Pub Date : 2010-03-26DOI: 10.1080/10163270903538123
Joseph Lin
Abstract It is difficult to overstate the importance of the human factor in any institution. The motivation of this study is to discern patterns, by examining and analyzing the biographical information of those who had been promoted to People's Liberation Army (PLA) full generals (shangjiang), for a better insight into how Chinese military leadership has remade the PLA. A close examination of biographical information of PLA generals promoted during the past three decades indicates a number of intriguing patterns and trends, suggesting that Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao during their tenures as chairmen of the Central Military Commission (the highest command authority in China's armed forces) have furthered the modernization of China's military by incorporating elements of diversity, stability and professionalization into the promotion practice of PLA generals.
{"title":"The changing face of Chinese military generals: evolving promotion practices between 1981 and 2009","authors":"Joseph Lin","doi":"10.1080/10163270903538123","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163270903538123","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract It is difficult to overstate the importance of the human factor in any institution. The motivation of this study is to discern patterns, by examining and analyzing the biographical information of those who had been promoted to People's Liberation Army (PLA) full generals (shangjiang), for a better insight into how Chinese military leadership has remade the PLA. A close examination of biographical information of PLA generals promoted during the past three decades indicates a number of intriguing patterns and trends, suggesting that Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao during their tenures as chairmen of the Central Military Commission (the highest command authority in China's armed forces) have furthered the modernization of China's military by incorporating elements of diversity, stability and professionalization into the promotion practice of PLA generals.","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"75-93"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163270903538123","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59805939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-03-26DOI: 10.1080/10163270903522838
Michael G. Gallagher
Abstract India is an emerging great power and South Korea is a rising middle-ranking state. Both nations are democracies whose economies are increasingly intertwined. Seoul and New Delhi also share a potential problem—China. India often views Beijing as a possible enemy, while South Korean leaders have to be worried about maintaining their nation's independence in a world of expanding Chinese power. Therefore, this article will concentrate on the possibility of South Korea and India establishing a strategic relationship that goes beyond economics to include extended military ties. While analyzing the prospect for a robust strategic alliance between the two states, this paper will examine Indian–Korean economic ties, how Indians and South Koreans view China, the continued value of the Republic of Korea–United States alliance, what role Seoul's arms industry can play in India's military buildup, Indian foreign policy and strategic culture as it relates to Korea, and possible Chinese reactions to enhanced In...
{"title":"Future Indian–South Korean ties: can Seoul use India to balance China?","authors":"Michael G. Gallagher","doi":"10.1080/10163270903522838","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163270903522838","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract India is an emerging great power and South Korea is a rising middle-ranking state. Both nations are democracies whose economies are increasingly intertwined. Seoul and New Delhi also share a potential problem—China. India often views Beijing as a possible enemy, while South Korean leaders have to be worried about maintaining their nation's independence in a world of expanding Chinese power. Therefore, this article will concentrate on the possibility of South Korea and India establishing a strategic relationship that goes beyond economics to include extended military ties. While analyzing the prospect for a robust strategic alliance between the two states, this paper will examine Indian–Korean economic ties, how Indians and South Koreans view China, the continued value of the Republic of Korea–United States alliance, what role Seoul's arms industry can play in India's military buildup, Indian foreign policy and strategic culture as it relates to Korea, and possible Chinese reactions to enhanced In...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"43-56"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163270903522838","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59805221","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2009-12-17DOI: 10.1080/10163270903298926
Stephen J. Blank
Abstract China has exploited its relatively strong position following the current global financial and economic crisis, to buy up energy positions throughout Asia. In doing so it is using the tactics it had developed earlier when energy prices were quite high to buttress its energy security. That security entails having multiple secure sources of energy over land that cannot be interdicted by hostile naval forces. But beyond that, China's stronger position vis-a-vis distressed firms and governments allows it not only to buy key energy holdings, but also to exercise greater influence upon these firms’ and states’ policies and induce them to accommodate their policy preferences to Beijing's desiderata. The evidence brought forward here, concerning Russia, Kazakhstan, Myanmar, and Iran suggests that we are beginning to see a pattern of China leveraging its superior economic position in the current climate to induce this accommodating behavior and thereby begin to reorient security behavior in Asia even if it...
{"title":"Chinese energy policy in Central and South Asia","authors":"Stephen J. Blank","doi":"10.1080/10163270903298926","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163270903298926","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract China has exploited its relatively strong position following the current global financial and economic crisis, to buy up energy positions throughout Asia. In doing so it is using the tactics it had developed earlier when energy prices were quite high to buttress its energy security. That security entails having multiple secure sources of energy over land that cannot be interdicted by hostile naval forces. But beyond that, China's stronger position vis-a-vis distressed firms and governments allows it not only to buy key energy holdings, but also to exercise greater influence upon these firms’ and states’ policies and induce them to accommodate their policy preferences to Beijing's desiderata. The evidence brought forward here, concerning Russia, Kazakhstan, Myanmar, and Iran suggests that we are beginning to see a pattern of China leveraging its superior economic position in the current climate to induce this accommodating behavior and thereby begin to reorient security behavior in Asia even if it...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"21 1","pages":"435-453"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2009-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163270903298926","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59805277","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2009-12-17DOI: 10.1080/10163270903298942
Jun Kee Baek
Abstract This article explores the impact of ideational factors on Russian foreign policy outputs. “Collective ideas,” defined by Thorun as “shared expectations of behavior by the Russian leadership about the nature of international relations and ideas about the state,” characterizes the Russian leadership's perception of external challenges and its definition of national interests that crucially affect the leadership's choice of the most effective means for maximizing the national interests. To assess the influence of such ideational factors on the outputs of Russian foreign policy, analyzed in this research are major foreign policy speeches, statements, and interviews of the Russian leadership. This research analyzes the discourse to explore the perception of the Russian leadership and the Medvedev government on the nature of international relations, the identity of Russia, Russia's status and role in the international community, strategic national priorities, and strategic options for achieving its int...
{"title":"Medvedev's Russia, a ‘revisionist power’ or an ‘architect of a new world order’? The evolution of ideational factors and its cases","authors":"Jun Kee Baek","doi":"10.1080/10163270903298942","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163270903298942","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article explores the impact of ideational factors on Russian foreign policy outputs. “Collective ideas,” defined by Thorun as “shared expectations of behavior by the Russian leadership about the nature of international relations and ideas about the state,” characterizes the Russian leadership's perception of external challenges and its definition of national interests that crucially affect the leadership's choice of the most effective means for maximizing the national interests. To assess the influence of such ideational factors on the outputs of Russian foreign policy, analyzed in this research are major foreign policy speeches, statements, and interviews of the Russian leadership. This research analyzes the discourse to explore the perception of the Russian leadership and the Medvedev government on the nature of international relations, the identity of Russia, Russia's status and role in the international community, strategic national priorities, and strategic options for achieving its int...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"21 1","pages":"455-484"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2009-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163270903298942","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59805341","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2009-12-17DOI: 10.1080/10163270903298876
Richard Weitz
Abstract Despite decades of military-to-military talks and the creation of several China–U.S. defense confidence-building measures, clashes between Chinese and American military units operating in the international waters and airspace near China have repeatedly disrupted their bilateral relations. Since the mid-1990s, the two defense communities have negotiated a series of bilateral defense and security agreements and confidence-building measures seeking to reduce mutual tensions and advance their common security interests. These measures have promoted a better understanding of each party's security concerns, but they remain highly constrained and vulnerable to disruption from external shocks. Several factors have impeded their development. The most important obstacle has been the underlying contentious nature of the Chinese–U.S. relationship, which is manifested most acutely by tensions over Taiwan. As leaders of the weaker power, moreover, Chinese policymakers fear that excessive transparency could prov...
{"title":"Enduring difficulties in China–U.S. defense diplomacy","authors":"Richard Weitz","doi":"10.1080/10163270903298876","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163270903298876","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Despite decades of military-to-military talks and the creation of several China–U.S. defense confidence-building measures, clashes between Chinese and American military units operating in the international waters and airspace near China have repeatedly disrupted their bilateral relations. Since the mid-1990s, the two defense communities have negotiated a series of bilateral defense and security agreements and confidence-building measures seeking to reduce mutual tensions and advance their common security interests. These measures have promoted a better understanding of each party's security concerns, but they remain highly constrained and vulnerable to disruption from external shocks. Several factors have impeded their development. The most important obstacle has been the underlying contentious nature of the Chinese–U.S. relationship, which is manifested most acutely by tensions over Taiwan. As leaders of the weaker power, moreover, Chinese policymakers fear that excessive transparency could prov...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"21 1","pages":"381-400"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2009-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163270903298876","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59805449","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2009-12-17DOI: 10.1080/10163270903298868
Michael B. Yahuda
Abstract This article examines some of the stresses and strains underlying the development of the current partnership between China and Japan. It shows that the disputes that emerged after the end of the Cold War about the history of Japanese aggression against China (1931–45) that adversely affected relations between the two were less about history as such than about problems of identity within each country and between both countries. It further argues that despite their deepening economic interdependence, it was structural factors that created tension and rivalry between these two great powers of Asia. It was only the coincidence of domestic political changes in both China and Japan in 2006 that provided the opportunity for the new leaders in each country to break the ice between them. Since then it has required purposive and careful management by both sets of leaders to mitigate the divisive tendencies that could once again thrust the relationship into a descending spiral. Finally, it will be argued th...
{"title":"Sino-Japanese relations: partners and rivals?","authors":"Michael B. Yahuda","doi":"10.1080/10163270903298868","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163270903298868","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article examines some of the stresses and strains underlying the development of the current partnership between China and Japan. It shows that the disputes that emerged after the end of the Cold War about the history of Japanese aggression against China (1931–45) that adversely affected relations between the two were less about history as such than about problems of identity within each country and between both countries. It further argues that despite their deepening economic interdependence, it was structural factors that created tension and rivalry between these two great powers of Asia. It was only the coincidence of domestic political changes in both China and Japan in 2006 that provided the opportunity for the new leaders in each country to break the ice between them. Since then it has required purposive and careful management by both sets of leaders to mitigate the divisive tendencies that could once again thrust the relationship into a descending spiral. Finally, it will be argued th...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"21 1","pages":"365-379"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2009-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163270903298868","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59805388","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2009-12-17DOI: 10.1080/10163270903298959
Won-gon Park
Abstract Established immediately following the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950, the United Nations Command (UNC) in Korea has maintained its presence on the Korean peninsula for the past 50 years while executing several duties and roles. In evaluating those tasks carried out by the UNC, one can identify four key functions: (1) repelling armed attack from North Korea; (2) supervising the implementation of and rectifying any violations of the armistice; (3) retaining and utilizing the UN Command rear bases in Japan; and (4) regulating and supporting the troops dispatched by UN members in response to emergencies. With the exception of the second function, the UNC was largely successful in performing its mission. Nevertheless, the recent possibility of the dissolution of the ROK–U.S. Combined Forces Command (CFC), along with the emergence of a peace regime on the Korean peninsula, has sparked debate on the necessity of revisiting the UNC amidst such change. On a basic level, since the UNC has significantly...
{"title":"The United Nations Command in Korea: past, present, and future","authors":"Won-gon Park","doi":"10.1080/10163270903298959","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163270903298959","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Established immediately following the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950, the United Nations Command (UNC) in Korea has maintained its presence on the Korean peninsula for the past 50 years while executing several duties and roles. In evaluating those tasks carried out by the UNC, one can identify four key functions: (1) repelling armed attack from North Korea; (2) supervising the implementation of and rectifying any violations of the armistice; (3) retaining and utilizing the UN Command rear bases in Japan; and (4) regulating and supporting the troops dispatched by UN members in response to emergencies. With the exception of the second function, the UNC was largely successful in performing its mission. Nevertheless, the recent possibility of the dissolution of the ROK–U.S. Combined Forces Command (CFC), along with the emergence of a peace regime on the Korean peninsula, has sparked debate on the necessity of revisiting the UNC amidst such change. On a basic level, since the UNC has significantly...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"21 1","pages":"485-499"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2009-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163270903298959","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59805421","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2009-12-17DOI: 10.1080/10163270903298900
James L. Schoff
Abstract North Korea's redoubled efforts to perfect its nuclear weapon and missile capabilities have focused attention on the issue of deterrence in Japan, as some political leaders question whether their country's defense posture and its alliance with the United States will continue to be adequate to deter potential North Korean coercion or aggression. China's nuclear weapons and military modernization programs are causing similar concerns. The key issue, however, is how well deterrence and extended deterrence (underwritten by the United States) will function in East Asia, given the dramatic changes in the regional security environment and recent U.S. arms-control initiatives. Precisely when Tokyo is placing greater emphasis on homeland defense issues, Washington is emphasizing maximum flexibility to fight insurgencies and prevent nuclear terrorism around the world. While Japan is taking keener interest in the U.S. nuclear umbrella, the United States is planning for deeper cuts in its nuclear arsenal. Th...
{"title":"The U.S.–Japan alliance and the future of extended deterrence","authors":"James L. Schoff","doi":"10.1080/10163270903298900","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163270903298900","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract North Korea's redoubled efforts to perfect its nuclear weapon and missile capabilities have focused attention on the issue of deterrence in Japan, as some political leaders question whether their country's defense posture and its alliance with the United States will continue to be adequate to deter potential North Korean coercion or aggression. China's nuclear weapons and military modernization programs are causing similar concerns. The key issue, however, is how well deterrence and extended deterrence (underwritten by the United States) will function in East Asia, given the dramatic changes in the regional security environment and recent U.S. arms-control initiatives. Precisely when Tokyo is placing greater emphasis on homeland defense issues, Washington is emphasizing maximum flexibility to fight insurgencies and prevent nuclear terrorism around the world. While Japan is taking keener interest in the U.S. nuclear umbrella, the United States is planning for deeper cuts in its nuclear arsenal. Th...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"21 1","pages":"417-433"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2009-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163270903298900","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59805190","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2009-12-17DOI: 10.1080/10163270903298884
Nirav Patel, L. Ford
Abstract The U.S.–Republic of Korea (ROK) alliance has been a key component of America's bilateral alliance system in Asia for almost 60 years. For the past two decades, questions about the continued relevance of the alliance and America's commitment to South Korea have colored perceptions about the alliance's staying power in Washington and Seoul. To a large extent, this sense of strategic drift can be attributed to the failure of policymakers in both countries to define a strategic rationale for alliance-based cooperation outside of the Korean peninsula and the security architecture of the treaty. It has become increasingly obvious that absent a broad strategic reassessment, the United States will face tremendous challenges in maintaining support for this vital alliance. This article attempts to articulate a strategic framework that will help Washington and Seoul take the necessary steps to implement an enduring vision for the U.S.–ROK alliance. Central to this task will be a need for the United States ...
{"title":"The future of the U.S.–ROK alliance: global perspectives","authors":"Nirav Patel, L. Ford","doi":"10.1080/10163270903298884","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163270903298884","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The U.S.–Republic of Korea (ROK) alliance has been a key component of America's bilateral alliance system in Asia for almost 60 years. For the past two decades, questions about the continued relevance of the alliance and America's commitment to South Korea have colored perceptions about the alliance's staying power in Washington and Seoul. To a large extent, this sense of strategic drift can be attributed to the failure of policymakers in both countries to define a strategic rationale for alliance-based cooperation outside of the Korean peninsula and the security architecture of the treaty. It has become increasingly obvious that absent a broad strategic reassessment, the United States will face tremendous challenges in maintaining support for this vital alliance. This article attempts to articulate a strategic framework that will help Washington and Seoul take the necessary steps to implement an enduring vision for the U.S.–ROK alliance. Central to this task will be a need for the United States ...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"21 1","pages":"401-416"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2009-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163270903298884","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59805031","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2009-09-08DOI: 10.1080/10163270903087204
Kyungmin Ko, Heejin Lee, Seungkwon Jang
Abstract The Internet poses a “dilemma” to authoritarian countries. While it can bring economic dynamism to a country, it can also cause political destabilization by enabling economic and political information to flow freely beyond governmental control. Internet policies vary from country to country depending upon their own strategies, their level of economic development and international politics. This paper discusses and examines political and economic implications of the Internet in North Korea in relation to theories and notions of the Internet dilemma and control policy in authoritarian regimes. North Korea cannot move drastically from its restrictive and reactive Internet policy to a proactive policy unless there are radical changes of the regime with regard to international relations and economic development. It is expected that North Korea will gradually experiment building and using an intranet internally, and increase the level of Internet opening while arranging technological and institutional ...
{"title":"The Internet dilemma and control policy: political and economic implications of the Internet in North Korea","authors":"Kyungmin Ko, Heejin Lee, Seungkwon Jang","doi":"10.1080/10163270903087204","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163270903087204","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Internet poses a “dilemma” to authoritarian countries. While it can bring economic dynamism to a country, it can also cause political destabilization by enabling economic and political information to flow freely beyond governmental control. Internet policies vary from country to country depending upon their own strategies, their level of economic development and international politics. This paper discusses and examines political and economic implications of the Internet in North Korea in relation to theories and notions of the Internet dilemma and control policy in authoritarian regimes. North Korea cannot move drastically from its restrictive and reactive Internet policy to a proactive policy unless there are radical changes of the regime with regard to international relations and economic development. It is expected that North Korea will gradually experiment building and using an intranet internally, and increase the level of Internet opening while arranging technological and institutional ...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"21 1","pages":"279-295"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2009-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163270903087204","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59804829","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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