against North Korea. Such incidences would soon reverse the...
{"title":"From a buffer zone to a strategic burden: evolving Sino-North Korea relations during the Hu Jintao era","authors":"H. kim","doi":"10.1080/10163270903526359","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163270903526359","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The purpose of this article is to understand China's changing strategic views on North Korea during Hu Jintao's era and to consider the implications for South Korea's policies toward North Korea and China. Sino-North Korea cooperation can be theoretically explained by the alliance transition theory, a modified one from the political realist perspective. The implications of the alliance transition theory are that China would strengthen its alliance with North Korea, seek to weaken the South Korea–U.S. alliance, and induce South Korea to cooperate with China, while preventing North Korea from getting close to the United States. However, it is noteworthy that even in China, there exist various groups of strategic thinking in international relations on China's roles in North Korean issues. North Korea's incessant provocations have effects on mobilizing the Developing Country Diplomacy School as well as the Rising Great Power Diplomacy School against North Korea. Such incidences would soon reverse the...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"57-74"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163270903526359","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59805776","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-03-26DOI: 10.1080/10163270903522804
V. Cha
Abstract Conventional wisdom argues that President Obama inherited a U.S. reputation that was badly damaged around the world. While this may hold true in Europe, in Asia, where U.S. standing matters most, there was never such a precipitous decline. To Europeans, the Iraq War stirred moral outrage and rabid opposition. However, the situation in the Persian Gulf simply did not matter as much to Asians. There were pockets within Asia that were critical of U.S. actions, but this was overshadowed by an overwhelming support for values such as democracy and human rights. Evidence shows that even vis-a-vis China, U.S. standing has not faced a significant decline in the region. The result is that Asians continue to perceive the United States as the closest thing to an honest broker in the region, as evidenced by positive reactions to the leadership role that the United States took in response to the 2004 tsunami. Representing 60 percent of the world's population, compared to Europe's seven percent, Asian views are...
{"title":"The Obama administration's policy toward East Asia","authors":"V. Cha","doi":"10.1080/10163270903522804","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163270903522804","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Conventional wisdom argues that President Obama inherited a U.S. reputation that was badly damaged around the world. While this may hold true in Europe, in Asia, where U.S. standing matters most, there was never such a precipitous decline. To Europeans, the Iraq War stirred moral outrage and rabid opposition. However, the situation in the Persian Gulf simply did not matter as much to Asians. There were pockets within Asia that were critical of U.S. actions, but this was overshadowed by an overwhelming support for values such as democracy and human rights. Evidence shows that even vis-a-vis China, U.S. standing has not faced a significant decline in the region. The result is that Asians continue to perceive the United States as the closest thing to an honest broker in the region, as evidenced by positive reactions to the leadership role that the United States took in response to the 2004 tsunami. Representing 60 percent of the world's population, compared to Europe's seven percent, Asian views are...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"1-14"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163270903522804","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59805059","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-03-26DOI: 10.1080/10163270903522812
L. Kulesa
Abstract Poland is an active supporter of the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI), a multinational cooperation effort to interdict weapons of mass destruction (WMD) related materials, launched by President George W. Bush in Krakow on May 31, 2003. The article describes the Polish engagement in the development of the Initiative, broadening the number of participating countries, conducting exercises and organizing PSI meetings. The issues of the effectiveness of the cooperation and the prospects for the future are also discussed. In the case of Poland, its engagement in the PSI has had a positive impact on the country's international and regional image and position. Poland has been able to establish itself as one of the leaders of the Initiative. Domestically, the PSI participation has helped to strengthen the coordination between the different state institutions and agencies dealing with non proliferation.
{"title":"Poland and the Proliferation Security Initiative","authors":"L. Kulesa","doi":"10.1080/10163270903522812","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163270903522812","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Poland is an active supporter of the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI), a multinational cooperation effort to interdict weapons of mass destruction (WMD) related materials, launched by President George W. Bush in Krakow on May 31, 2003. The article describes the Polish engagement in the development of the Initiative, broadening the number of participating countries, conducting exercises and organizing PSI meetings. The issues of the effectiveness of the cooperation and the prospects for the future are also discussed. In the case of Poland, its engagement in the PSI has had a positive impact on the country's international and regional image and position. Poland has been able to establish itself as one of the leaders of the Initiative. Domestically, the PSI participation has helped to strengthen the coordination between the different state institutions and agencies dealing with non proliferation.","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"15-28"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163270903522812","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59805155","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-03-26DOI: 10.1080/10163270903526342
U. Wissenbach
Abstract This essay is a contribution to the discussion on human and non-traditional security (NTS) versus development by looking at the threat of climate change. There is overwhelming evidence that mankind's survival is at stake if collective action does not stop global warming. The UN Security Council (UNSC) discussed this threat in 2007. There are many ways in which climate change is threatening human security. However, the possible impacts are so varied and causal links to conflict are so difficult to establish that it is not logical to define climate change as an NTS on the basis of the nature of the threat only. A focus on the plausible sequence of threats and the means to deal with them at various points in time provides a more appropriate framework to understand that climate change is both a development issue and a human security threat. Climate change is an example of the development–security nexus and underlines the importance of using, in a coherent fashion and at various points in time, differ...
{"title":"Climate change as a human-security threat or a developmental issue? Implementing a catch-all concept","authors":"U. Wissenbach","doi":"10.1080/10163270903526342","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163270903526342","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This essay is a contribution to the discussion on human and non-traditional security (NTS) versus development by looking at the threat of climate change. There is overwhelming evidence that mankind's survival is at stake if collective action does not stop global warming. The UN Security Council (UNSC) discussed this threat in 2007. There are many ways in which climate change is threatening human security. However, the possible impacts are so varied and causal links to conflict are so difficult to establish that it is not logical to define climate change as an NTS on the basis of the nature of the threat only. A focus on the plausible sequence of threats and the means to deal with them at various points in time provides a more appropriate framework to understand that climate change is both a development issue and a human security threat. Climate change is an example of the development–security nexus and underlines the importance of using, in a coherent fashion and at various points in time, differ...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"29-41"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163270903526342","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59805678","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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