Pub Date : 2021-07-22DOI: 10.1163/19552629-13030001
Anja Gampe, Antje Endesfelder Quick, Moritz M. Daum
It is well established that L2 acquisition is faster when the L2 is more closely related to the learner’s L1. In the current study we investigated whether language similarity has a comparable facilitative effect in early simultaneous bilingual children. The similarity between each bilingual child’s two languages was determined using phonological and typological scales. We compared the vocabulary size of bilingual toddlers learning different pairs of languages. Results show that the vocabulary size of bilingual children is indeed influenced by similarity: the more similar the languages, the larger the children’s vocabulary.
{"title":"Does Linguistic Similarity Affect Early Simultaneous Bilingual Language Acquisition?","authors":"Anja Gampe, Antje Endesfelder Quick, Moritz M. Daum","doi":"10.1163/19552629-13030001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-13030001","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000It is well established that L2 acquisition is faster when the L2 is more closely related to the learner’s L1. In the current study we investigated whether language similarity has a comparable facilitative effect in early simultaneous bilingual children. The similarity between each bilingual child’s two languages was determined using phonological and typological scales. We compared the vocabulary size of bilingual toddlers learning different pairs of languages. Results show that the vocabulary size of bilingual children is indeed influenced by similarity: the more similar the languages, the larger the children’s vocabulary.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86509047","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-22DOI: 10.1163/19552629-bja10027
Barbara E. Bullock, Jacqueline Serigos, Almeida Jacqueline Toribio
This work applies computational tools that have been used to model loanwords in newspaper corpora to an analysis of a loan translation in an oral bilingual corpus. The explicit goal of the contribution is to argue that a specific collocation found in a corpus of Spanish spoken in Texas, agarrar+NP (e.g., agarrar ayuda), is a loan translation that is calqued on English get+np support verb constructions (e.g., get help). We base our argument on the frequency and the linguistic distribution of the nonconventional usage within and between corpora and on the factors that favor its use. Our findings show that the overall frequency of agarrar is the same in Spanish in Texas as it is in the benchmark monolingual corpus of Mexican Spanish but that it is used differently in the two varieties, a difference that has grammatical, as well as semantic, ramifications.
{"title":"Exploring a Loan Translation and Its Consequences in an Oral Bilingual Corpus","authors":"Barbara E. Bullock, Jacqueline Serigos, Almeida Jacqueline Toribio","doi":"10.1163/19552629-bja10027","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-bja10027","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This work applies computational tools that have been used to model loanwords in newspaper corpora to an analysis of a loan translation in an oral bilingual corpus. The explicit goal of the contribution is to argue that a specific collocation found in a corpus of Spanish spoken in Texas, agarrar+NP (e.g., agarrar ayuda), is a loan translation that is calqued on English get+np support verb constructions (e.g., get help). We base our argument on the frequency and the linguistic distribution of the nonconventional usage within and between corpora and on the factors that favor its use. Our findings show that the overall frequency of agarrar is the same in Spanish in Texas as it is in the benchmark monolingual corpus of Mexican Spanish but that it is used differently in the two varieties, a difference that has grammatical, as well as semantic, ramifications.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81654765","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-22DOI: 10.1163/19552629-bja10026
Bruno Estigarribia
Previous studies view the use of Guarani grammatical morphemes in Paraguayan Spanish simply as grammatical borrowings (if one focuses on the morphosyntactic status of mixed forms) or as an ill-defined “interference”. But so far there has been no examination of the bilingual planning mechanisms that license and constrain these language mixes. In this paper, I explore the idea that the emergence of grammatical borrowings can be explained by message conceptualization procedures that are influenced by asymmetries in each language’s cognitive dominance. This work thus contributes to our understanding of language contact by applying what we know about language processing and utterance planning to explaining the outcomes observed in language mixing. In so doing, I hope to facilitate a tighter integration between the psycholinguistic planning and language contact literatures.
{"title":"A Speech Planning Account of Guarani Grammatical Borrowings in Paraguayan Spanish","authors":"Bruno Estigarribia","doi":"10.1163/19552629-bja10026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-bja10026","url":null,"abstract":"Previous studies view the use of Guarani grammatical morphemes in Paraguayan Spanish simply as grammatical borrowings (if one focuses on the morphosyntactic status of mixed forms) or as an ill-defined “interference”. But so far there has been no examination of the bilingual planning mechanisms that license and constrain these language mixes. In this paper, I explore the idea that the emergence of grammatical borrowings can be explained by message conceptualization procedures that are influenced by asymmetries in each language’s cognitive dominance. This work thus contributes to our understanding of language contact by applying what we know about language processing and utterance planning to explaining the outcomes observed in language mixing. In so doing, I hope to facilitate a tighter integration between the psycholinguistic planning and language contact literatures.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78192034","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-11DOI: 10.1163/19552629-bja10023
Ogechi Florence Agbo, I. Plag
Deuber (2006) investigated variation in spoken Nigerian Pidgin data by educated speakers and found no evidence for a continuum of lects between Nigerian Pidgin and English. Many speakers, however, speak both languages, and both are in close contact with each other, which keeps the question of the nature of their relationship on the agenda. This paper investigates 67 conversations in Nigerian English by educated speakers as they occur in the International Corpus of English, Nigeria (ice-Nigeria, Wunder et al., 2010), using the variability in copula usage as a test bed. Implicational scaling, network analysis and hierarchical cluster analysis reveal that the use of variants is not randomly distributed over speakers. Particular clusters of speakers use particular constellations of variants. A qualitative investigation reveals this complex situation as a continuum of style, with code-switching as one of the stylistic devices, motivated by such social factors as formality, setting, participants and interpersonal relationships.
Deuber(2006)调查了受过教育的尼日利亚皮钦语口语数据的变化,发现没有证据表明尼日利亚皮钦语和英语之间存在连续的语言。然而,许多说这两种语言的人都说这两种语言,而且两种语言彼此联系密切,这使得他们之间关系的性质问题一直被提上议程。本文调查了尼日利亚国际英语语料库(ice-Nigeria, Wunder et al., 2010)中受过教育的说话者用尼日利亚英语进行的67次对话,并将联词使用的可变性作为测试平台。隐含尺度、网络分析和层次聚类分析表明,变体的使用并不是随机分布的。特定群体的说话者使用特定的变体群。一项定性调查表明,这种复杂的情况是一种风格的连续体,语码转换是一种风格手段,受到形式、环境、参与者和人际关系等社会因素的影响。
{"title":"The Relationship of Nigerian English and Nigerian Pidgin in Nigeria: Evidence from Copula Constructions in Ice-Nigeria","authors":"Ogechi Florence Agbo, I. Plag","doi":"10.1163/19552629-bja10023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-bja10023","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000\u0000Deuber (2006) investigated variation in spoken Nigerian Pidgin data by educated speakers and found no evidence for a continuum of lects between Nigerian Pidgin and English. Many speakers, however, speak both languages, and both are in close contact with each other, which keeps the question of the nature of their relationship on the agenda. This paper investigates 67 conversations in Nigerian English by educated speakers as they occur in the International Corpus of English, Nigeria (ice-Nigeria, Wunder et al., 2010), using the variability in copula usage as a test bed. Implicational scaling, network analysis and hierarchical cluster analysis reveal that the use of variants is not randomly distributed over speakers. Particular clusters of speakers use particular constellations of variants. A qualitative investigation reveals this complex situation as a continuum of style, with code-switching as one of the stylistic devices, motivated by such social factors as formality, setting, participants and interpersonal relationships.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2020-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72965378","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-11DOI: 10.1163/19552629-bja10022
Daniel Bell
Xining Mandarin (Qinghai province, Northwest China) strikingly diverges from the usual syntactic profile of Sinitic languages, featuring an array of head-final categories which are inherent instead to the local substrate languages. In this paper, the formation of the dialect is considered from a historical perspective and it is seen to have emerged in a fort creolization (Bickerton, 1988) scenario, comparable to that found for European lexifier creoles along the West African coast. Linguistically relevant aspects of the socio-historical scenario underlying the dialect are reconstructed and Xining Mandarin is argued to have formed as the language of Ming dynasty Chinese colonists was acquired imperfectly due to poor access to Chinese among the local population. The speed of creolization and the role of language shift is evaluated, and it is argued that Ming creolization was gradual (rather than abrupt), reflecting cases of fort creolization elsewhere in the world.
{"title":"Chinese Fort Creolization: on the Origin of Xining Mandarin","authors":"Daniel Bell","doi":"10.1163/19552629-bja10022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-bja10022","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Xining Mandarin (Qinghai province, Northwest China) strikingly diverges from the usual syntactic profile of Sinitic languages, featuring an array of head-final categories which are inherent instead to the local substrate languages. In this paper, the formation of the dialect is considered from a historical perspective and it is seen to have emerged in a fort creolization (Bickerton, 1988) scenario, comparable to that found for European lexifier creoles along the West African coast. Linguistically relevant aspects of the socio-historical scenario underlying the dialect are reconstructed and Xining Mandarin is argued to have formed as the language of Ming dynasty Chinese colonists was acquired imperfectly due to poor access to Chinese among the local population. The speed of creolization and the role of language shift is evaluated, and it is argued that Ming creolization was gradual (rather than abrupt), reflecting cases of fort creolization elsewhere in the world.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2020-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84249054","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-11DOI: 10.1163/19552629-bja10021
N. Guzzo, Guilherme D. Garcia
In a variety of Brazilian Portuguese in contact with Veneto, variable vowel reduction in clitic position can be partially accounted for by the phonotactic profile of clitic structures. We show that, when phonotactic profile is controlled for, vowel reduction is statistically more frequent in non-pronominal than in pronominal clitics, which indicates that these clitic types are represented in separate prosodic domains. We propose that this difference in frequency of reduction between clitic types is only possible due to contact with Veneto, which, unlike standard BP, does not exhibit vowel reduction in clitic position. Contact thus provides speakers with the possibility of producing clitic vowels without reduction, and the resulting variation is used to signal prosodic distinctions between clitic types. We show that the difference in frequency of reduction is larger for older speakers, who are more proficient in Veneto and use the language regularly.
{"title":"Phonological variation and prosodic representation: clitics in Portuguese-Veneto contact","authors":"N. Guzzo, Guilherme D. Garcia","doi":"10.1163/19552629-bja10021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-bja10021","url":null,"abstract":"In a variety of Brazilian Portuguese in contact with Veneto, variable vowel reduction in clitic position can be partially accounted for by the phonotactic profile of clitic structures. We show that, when phonotactic profile is controlled for, vowel reduction is statistically more frequent in non-pronominal than in pronominal clitics, which indicates that these clitic types are represented in separate prosodic domains. We propose that this difference in frequency of reduction between clitic types is only possible due to contact with Veneto, which, unlike standard BP, does not exhibit vowel reduction in clitic position. Contact thus provides speakers with the possibility of producing clitic vowels without reduction, and the resulting variation is used to signal prosodic distinctions between clitic types. We show that the difference in frequency of reduction is larger for older speakers, who are more proficient in Veneto and use the language regularly.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2020-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72372995","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-11DOI: 10.1163/19552629-bja10011
C. Perta
The aim of this paper is to investigate two Francoprovençal speaking communities in the Italian region of Apulia, Faeto and Celle di St. Vito. Despite the regional neighborhood of the two towns, and their common isolation from other Francoprovençal speaking communities, their sociolinguistic conditions are deeply different. They differ in reference to the functional distribution of the languages of the repertoire and speakers’ language uses, and in reference to the degree of ‘permeability’ of Francoprovençal varieties towards Italian and its dialects. The repertoire composition and the relationship between the codes have a key role both for minority language maintenance and for language contact processes. In this perspective, I analyse some language contact phenomena in a sample of speakers discourse. I report correlations between the choice of different code-mixing strategies and three sociolinguistic variables (age, sex and village), but not with occupation.
本文的目的是调查意大利阿普利亚、费托和圣维托cellle di St. Vito地区两个讲法语的社区。尽管这两个城镇在区域上相邻,而且它们与其他法语-普罗旺斯语社区都是隔离的,但它们的社会语言学条件却截然不同。它们的不同之处在于保留语言的功能分布和使用者的语言使用,以及法语普罗旺斯法语变体对意大利语及其方言的“渗透”程度。语码的构成和语码之间的关系对少数民族语言的维护和语言接触过程都起着关键作用。从这个角度出发,我分析了说话人话语中的一些语言接触现象。我报告了不同代码混合策略的选择与三个社会语言学变量(年龄、性别和村庄)之间的相关性,但与职业无关。
{"title":"Sociolinguistic Aspects and Language Contact: Evidence from Francoprovençal of Apulia","authors":"C. Perta","doi":"10.1163/19552629-bja10011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-bja10011","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The aim of this paper is to investigate two Francoprovençal speaking communities in the Italian region of Apulia, Faeto and Celle di St. Vito. Despite the regional neighborhood of the two towns, and their common isolation from other Francoprovençal speaking communities, their sociolinguistic conditions are deeply different. They differ in reference to the functional distribution of the languages of the repertoire and speakers’ language uses, and in reference to the degree of ‘permeability’ of Francoprovençal varieties towards Italian and its dialects. The repertoire composition and the relationship between the codes have a key role both for minority language maintenance and for language contact processes. In this perspective, I analyse some language contact phenomena in a sample of speakers discourse. I report correlations between the choice of different code-mixing strategies and three sociolinguistic variables (age, sex and village), but not with occupation.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2020-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74914364","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-11DOI: 10.1163/19552629-bja10012
Maxim Makartsev
The article focuses on two markers of progressive aspect that are emerging in a Balkan Slavic dialect in Albania, presumably under Albanian influence. One of them dates back to locative (ǵe ‘where’). Two processes intertwine on the grammaticalisation path of the other (toko): originally an adversative conjunction (‘but’), it was structurally mapped to its polysemic (adversative, but also affirmative, progressive, conditional) Albanian counterpart po. At the same time, its choice to mark progressive was additionally motivated by the phonetic similarity with another Albanian progressive marker duke. In the first third of the 20th century both markers were used as synonyms. However, during the subsequent process of language attrition the language community in question split into three groups regarding the use of the markers: of the last six remaining speakers one speaker used only ǵe as an optional marker; one speaker used toko as an optional marker; four other speakers used toko as a regular progressive marker.
这篇文章的重点是在阿尔巴尼亚的巴尔干斯拉夫方言中出现的两个进步方面的标志,大概是在阿尔巴尼亚的影响下。其中一个可以追溯到位置(ǵe ' where ')。两个过程在另一个(toko)的语法化路径上交织在一起:最初是一个对口连词(“but”),它在结构上被映射到它的多义(对口的,但也是肯定的,进步的,条件的)阿尔巴尼亚语对应物po。同时,与另一个阿尔巴尼亚语进行性标记duke在语音上相似也是其选择进行性标记的另一个动机。在20世纪的前三分之一,这两种标记都被用作同义词。然而,在随后的语言消耗过程中,有关的语言社区在使用标记方面分成了三组:在剩下的最后六个发言者中,一个发言者只使用ǵe作为可选的标记;一位发言者使用toko作为可选的标记;另外四位发言者使用toko作为常规的递进标记。
{"title":"Grammaticalization of Progressive Aspect in a Slavic Dialect in Albania","authors":"Maxim Makartsev","doi":"10.1163/19552629-bja10012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-bja10012","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The article focuses on two markers of progressive aspect that are emerging in a Balkan Slavic dialect in Albania, presumably under Albanian influence. One of them dates back to locative (ǵe ‘where’). Two processes intertwine on the grammaticalisation path of the other (toko): originally an adversative conjunction (‘but’), it was structurally mapped to its polysemic (adversative, but also affirmative, progressive, conditional) Albanian counterpart po. At the same time, its choice to mark progressive was additionally motivated by the phonetic similarity with another Albanian progressive marker duke. In the first third of the 20th century both markers were used as synonyms. However, during the subsequent process of language attrition the language community in question split into three groups regarding the use of the markers: of the last six remaining speakers one speaker used only ǵe as an optional marker; one speaker used toko as an optional marker; four other speakers used toko as a regular progressive marker.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2020-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86226268","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-11DOI: 10.1163/19552629-01302003
Tomáš Duběda
In this article, I analyse the phonological adaptation of Anglicisms in three languages (French, German and Czech) from a contrastive perspective. The classification of standard phonological forms, based on a system of eight adaptation principles, aims at capturing the degree of phonological permeability/resistance for each of the languages. Phonological approximation (the substitution of foreign phonemes with native ones) seems to be the fundamental principle in all three languages analysed. The spelling pronunciation principle is observed predominantly in French; phonological import occurs only in German. Globally, phonological resistance increases in the following order: German – Czech – French.
{"title":"The Phonology of Anglicisms in French, German and Czech: A Contrastive Approach","authors":"Tomáš Duběda","doi":"10.1163/19552629-01302003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-01302003","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000In this article, I analyse the phonological adaptation of Anglicisms in three languages (French, German and Czech) from a contrastive perspective. The classification of standard phonological forms, based on a system of eight adaptation principles, aims at capturing the degree of phonological permeability/resistance for each of the languages. Phonological approximation (the substitution of foreign phonemes with native ones) seems to be the fundamental principle in all three languages analysed. The spelling pronunciation principle is observed predominantly in French; phonological import occurs only in German. Globally, phonological resistance increases in the following order: German – Czech – French.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2020-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80924505","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-10DOI: 10.1017/9781108333955.005
{"title":"Acquiring and Maintaining a Bilingual Repertoire","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/9781108333955.005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108333955.005","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2020-09-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83064796","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}