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Going underground: race, space, and the subterranean in the nineteenth-century United States 走向地下:19世纪美国的种族、太空和地下
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/08905495.2023.2219479
Nicole Waller
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引用次数: 1
Charles Marville and the politics of the urban sublime 查尔斯·马维尔与城市崇高政治
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/08905495.2023.2217816
R. Rexer
Beginning in the 1850s, the city of Paris underwent an unprecedented transformation. At the instigation of Baron Haussmann, urban planner to Emperor Napoleon III, the city’s maze of narrow streets was systematically torn down to make way for grand, modern boulevards. The daunting task of documenting the city in transition fell to one Charles Marville, who was granted the official title of “photographer of the city” in 1862 and would spend the next two decades photographing old and new Paris on municipal commission (Kennel 2013, 28–29). Marville was remarkably prolific, producing hundreds of photographs during two periods of work for the city government before and after the Paris Commune, and received accolades for his photographic skill during his life. Yet perhaps because most of the work Marville did in the 1860s and 1870s was destined for government archives, he was not even given an obituary upon his death in 1879 (Kennel 2013, 40). He remained largely forgotten until 1980, when the first major show of his work cemented Marville’s status as a premier urban archivist, fostered by the burgeoning post-modern fascination with the archive as genre. As such he often appeared in scholarly debates about attempts to canonize other “archival” photographers, particularly Eugene Atget, as the rock to which such arthistorical pretensions were bound and sunk. More recently, a major show of his work at the National Gallery of Art and the Metropolitan Museum of Art in 2014 took precisely the opposite approach, attempting to reposition him as an underappreciated artist and to show the breadth of Marville’s talents, from the early days of his career as an illustrator through his turn as the photographer of Paris. No attempts to rehabilitate Marville, however, can shake one enduring blot on his reputation: his purportedly bad politics. While Marville and his contemporaries left few traces concerning the perceived political implications of his work, twentiethand twenty-first-century scholarship of Marville has been nearly unanimous in its stance on the issue. Shelley Rice has called Marville “Haussmann’s advance man,” and accused him of using the camera to redefine the streets in “the same terms used by his ‘boss’” (1999, 86; 88). In this view, Marville’s photographs of Paris are, in the words of one critic, “part of an official discourse meant to produce the built forms [of the new Paris] and to control their reception” (Lee 2013, 110). Recent work on Marville that valorizes his work both in aesthetic and documentary terms, such as articles and book chapters by Kennel, Locke, and Clayson, complicate Rice’s claim but do not go so far as to argue for a total reconsideration of his reputation as a shill for
从19世纪50年代开始,巴黎经历了前所未有的变革。在拿破仑三世的城市规划师奥斯曼男爵的授意下,这座城市迷宫般的狭窄街道被系统地拆除,为宏伟的现代林荫大道让路。记录转型中的城市的艰巨任务落在了查尔斯·马维尔身上,他于1862年被授予“城市摄影师”的官方头衔,并将在接下来的20年里,由市政委员会拍摄新旧巴黎(Kennel 2013,28-29)。马维尔非常多产,在巴黎公社前后的两段时间里为市政府拍摄了数百张照片,并因其一生的摄影技巧而受到赞誉。然而,也许是因为马维尔在19世纪60年代和19世纪70年代所做的大部分工作都是政府档案馆的,他在1879年去世时甚至没有收到讣告(Kennel 2013,40)。他在很大程度上一直被遗忘,直到1980年,他的作品的第一场大型展览巩固了马维尔作为首要城市档案管理员的地位,这得益于后现代对档案这一类型的迷恋。因此,他经常出现在学术辩论中,试图将其他“档案”摄影师,特别是尤金·阿特杰,奉为这种艺术史上的自负所束缚和沉没的岩石。最近,2014年,他在国家美术馆和大都会艺术博物馆的一场大型作品展采取了完全相反的方法,试图将他重新定位为一位被低估的艺术家,并展示马维尔从插画家职业生涯的早期到巴黎摄影师的才华。然而,任何为马维尔平反的努力都无法动摇他声誉上一个持久的污点:他所谓的糟糕政治。虽然马维尔和他的同时代人几乎没有留下任何关于其作品所感知的政治含义的痕迹,但二十一世纪马维尔的学术界在这个问题上的立场几乎是一致的。Shelley Rice称Marville为“奥斯曼的先遣队员”,并指责他用“与‘老板’相同的术语”重新定义街道(1999,86;88)。在这种观点下,用一位评论家的话来说,马维尔的巴黎照片是“官方话语的一部分,旨在产生[新巴黎]的建筑形式并控制其接受度”(Lee 2013110)。最近关于马维尔的作品在美学和纪录片方面都对他的作品进行了评价,比如肯尼尔、洛克和克莱森的文章和书籍章节,这使赖斯的说法复杂化,但并没有完全重新考虑他作为
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引用次数: 0
The heart of the nation: fraternal love and nation-building in the histories of Jules Michelet 民族之心:儒勒·米舍莱历史中的兄弟之爱与国家建设
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-16 DOI: 10.1080/08905495.2023.2212090
Brad Montgomery-Anderson
In A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution , Mona Ozouf notes that the fi rst two com-ponents in the famous revolutionary slogan liberté , égalité , fraternité represent a demand for rights, while the third is a moral obligation. The cry for fraternité has various interpret-ations – Is it expressing a right to rebellion? A sentiment that is a necessary precursor to liberté and égalité ? She notes that this third component of the slogan was a late addition; it only fi rst appeared in the Constitution of 1791 (1989, 716). Fraternity does seem to be a necessary component in many de fi nitions of the term nation . Benedict Anderson famously de fi ned it by using the idea of an imagined community : “ … it is imagined as a community, because, regardless of the actual inequality and exploitation that may prevail in each, the nation is always conceived as a deep, horizontal comradeship ” (1983, 6). A century earlier Ernst Renan in What is a Nation? de fi ned it as “ a vast solidarity ” (2018, 261). In both de fi nitions the nation is a creation of the imagination, a construct based on idealized bonds of a ff ection for imagined fellow citizens. The nineteenth-century French historian Jules Michelet especially emphasizes the role of fraternité in building the French nation. In his vision, the ideal political entity is the nation-state, a convergence of the machinery and laws of the state with the warm and personal fraternal bonds that hold together the nation. The French Revolution reaches its apogee when nation – “ la grande amitié qui contient tous les autres ” (Michelet 1974, 199) [the great friendship that contains all the others] – converges with the impersonal political power of the state. 1 France is unique in Michelet ’ s thought because it is the fi rst country to achieve this new status of nation-state. Fraternity is the means as well as the ends of this process, and fraternal love is an active force that creates and
莫娜·奥佐夫在《法国大革命批判词典》中指出,著名的革命口号libert、galit、的前两个组成部分代表了对权利的要求,而第三个组成部分则是一种道德义务。对博爱的呼声有各种各样的解释——它表达了一种反抗的权利吗?这种情绪是自由主义和自由主义的必要前兆?她指出,这个口号的第三个组成部分是后来添加的;它只首次出现在1791年(1989年,716年)的宪法中。博爱似乎确实是国家一词的许多定义的必要组成部分。本尼迪克特·安德森(Benedict Anderson)通过使用想象共同体的概念对其进行了著名的定义:“……它被想象为一个共同体,因为,不管每个国家可能普遍存在的实际不平等和剥削,民族总是被设想为一种深刻的、水平的同志关系”(1983.6)。一个世纪前,恩斯特·勒南在《什么是民族?》德菲将其称为“巨大的团结”(2018,261)。在这两种定义中,国家都是想象的产物,是一种基于对想象中的同胞的感情的理想化纽带的建构。19世纪的法国历史学家朱尔斯·米舍莱特别强调了兄弟会在法兰西民族建设中的作用。在他的愿景中,理想的政治实体是民族国家,是国家机器和法律的集合,是将民族团结在一起的温暖和个人兄弟般的纽带。当国家——“la grande amiti qui continent tous les autres”(Michelet 1974, 199)[包含所有其他的伟大友谊]——与国家的非个人政治权力汇合时,法国大革命达到了顶峰。1 .在米舍莱看来,法国是独一无二的,因为它是第一个实现这种民族国家新地位的国家。兄弟情谊是这一过程的手段和目的,兄弟之爱是一种积极的力量,创造和
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引用次数: 0
The recurring “discovery” of Hokkaido and the Ainu: three decades of nineteenth-century British travelogues 北海道和阿伊努人的反复“发现”:19世纪英国三十年的游记
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-18 DOI: 10.1080/08905495.2023.2200129
John L. Hennessey
What is the explorer or scientist to do when rapid advances in technology, communi-cations, and transport leave few truly untouched regions for them to “ discover ” ? This article will explore the case of Europeans and Americans during the second half of the nineteenth century who sought to make a name for themselves by exploring Hokkaido and studying the Ainu, a people indigenous to the Okhotsk region in Northeast Asia. I will argue that despite appearances, a careful reading and comparison of published sources from this period reveals that the Ainu in fact were visited by a signi fi cant number of Westerners and that these “ explorers ” made extensive use of a pre-existing travel infrastructure which expanded over time. I will analyze the diverse strategies that these Westerners combined to sell their travelogues to a British reading public, including emphasizing and exaggerating their supposed “ discoveries, ” claiming important contributions to science, and employing humor and exoticism.
当技术、通信和运输的快速进步几乎没有留下真正未被“发现”的地区时,探险家或科学家该怎么办?本文将探讨19世纪下半叶的欧洲人和美国人的情况,他们试图通过探索北海道和研究东北亚鄂霍次克地区的土著阿伊努人来扬名立万。我认为,尽管外表如此,但仔细阅读和比较这一时期的公开资料可以发现,事实上,大量西方人访问了阿伊努人,这些“探险家”广泛利用了随着时间的推移而扩大的现有旅游基础设施。我将分析这些西方人向英国读者推销游记的各种策略,包括强调和夸大他们所谓的“发现”,声称对科学做出了重要贡献,以及使用幽默和异国情调。
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引用次数: 0
Islam, technology, circulation, and the global humanist imaginary in ʿAli Mubārak's ʿAlam al-Dīn (1882) 伊斯兰、技术、流通和阿里·穆巴拉克的《阿拉姆·迪恩》(1882)中的全球人文主义想象
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-18 DOI: 10.1080/08905495.2023.2188825
Mona El-Sherif
In the nineteenth century, steamers, trains, and telegraphs altered the social experience of space and time, leading to the development of a sense of simultaneity and proximity among previously disparate parts of the world (Kern 1983). In Egypt technologies of travel and communication such as trains, steamers, and telegraphs were implemented shortly after the inauguration of the first Arabic press in Bulāq, Cairo in 1822. Both modernization efforts and colonial interests accelerated the proliferation of telegraph poles and train connections in the country (Barak 2013). Previous studies illustrate how those new technologies facilitated political centralization and enabled the development of a nascent public sphere that informed new notions of nationhood in Egypt (Fahmy 2014, 20). Less commonly known, however, is the impact of those technologies of travel and communication on cultural and artistic innovations in nineteenth-century Egypt. In the fictional account, ʿAlam al-Dīn, written by the Egyptian modernizer ʿAlī Mubārak pasha (1823–1893), the intertextual link between technology and information shapes his approach to narrative writing. ʿAlam al-Dīn’s style and content are emblematic of the innovative ways in which nineteenth-century Egyptian authors deployed ArabIslamic knowledge to address the unprecedented sense of simultaneity and proximity that resulted from the proliferation of new technologies heralding a new stage of global human history. In this essay, I analyze how ʿAlam al-Dīn illustrates the links between the embryonic nineteenth-century Arabic narrative discourse and the proliferation of new media that expanded the reach of networks of circulation in Egypt and the Arab world. I argue that Mubārak’s pseudo-fictional translation project in the text underscores the new links between materiality, textual representation, and the concern with information in the Egyptian-Arabic context. ʿAlam al-Dīn reflects the development of a new realist mode of narrative representation that privileged verifiability and plausibility over the distinctive style of classical Arabic narrative modes that relied on artistic wizardry and linguistic craftsmanship (El-Sherif 2018). And yet, despite its concern with information, ʿAlam al-Dīn reflects the influence of indigenous Arabic literary forms such as the epic [sira] and the picaresque [maqāmmah] that, according to Mohamed-Salah Omri, shaped Arabic and other Middle Eastern novels in the modern period (2007, 323). In Alam al-Dīn’s frame narrative, new technologies of print media, telegraphic transmission, and steamers inform the dialogs between the two main protagonists, an
在19世纪,蒸汽船、火车和电报改变了空间和时间的社会体验,导致了世界上以前不同地区之间的同时感和接近感的发展(Kern 1983)。1822年,第一家阿拉伯语出版社在开罗布尔亚克成立后不久,埃及就开始使用火车、轮船和电报等旅行和通信技术。现代化努力和殖民利益都加速了该国电线杆和火车连接的激增(Barak,2013年)。先前的研究表明,这些新技术如何促进了政治集权,并促进了一个新生的公共领域的发展,为埃及国家的新概念提供了信息(Fahmy 2014,20)。然而,不太为人所知的是这些旅行和通信技术对19世纪埃及文化和艺术创新的影响。在埃及现代化者alīMubārak pasha(1823–1893)撰写的虚构作品《阿拉姆·迪恩》中,技术和信息之间的互文联系塑造了他的叙事写作方法。ʿAlam al-Dīn的风格和内容象征着19世纪埃及作家运用阿拉伯世界知识的创新方式,以应对新技术的扩散所带来的前所未有的同时性和接近性,预示着全球人类历史的新阶段。在这篇文章中,我分析了ʿAlam al-Dīn如何说明19世纪萌芽的阿拉伯叙事话语与新媒体的扩散之间的联系,新媒体扩大了埃及和阿拉伯世界的传播网络。我认为Mubārak在文本中的伪虚构翻译项目强调了埃及-阿拉伯语境中物质性、文本表现和对信息的关注之间的新联系。ʿAlam al-Dīn反映了一种新的现实主义叙事模式的发展,这种模式优先于依赖艺术魔法和语言技巧的阿拉伯古典叙事模式的独特风格的可验证性和合理性(El Sherif 2018)。然而,尽管Alam al-Dīn关注信息,但它反映了阿拉伯本土文学形式的影响,如史诗[sira]和流浪汉[maqāmmah],根据穆罕默德·萨拉赫·奥姆里的说法,这些文学形式在现代塑造了阿拉伯语和其他中东小说(2007323)。在Alam al-Dīn的框架叙事中,印刷媒体、电报传输和蒸汽机等新技术为两位主要主角之间的对话提供了信息
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引用次数: 0
The rise and fall of the historical novel? A study of nineteenth-century periodical reviews 历史小说的兴衰?十九世纪期刊评论的研究
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/08905495.2023.2196887
Helen Kingstone, Jonathan Taylor
As historical novelist Hilary Mantel acknowledged, “ some readers are deeply suspicious of historical fi ction. They say that by its nature it ’ s misleading ” (Mantel 2017, 5). The sus-picion largely stems from the genre ’ s hybrid of factual and fi ctional components, fi rst sys-tematically theorised by Alessandro Manzoni in the 1820s. 1 However, the genre keeps being written and enjoyed, both in its nineteenth-century heyday and in a current revival epitomised in Mantel ’ s own work. What is more, since history ’ s “ linguistic turn ” (White 1973; White 2014), and the rise of historiographic meta fi ction (Hutcheon 1995) leading to a revival in the literary status of (certain scions of) the genre, scholars have had to re-evaluate the terms of this critique. This article investigates how the historical novel was received during the nineteenth century, and what reviewers expected or required of it at di ff erent times. We combine quantitative and qualitative techniques, examining a dataset of reviews of the genre from nineteenth-century British periodicals, to investigate the grounds on which reviewers evaluated historical novels, and how its reception in periodicals changed, or stayed the same, across the century. This study, focused on genre rather than on any single author, contributes not only to our understanding of the history of literary tastes and practices, but also to the study of nineteenth-century periodicals more generally. Our analysis shows that longstanding questions in literary history – about the kinds of truth that fi ction and history each could o ff er – took new forms in the nineteenth century due to the signi fi cance of this particular novelistic sub-genre. What makes a “ successful ” historical novel has been under debate throughout the genre ’ s lifespan. György Lukács argued that the historical novel in a particular Marxist sense – a novel that reveals the structural changes taking place in a past society, typically through the sort of “ mediocre hero ” that Walter Scott creates in Waverley (1814) – ground to a halt after the failure of the 1848 Revolutions
正如历史小说家Hilary Mantel所承认的那样,“一些读者对历史行为深表怀疑。他们说,从本质上讲,这是一种误导”(Mantel 2017,5)。这种怀疑在很大程度上源于该类型的事实和事实成分的混合,Alessandro Manzoni在19世纪20年代首次系统地提出了这一理论。1然而,无论是在19世纪的鼎盛时期,还是在曼特尔自己的作品中所体现的当前复兴时期,这一流派都在不断地被书写和欣赏。更重要的是,自从历史的“语言学转向”(White 1973;White 2014),以及史学元作用的兴起(Hutcheon 1995)导致该流派(某些后裔)的文学地位复兴以来,学者们不得不重新评估这种批评的术语。本文调查了这部历史小说在19世纪是如何被接受的,以及评论家在不同时期对它的期望或要求。我们将定量和定性技术相结合,研究了19世纪英国期刊对这一类型的评论数据集,以调查评论家评价历史小说的依据,以及它在期刊中的受欢迎程度在整个世纪是如何变化或保持不变的。这项研究关注的是体裁,而不是任何一位作者,不仅有助于我们理解文学品味和实践的历史,也有助于更广泛地研究19世纪的期刊。我们的分析表明,文学史上长期存在的问题——关于行动和历史各自能提供的真相——在19世纪由于这一特定小说亚流派的重要性而呈现出新的形式。是什么造就了一部“成功”的历史小说,在这一类型小说的整个生命周期中一直存在争议。György Lukács认为,马克思主义意义上的历史小说——一部揭示过去社会结构变化的小说,通常是通过沃尔特·斯科特在韦弗利(1814)创作的那种“平庸英雄”——在1848年革命失败后陷入停顿
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引用次数: 0
Down from London: seaside reading in the railway age 从伦敦出发:铁路时代的海边阅读
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/08905495.2023.2195603
Mattie Armstrong-Price
“the value of Black women’s labor in an economy otherwise inclined to cheat, forget, and abandon Black subjects of capitalism as so much bad debt” (116). The book concludes with a coda on Oscar Wilde which nicely encapsulates the multiple meanings of “queer.” At Wilde’s 1895 trials for “gross indecency,” the prosecution constructed a “moralized financial narrative” (156) in which the writer was cast as “an extravagant queer debtor” (159) for his excessive spending on art, jewelry, flowers, and champagne. In particular, Wilde’s many gifts of money to working-class youths seemed clear proof of sexual entanglements. When the prosecution demanded a valid reason for Wilde’s payments to one young man, the writer replied: “Because he was poor, because he had no money and because I liked him. What better reason is there for giving a person money than that?” (160) Here, as elsewhere in his writings, Wilde rejects a rational system of exchange based on set values or what a person deserved. As these few examples make clear, Queer Economic Dissonance offers fresh readings of familiar works while also developing bold counter-narratives to the old Victorian accounts of self-help, individual initiative, upward mobility, and wealth accumulation. Dobbins’ cast of economic misfits—frauds, bankrupts, spendthrifts, and wastrels, many of them women —reminds us that many Victorian writers were sympathetic to those persons left behind or marginalized by modern capitalism. These writers imagined more humane alternatives to an economic system driven by competition and a seemingly endless quest for profit and personal advancement. Although densely argued, Queer Economic Dissonance is written in clear, accessible prose. It also provides a nice balance of critical theory, historical research, and close readings of literary texts. Ultimately, Dobbins knocks homo economicus off his dusty pedestal, replacing him with “better, messier, more complex stories of the pleasures, risks, perks, and liabilities of capitalist life” (28).
“在一个倾向于欺骗、遗忘和抛弃黑人资本主义主体的经济体中,黑人女性劳动力的价值就像坏账一样”(116)。这本书以奥斯卡·王尔德的结尾很好地概括了“酷儿”的多重含义。在1895年王尔德因“严重猥亵”而受审时,检方构建了一个“道德化的财务叙事”(156),在这个叙事中,作者因在艺术、珠宝、鲜花和香槟上的过度支出而被塑造成“奢侈的酷儿债务人”(159)。特别是,王尔德送给工薪阶层年轻人的许多金钱礼物似乎清楚地证明了性纠葛。当检方要求王尔德向一名年轻人付款的正当理由时,这位作家回答说:“因为他很穷,因为他没有钱,因为我喜欢他。还有什么比这更好的理由给一个人钱呢?”。正如这些为数不多的例子所表明的那样,《酷儿经济失调》提供了对熟悉作品的全新解读,同时也对维多利亚时代关于自助、个人主动、向上流动和财富积累的旧描述进行了大胆的反叙事。多宾斯笔下的一群与经济格格不入的人——骗子、破产者、挥霍者和废物,其中许多是女性——提醒我们,许多维多利亚时代的作家都同情那些被现代资本主义抛在后面或边缘化的人。这些作家设想了一种更人性化的替代品,以取代竞争驱动的经济体系,以及对利润和个人进步的无休止追求。尽管争论激烈,但《酷儿经济失调》是用清晰易懂的散文写成的。它还提供了批判理论、历史研究和文学文本细读之间的良好平衡。最终,多宾斯将经济人从尘封的基座上敲了下来,取而代之的是“关于资本主义生活的快乐、风险、福利和负债的更好、更混乱、更复杂的故事”(28)。
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引用次数: 0
Thought’s wilderness: Romanticism and the apprehension of nature 思想的荒野:浪漫主义与对自然的理解
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/08905495.2023.2195528
Dewey W. Hall
MATTHEW C. JONES is an Assistant Instructional Professor in the University Writing Program at the University of Florida, whose research focuses on long nineteenth-century Welsh cultural and literary history, and on British imperial history of this period more broadly. He is currently at work on a monograph that places the colonial history ofWales in conversation with other colonial subjects of the British Empire of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
MATTHEW C. JONES是佛罗里达大学大学写作项目的助理教学教授,他的研究主要集中在19世纪的威尔士文化和文学史,以及这一时期更广泛的英国帝国历史。他目前正在撰写一本专著,将威尔士的殖民历史与十八、十九世纪大英帝国的其他殖民地进行对比。
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引用次数: 0
Heathcliff as bog creature: racialized ecologies in Wuthering Heights 作为沼泽生物的希刺克厉夫:《呼啸山庄》中的种族化生态
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/08905495.2023.2195354
Emma Soberano
sparrow
麻雀
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引用次数: 0
“A Greek land of promise” as a bone of contention: modern Greece in the early years of The Illustrated London News, 1843–1850 “希腊的应许之地”是争论的焦点:《伦敦新闻画报》早期的现代希腊,1843-1850
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/08905495.2023.2196888
Konstantina Georganta
The Illustrated London News (ILN) was the first newspaper to integrate image and text in reporting the news. Illustrated journalism occupied significant space in the newspaper, promoting the brave new world of the image and urging readers to visualize the story being told. As Anne Hultzsch (2017, 9) notes in her discussion of the architectural image in the early ILN, “by relieving readers of the task of visualising text in their minds, the illustrated press externalised and stabilised vision, while at the same time introducing a new mode of kinetic experience through the combination of word and image.” A significant innovation at an opportune moment, only a year after the appearance and success of Punch, the popular illustrated comic weekly, the ILN offered sixteen pages featuring thirty-two woodcuts, large and small, accompanying forty-eight columns of news (see Leary 2011). For sixpence, every Saturday it presented, in a regular format, the events of the preceding week. Considering that the ILN sold over 100,000 weekly copies by the 1850s, attracting a mainly middleto upper-class readership, these narratives reached a wide audience who were slowly becoming educated in what we might think of as the lures of the visual (Ellegård 1971, 22; see also Baillet 2017 on the visual representations of the labouring and lower classes in the mid-Victorian illustrated press). As Gerry Beegan (2008, 55) has suggested, wood engraving, the ILN’s reproductive method, asserted the newspaper’s middle-class character and “became the means through which middle-class magazine readers expected to see their world depicted”: “The drawn image was not simply a depiction but an explanation, its purpose to clarify and make sense of the incident it portrayed.” An exploration of these images and their accompanying texts more than a century-and-a-half later, when visual journalism has become a vital part of mass media and the arts, is an exploration of the history of the visual in the media, and how it came to call attention to specific aspects of reality. On 19 June 1847, the ILN published a letter sent to the editor by an indignant “traveller in the Levant, and a friend of Greece” on the “atrocities” perpetrated around what came to be known as the Don Pacifico Affair, which led to the blockade of the main Athenian port of Piraeus by British forces in the early 1850s. The letter was published under the title “Brigandage in Athens” and was paired with a small illustration depicting the house of Don Pacifico “after the sacking” (Figure 1). The small drawing, showing an external view of a three-storey house with the
《伦敦新闻画报》(The Illustrated London News,简称ILN)是第一家将图片和文字结合起来报道新闻的报纸。插图新闻在报纸上占据了重要的位置,促进了图像的美丽新世界,并敦促读者想象正在讲述的故事。正如Anne Hultzsch(2017,9)在她对早期ILN建筑形象的讨论中指出的那样,“通过减轻读者在脑海中可视化文本的任务,插图新闻外化和稳定了视觉,同时通过文字和图像的结合引入了一种新的动态体验模式。”这是一个适时的重大创新,就在流行的插图漫画周刊《Punch》问世并获得成功的一年后,《ILN》提供了16页,其中有32个大大小小的木刻,配以48个新闻专栏(见Leary 2011)。每周六,只要六便士,报纸就会按规定的格式报道前一周发生的事情。考虑到到19世纪50年代,ILN每周销售超过10万份,吸引了主要是中上层阶级的读者,这些叙述达到了广泛的受众,他们慢慢地受到了我们可能认为是视觉诱惑的教育(elleg rd 1971, 22;参见Baillet 2017关于维多利亚中期插图媒体中劳动阶级和下层阶级的视觉表现)。正如Gerry Beegan(2008, 55)所建议的那样,木版雕刻,ILN的复制方法,确立了报纸的中产阶级特征,并“成为中产阶级杂志读者期望看到他们的世界被描绘出来的手段”:“绘制的图像不仅仅是一种描述,而是一种解释,其目的是澄清和理解它所描绘的事件。”一个半世纪后,当视觉新闻成为大众媒体和艺术的重要组成部分时,对这些图像及其附带文本的探索是对媒体中视觉历史的探索,以及它如何引起人们对现实的特定方面的关注。1847年6月19日,《国际时报》发表了一封由一位愤怒的“黎凡特旅行者和希腊的朋友”写给编辑的信,信中描述了在19世纪50年代早期发生的唐·帕西菲科事件(Don Pacifico Affair)的“暴行”,该事件导致英国军队封锁了雅典主要港口比雷埃夫斯(Piraeus)。这封信的标题是“雅典的劫掠”,并配以一幅小插图,描绘了“劫掠后”的唐·帕西菲科(Don Pacifico)的房子(图1)。这幅小画展示了一座三层楼的房子的外部视图
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Nineteenth-Century Contexts-An Interdisciplinary Journal
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