Since their independence, countries across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have witnessed subsequent waves of social and political conflicts. Armed and non-armed conflicts have almost become a defining feature of a region that has been struggling to find its own identity and a system that best represents its diverse communities and guarantees stability. Calibrated post-war power-sharing formulas of governance have produced authoritarianism, clientelism, elitism and a political post-war economy, where corruption, nepotism, injustice, and crony capitalism are rampant.
{"title":"Symposium on Middle East and North African (MENA) conflict. Part 1: An introduction","authors":"Dina Mansour-Ille, Hamid E. Ali","doi":"10.15355/EPSJ.16.1.26","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15355/EPSJ.16.1.26","url":null,"abstract":"Since their independence, countries across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have witnessed subsequent waves of social and political conflicts. Armed and non-armed conflicts have almost become a defining feature of a region that has been struggling to find its own identity and a system that best represents its diverse communities and guarantees stability. Calibrated post-war power-sharing formulas of governance have produced authoritarianism, clientelism, elitism and a political post-war economy, where corruption, nepotism, injustice, and crony capitalism are rampant.","PeriodicalId":43334,"journal":{"name":"Economics of Peace and Security Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42196486","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Land-use conflict in Northern Thailand has led to large-scale deforestation. This article suggests two reasons why this conflict has not been resolved despite the many legal and institutional approaches taken by Thai governments over the decades. First, conflicting directions embedded within the national policymaking level caused uncertainty for policy implementors at ministerial levels. Second, policy-drivers at the local level interacted with the specific socioeconomic context of upland residents in a way to make land-use conflict persistent. Contradictory messages by top policymakers, combined with the national ministries’ focus on purely functional tasks, diminished the importance of a local area-based approach necessary for land-use conflict resolution. Additionally, vested interests favoring agricultural expansion into the forests have been more diverse and influential than those favoring forest conservation; the former having tools at hand to incentivize smallholders to encroach into forested areas. Further driving agricultural expansion was that, in a management vacuum, local private sector actors acted as the de facto policy coordinators for the fragmented government local operations; however, on the forest conservation front, there was no coordinating body. This imbalanced situation has proved fertile soil for conflict.
{"title":"Forests, peoples, and governments: Persistent land-use conflict in Northern Thailand","authors":"Khemarat Talerngsri","doi":"10.15355/epjs15.2.19","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15355/epjs15.2.19","url":null,"abstract":"Land-use conflict in Northern Thailand has led to large-scale deforestation. This article suggests two reasons why this conflict has not been resolved despite the many legal and institutional approaches taken by Thai governments over the decades. First, conflicting directions embedded within the national policymaking level caused uncertainty for policy implementors at ministerial levels. Second, policy-drivers at the local level interacted with the specific socioeconomic context of upland residents in a way to make land-use conflict persistent. Contradictory messages by top policymakers, combined with the national ministries’ focus on purely functional tasks, diminished the importance of a local area-based approach necessary for land-use conflict resolution. Additionally, vested interests favoring agricultural expansion into the forests have been more diverse and influential than those favoring forest conservation; the former having tools at hand to incentivize smallholders to encroach into forested areas. Further driving agricultural expansion was that, in a management vacuum, local private sector actors acted as the de facto policy coordinators for the fragmented government local operations; however, on the forest conservation front, there was no coordinating body. This imbalanced situation has proved fertile soil for conflict.","PeriodicalId":43334,"journal":{"name":"Economics of Peace and Security Journal","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44057896","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Thailand has one of the largest stateless populations in the world. Stateless people are denied access to basic rights and services, driving inequality and discrimination and threatening peace and security. This article aims to explore the problems that stateless people are facing in their daily lives, with a focus on healthcare services, health insurance coverage, and mobility. Primary data were collected in 2020 from 108 stateless and nationalityless adults in Chiang Mai province, belonging to three ethnic minorities, and analyzed using a mixed methods approach. The respondents are exposed to daily environmental stressors, the most serious being exclusion from the Universal Coverage Scheme, mobility restrictions and the absence of land rights. While out-of-pocket health expenditures increase financial vulnerability, a lack of health insurance is also associated with perceived poor quality of care and unmet healthcare needs. However, observed differences among the three ethnic groups highlight that some problems are specific to individual ethnic groups and not necessarily a consequence of citizenship problems. Given the experience Thailand has gained in achieving universal health coverage for Thai citizens, there is an opportunity to address the healthcare plight of Thailand’s stateless and nationalityless population through prioritizing the expansion and improvement of the existing Health Insurance for People with Citizenship Problems policy.
{"title":"Protracted statelessness and nationalitylessness among the Lahu, Akha and Tai-Yai in northern Thailand: Problem areas and the vital role of health insurance status","authors":"Chantal Herberholz","doi":"10.15355/epsj.15.2.36","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15355/epsj.15.2.36","url":null,"abstract":"Thailand has one of the largest stateless populations in the world. Stateless people are denied access to basic rights and services, driving inequality and discrimination and threatening peace and security. This article aims to explore the problems that stateless people are facing in their daily lives, with a focus on healthcare services, health insurance coverage, and mobility. Primary data were collected in 2020 from 108 stateless and nationalityless adults in Chiang Mai province, belonging to three ethnic minorities, and analyzed using a mixed methods approach. The respondents are exposed to daily environmental stressors, the most serious being exclusion from the Universal Coverage Scheme, mobility restrictions and the absence of land rights. While out-of-pocket health expenditures increase financial vulnerability, a lack of health insurance is also associated with perceived poor quality of care and unmet healthcare needs. However, observed differences among the three ethnic groups highlight that some problems are specific to individual ethnic groups and not necessarily a consequence of citizenship problems. Given the experience Thailand has gained in achieving universal health coverage for Thai citizens, there is an opportunity to address the healthcare plight of Thailand’s stateless and nationalityless population through prioritizing the expansion and improvement of the existing Health Insurance for People with Citizenship Problems policy.","PeriodicalId":43334,"journal":{"name":"Economics of Peace and Security Journal","volume":"15 1","pages":"36-52"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47459526","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article explores the historical origins of land rights insecurity and its implications for landlessness, poverty, and contemporary conflict in Thailand. The Siamese (now Thai) government adopted the Torrens system of land administration in 1901 as part of a larger strategy to curb colonial territorial expansion in Southeast Asia. Although the Torrens system is generally associated with strong property rights, its incomplete and uneven adoption led to widespread and long-running land rights insecurity and landlessness. This article presents two case studies that demonstrate these consequences. First, the expropriation of land through the exploitation of ambiguous land rights and the implementation of new land laws. Second, the long-run associations between land rights insecurity, low levels of productive investments in agriculture, and poverty. Consequent landlessness and poverty in agricultural communities have, in turn, led to recent protests and violence in Thailand.
{"title":"Historical origins of land rights insecurity and implications for conflict in Thailand","authors":"Jessica Vechbanyongratana, Kawita Niwatananun","doi":"10.15355/epsj.15.2.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15355/epsj.15.2.5","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the historical origins of land rights insecurity and its implications for landlessness, poverty, and contemporary conflict in Thailand. The Siamese (now Thai) government adopted the Torrens system of land administration in 1901 as part of a larger strategy to curb colonial territorial expansion in Southeast Asia. Although the Torrens system is generally associated with strong property rights, its incomplete and uneven adoption led to widespread and long-running land rights insecurity and landlessness. This article presents two case studies that demonstrate these consequences. First, the expropriation of land through the exploitation of ambiguous land rights and the implementation of new land laws. Second, the long-run associations between land rights insecurity, low levels of productive investments in agriculture, and poverty. Consequent landlessness and poverty in agricultural communities have, in turn, led to recent protests and violence in Thailand.","PeriodicalId":43334,"journal":{"name":"Economics of Peace and Security Journal","volume":"15 1","pages":"5-18"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41622475","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
There has been little research examining how income inequality may or may not contribute to the “grievance” aspect of conflict. For the most part, the measure used is the traditional Gini index, which is suitable to reflect vertical inequality (VI) rather than horizontal inequality (HI). Calculating HI requires the ability to decompose inequality indices, especially the Gini index, into a within-subgroup component and a between-subgroup component. There exists a long-standing stream of literature discussing how to decompose the Gini index. This article discusses the shortcomings of existing Gini decomposition methods and proposes a novel method that divides the Gini index into within-subgroup and across-subgroup components. This novel method is then applied to the case of Thailand in the years 2009–2017. The differences in the two components derived from the method of this article and those of existing methods are large. In addition, the HI measure this article introduces is also large relative to non-Gini measures such as the Theil and Shorrocks indices. Therefore conflict-related papers that include an existing Gini decomposition and HI measure among their independent variables may wish to test their models with those of this article and other measures—to examine if the results are consistent and to mitigate a risk of misleading policymakers.
{"title":"Income inequality and conflicts: A Gini decomposition analysis","authors":"I. Sarntisart","doi":"10.15355/epsj.15.2.66","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15355/epsj.15.2.66","url":null,"abstract":"There has been little research examining how income inequality may or may not contribute to the “grievance” aspect of conflict. For the most part, the measure used is the traditional Gini index, which is suitable to reflect vertical inequality (VI) rather than horizontal inequality (HI). Calculating HI requires the ability to decompose inequality indices, especially the Gini index, into a within-subgroup component and a between-subgroup component. There exists a long-standing stream of literature discussing how to decompose the Gini index. This article discusses the shortcomings of existing Gini decomposition methods and proposes a novel method that divides the Gini index into within-subgroup and across-subgroup components. This novel method is then applied to the case of Thailand in the years 2009–2017. The differences in the two components derived from the method of this article and those of existing methods are large. In addition, the HI measure this article introduces is also large relative to non-Gini measures such as the Theil and Shorrocks indices. Therefore conflict-related papers that include an existing Gini decomposition and HI measure among their independent variables may wish to test their models with those of this article and other measures—to examine if the results are consistent and to mitigate a risk of misleading policymakers.","PeriodicalId":43334,"journal":{"name":"Economics of Peace and Security Journal","volume":"15 1","pages":"66-82"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42178331","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How do domestic political conflicts affect capital flows into Thailand? This article advances the current understanding in two ways. First, it adopts a new method for measuring political uncertainty using Thai-language newspapers over the past 20 years. Given that the nature of political conflicts is multi-faceted, these measures cover the various key components of Thai political tensions—both within and outside of parliament. Second, how different types of tensions affect capital flows are examined using a quantile regression framework—allowing an examination of effects upon the overall distribution of capital flows. The empirical results indicate that Thai political conflicts significantly and adversely affect both foreign direct investment and foreign portfolio investment at the left tails of their distribution. The results also highlight how different types of political conflicts affect capital flows in different ways. For example, uncertainty about a military coup and government measures regarding martial law or emergency decrees have a strong negative effect upon foreign direct investment flows; whereas heightened political protest and news about constitutional reform play a significant role in explaining the risk reversal of foreign portfolio investment flows.
{"title":"Capital flows and political conflicts: Evidence from Thailand","authors":"Pongsak Luangaram, Yuthana Sethapramote","doi":"10.15355/epsj.15.2.83","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15355/epsj.15.2.83","url":null,"abstract":"How do domestic political conflicts affect capital flows into Thailand? This article advances the current understanding in two ways. First, it adopts a new method for measuring political uncertainty using Thai-language newspapers over the past 20 years. Given that the nature of political conflicts is multi-faceted, these measures cover the various key components of Thai political tensions—both within and outside of parliament. Second, how different types of tensions affect capital flows are examined using a quantile regression framework—allowing an examination of effects upon the overall distribution of capital flows. The empirical results indicate that Thai political conflicts significantly and adversely affect both foreign direct investment and foreign portfolio investment at the left tails of their distribution. The results also highlight how different types of political conflicts affect capital flows in different ways. For example, uncertainty about a military coup and government measures regarding martial law or emergency decrees have a strong negative effect upon foreign direct investment flows; whereas heightened political protest and news about constitutional reform play a significant role in explaining the risk reversal of foreign portfolio investment flows.","PeriodicalId":43334,"journal":{"name":"Economics of Peace and Security Journal","volume":"15 1","pages":"83-100"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47478671","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Thailand’s so-called Deep South has experienced much deadly violence since the early 2000s. This article investigates its determining factors in the context of the larger civil unrest/civil war literature—work on Southeast Asia being sparse and work on Thailand almost non-existent. The focus is on 37 sub-provincial districts of four of Thailand’s 77 provinces covering the years from 2012 to 2019. Centering on descriptive statistics with additional panel regressions, it is found that reduced poverty incidence, increased educational attainment for males, and increased district-level per capita income are all associated with reduced conflict intensity (a smaller number of conflict-related deaths). In contrast, ethno-religious backgrounds and certain geographic features are not associated with either increases or decreases in conflict-related deaths.
{"title":"Poverty and conflict in Thailand’s Deep South","authors":"Sawarai Boonyamanond, Papusson Chaiwat","doi":"10.15355/epsj.15.2.53","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15355/epsj.15.2.53","url":null,"abstract":"Thailand’s so-called Deep South has experienced much deadly violence since the early 2000s. This article investigates its determining factors in the context of the larger civil unrest/civil war literature—work on Southeast Asia being sparse and work on Thailand almost non-existent. The focus is on 37 sub-provincial districts of four of Thailand’s 77 provinces covering the years from 2012 to 2019. Centering on descriptive statistics with additional panel regressions, it is found that reduced poverty incidence, increased educational attainment for males, and increased district-level per capita income are all associated with reduced conflict intensity (a smaller number of conflict-related deaths). In contrast, ethno-religious backgrounds and certain geographic features are not associated with either increases or decreases in conflict-related deaths.","PeriodicalId":43334,"journal":{"name":"Economics of Peace and Security Journal","volume":"15 1","pages":"53-65"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46479341","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The international arms trade is highly prone to corruption. Reasons for this include the size and technical complexity of deals, the secrecy and lack of transparency surrounding the trade and the broader military sector, and the crowded nature of the arms trade where exporting nations and companies are often desperate to make sales to maintain their business and technological capabilities. But which arms deals are most likely to be corrupt? This article considers some of the “red flags” for corruption in the arms trade, including those relating to the buyer, those relating to the seller, and those relating to the deal itself, most notably the use of agents or intermediaries, and the role of offsets. The article also argues that corruption in the arms trade is a function of its very close connection with political power in both the buyer and seller country. Major arms deals are frequently regarded as being of strategic political importance by exporting governments, while opportunities for political finance are often a motivating factor for corruption for both buyers and sellers.
{"title":"Red flags for arms trade corruption","authors":"Sam Perlo-Freeman","doi":"10.15355/epsj.15.1.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15355/epsj.15.1.5","url":null,"abstract":"The international arms trade is highly prone to corruption. Reasons for this include the size and technical complexity of deals, the secrecy and lack of transparency surrounding the trade and the broader military sector, and the crowded nature of the arms trade where exporting nations and companies are often desperate to make sales to maintain their business and technological capabilities. But which arms deals are most likely to be corrupt? This article considers some of the “red flags” for corruption in the arms trade, including those relating to the buyer, those relating to the seller, and those relating to the deal itself, most notably the use of agents or intermediaries, and the role of offsets. The article also argues that corruption in the arms trade is a function of its very close connection with political power in both the buyer and seller country. Major arms deals are frequently regarded as being of strategic political importance by exporting governments, while opportunities for political finance are often a motivating factor for corruption for both buyers and sellers.","PeriodicalId":43334,"journal":{"name":"Economics of Peace and Security Journal","volume":"15 1","pages":"5-19"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46808650","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In February 2013, the Swedish Defense Materiel Administration ordered 14 empty airframes in an effort to keep production lines open at the national arms producer Saab. This unusual example of state support is a reflection of the tight-knit relationship between state actors and the arms industry in Sweden. This article provides a case study of the political and economic factors that contributed to the order. It analyses the Swedish history of armed neutrality and military non-alignment as a driver of contemporary procurement and arms trade policies, and the formation of a “partially captive” Swedish arms market—where orders to Saab made up 60 percent of the Swedish arms procurement budget in 2018.
{"title":"14 empty airframes: public–private relations in the Swedish arms industry","authors":"Linda Åkerström","doi":"10.15355/epsj.15.1.39","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15355/epsj.15.1.39","url":null,"abstract":"In February 2013, the Swedish Defense Materiel Administration ordered 14 empty airframes in an effort to keep production lines open at the national arms producer Saab. This unusual example of state support is a reflection of the tight-knit relationship between state actors and the arms industry in Sweden. This article provides a case study of the political and economic factors that contributed to the order. It analyses the Swedish history of armed neutrality and military non-alignment as a driver of contemporary procurement and arms trade policies, and the formation of a “partially captive” Swedish arms market—where orders to Saab made up 60 percent of the Swedish arms procurement budget in 2018.","PeriodicalId":43334,"journal":{"name":"Economics of Peace and Security Journal","volume":"15 1","pages":"39-48"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47955903","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A game is developed where an incumbent chooses between benefits provision to the population, which decreases the probability of revolution endogenously, and fighting with a challenger. Thereafter the challenger chooses a degree of fighting, which determines rent sharing. A successful revolution enables the challenger to replace the incumbent. An unsuccessful revolution preserves the status quo, or causes standoff or coalition. The four possibilities of incumbent replacement, status quo, standoff, or coalition combine with the incumbent either repressing (providing benefits below a threshold) or accommodating (providing benefits above a threshold) the population, for a total of eight outcomes. Such a rich conceptualization of eight outcomes of civil war is missing in the literature. We show how an advantaged versus disadvantaged incumbent deters or fights with a challenger, and provides versus does not provide benefits to the population. The eight outcomes are mapped to 87 revolutions 1961-2011.
{"title":"Strategic choices by the incumbent and challenger during revolution and civil war","authors":"K. Hausken, Mthuli Ncube","doi":"10.15355/epsj.15.1.58","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15355/epsj.15.1.58","url":null,"abstract":"A game is developed where an incumbent chooses between benefits provision to the population, which decreases the probability of revolution endogenously, and fighting with a challenger. Thereafter the challenger chooses a degree of fighting, which determines rent sharing. A successful revolution enables the challenger to replace the incumbent. An unsuccessful revolution preserves the status quo, or causes standoff or coalition. The four possibilities of incumbent replacement, status quo, standoff, or coalition combine with the incumbent either repressing (providing benefits below a threshold) or accommodating (providing benefits above a threshold) the population, for a total of eight outcomes. Such a rich conceptualization of eight outcomes of civil war is missing in the literature. We show how an advantaged versus disadvantaged incumbent deters or fights with a challenger, and provides versus does not provide benefits to the population. The eight outcomes are mapped to 87 revolutions 1961-2011.","PeriodicalId":43334,"journal":{"name":"Economics of Peace and Security Journal","volume":"15 1","pages":"58-81"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48785158","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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