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History, memory and the meaning of place: the renovation of Sidnā ‘Alī mosque as a nexus of Palestinian, Arab and Islamic identity in Israel 历史、记忆和地点的意义:作为以色列巴勒斯坦、阿拉伯和伊斯兰身份的纽带的sidnna ' al '清真寺的翻新
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2019.1612645
Kobi Peled
ABSTRACT This paper illustrates the possibility of gaining meaningful insights into a place by exploring its relationship with its surroundings. A model is suggested for examining the possible significances of this relationship and the actual meanings attributed to it by those who plan and use the place. The site analyzed here is Sidnā ‘Alī, an Islamic shrine on Israel’s Mediterranean coast. Sidnā ‘Alī, which has been a pilgrimage site for centuries, was abandoned during the 1948 Arab-Israeli War; it was renovated in the late 1980s by Muslim Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel. The paper discusses the social mobilization for the renovation of the old mosque as a prelude to exploring the meanings of Sidnā ‘Alī’s relationships with the surrounding landscapes, places and buildings. The study of the social function of the renovation campaign focuses on its role in unifying the people involved and on forging a collective identity based on the shared struggle to return the site to Muslim hands. The spatial interpretation presented examines the renovation project as a form of Palestinian, Arab and Islamic resistance to the covert and overt Zionist hegemony in the public space.
摘要本文阐述了通过探索一个地方与周围环境的关系来获得有意义的见解的可能性。提出了一个模型来检验这种关系的可能意义,以及那些计划和使用这个地方的人赋予它的实际意义。这里分析的遗址是以色列地中海沿岸的伊斯兰圣地Sidnā'Alī。Sidnā'Alī,几个世纪以来一直是朝圣之地,在1948年阿以战争期间被遗弃;20世纪80年代末,以色列的穆斯林巴勒斯坦阿拉伯公民对其进行了翻新。本文讨论了改造旧清真寺的社会动员,以此作为探索Sidnā’Alī与周围景观、场所和建筑关系的前奏。对翻修运动的社会功能的研究重点是其在团结相关人员方面的作用,以及在共同努力将遗址归还穆斯林手中的基础上形成集体身份。所提供的空间解释将翻新项目视为巴勒斯坦、阿拉伯和伊斯兰抵抗公共空间中隐蔽和公开的犹太复国主义霸权的一种形式。
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引用次数: 1
Moshe Dayan: “Israel’s No. 1 Hero” (in America) 摩西·达扬:“以色列第一英雄”(美国)
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2019.1633790
M. A. Raider
ABSTRACT This study explores how and why Moshe Dayan became the symbol of the modern Israeli hero in American culture. Through an examination of variegated evidence it is possible to discern patterns that illustrate the ways Dayan’s image crystallized, first, in the American Jewish arena, and then more broadly, in wider American public consciousness. With his trademark eye patch and irreverent personal style, Dayan, who more than any Israeli military-political figure captured the imagination of American Jewry, became not only the most recognizable sabra on the American scene but also a chief exemplar of the “new Jew.” Beginning with the War of Independence (1947–49) until roughly the Six-Day War (1967), Dayan symbolized Israel’s youthful, virile, and savvy hero struggling to build a home against all odds. From the Yom Kippur War (1973) to the Camp David Accords (1978) and his death, he came to exemplify a generation of Israelis who wrestled with the Jewish state’s existential geopolitical challenges. Investigating Dayan’s public persona enhances our understanding of his impact on the American arena – the man and the myth – and the ideational linkages so critical to the developing bond between the United States and Israel in the second half of the twentieth century.
摘要本文探讨摩西·达扬如何以及为什么成为美国文化中现代以色列英雄的象征。通过对各种证据的研究,我们有可能发现一些模式,说明达扬的形象是如何形成的,首先是在美国犹太人的舞台上,然后是更广泛的,在更广泛的美国公众意识中。戴着他标志性的眼罩和不拘一格的个人风格,达扬比任何以色列军事政治人物都更能抓住美国犹太人的想象力,他不仅成为美国舞台上最知名的军刀,也是“新犹太人”的主要典范。从1947 - 1949年的独立战争开始,一直到大约1967年的六日战争,达扬象征着以色列年轻、刚强、精明的英雄,他不顾一切努力建立一个家园。从1973年的赎罪日战争(Yom Kippur War)到1978年的《戴维营协议》(Camp David Accords),再到他的去世,他成为了与犹太国家存在的地缘政治挑战作斗争的一代以色列人的典范。调查达扬的公众形象有助于我们更好地理解他对美国舞台的影响——人与神话——以及对20世纪下半叶美国和以色列关系发展至关重要的观念联系。
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引用次数: 1
The anti-Francoist movements and the Middle East conflict (1947–57): The portrayal of Israelis and Arabs in the Spanish left-wing press 反法语运动与中东冲突(1947–57):西班牙左翼媒体对以色列人和阿拉伯人的描述
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2019.1623539
Dario Migliucci
ABSTRACT To date, scholars have not examined the representations of the Middle East conflict in the 1940s and 1950s by the Spanish anti-Francoist movements. This work analyzes media narratives concerning Arabs and Israelis produced between 1947 and 1957 by the communist, socialist and anarchist press. Through a critical analysis of the articles published in those years, it is possible to demonstrate that the coverage of the Spanish left-wing periodicals was not rooted in the realities of the Middle East, but rather in the political and ideological interests of their parties.
迄今为止,学者们还没有研究西班牙反弗朗哥运动对20世纪40年代和50年代中东冲突的表现。这部作品分析了1947年至1957年间由共产主义、社会主义和无政府主义媒体制作的关于阿拉伯人和以色列人的媒体叙事。通过对那些年发表的文章的批判性分析,可以证明西班牙左翼期刊的报道并非基于中东的现实,而是基于其政党的政治和意识形态利益。
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引用次数: 1
The road to September 1939: Polish Jews, Zionists and the Yishuv on the Eve of World War II 通往1939年9月的道路:第二次世界大战前夕的波兰犹太人、犹太复国主义者和伊休夫
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2019.1633140
M. Silver
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引用次数: 0
Jabotinsky’s Children – Polish Jews and the rise of right-wing Zionism 雅博廷斯基的孩子们——波兰犹太人与右翼犹太复国主义的兴起
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2019.1637597
Avi Shilon
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引用次数: 0
Images of Rabbi Uziel and their place in his commemoration 拉比乌齐尔的图像及其在纪念活动中的地位
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2019.1610218
Nissim Leon
ABSTRACT The article examines changes in the commemoration work and memorial discourse surrounding the first Sephardi Chief Rabbi of the State of Israel, Rabbi Ben-Tzion Meir Hai Uziel. While commemoration work in the public sphere in Israel has dwindled over the years, there has been a revival of memory discourse in recent years, especially amongst Religious Zionists. The article proposes reasons for this resurgence, including a response to processes of Haredization of the Sephardi spiritual leadership in Israel and a quest for a source of inspiration for a moderate, Zionist Orthodox rabbinate.
摘要本文考察了围绕以色列国第一位塞法迪首席拉比本·齐翁·梅尔·海·乌齐尔的纪念工作和纪念话语的变化。尽管以色列公共领域的纪念工作多年来有所减少,但近年来,记忆话语有所复兴,尤其是在宗教犹太复国主义者中。这篇文章提出了这种复兴的原因,包括对以色列塞法迪精神领袖哈雷迪化进程的回应,以及为一位温和的犹太复国主义正统派拉比寻找灵感来源。
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引用次数: 1
Liminal condition as constant situation, the Israeli Jerusalem municipality, 1948-1955 阈限条件作为恒定的情况,以色列耶路撒冷自治市,1948-1955
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2019.1629156
Ofira Gruweis Kovalsky
ABSTRACT The capital city is the place where political entities are represented in national space. This space acts as a mediating force between society, the nation, and the outside world, and it is very important for the development of a system of visual national symbols. The political leaders, national and local, are those who shape the capital city. Therefore, examining the relationship between municipal and national political systems in Jerusalem sheds light not only on local history but on national developments and the perception of Jerusalem as the capital in the national psyche. The years 1948-1955 were a very chaotic time in the annals of Jerusalem, Jerusalem became a city divided between Israel and Jordan in a semi-state of war that turned permanent despite the armistice agreements. Israel’s national leaders remained ambivalent about Jerusalem as capital city despite the rhetoric of figures from across the political spectrum. Their ambivalent attitude influenced the relationship with the Jerusalem Municipality. The article addresses the subject of the relations between the national government and the municipal political coalition in Jerusalem from 1948 to 1955.
首都是政治实体在国家空间中表现的场所。这一空间在社会、民族和外部世界之间起着中介作用,对于国家视觉符号体系的形成具有十分重要的意义。国家和地方的政治领导人是塑造首都的人。因此,研究耶路撒冷的市政和国家政治制度之间的关系,不仅可以揭示当地的历史,还可以揭示国家的发展,以及在民族心理中对耶路撒冷作为首都的看法。1948年至1955年是耶路撒冷历史上非常混乱的时期,耶路撒冷成为以色列和约旦之间的一个城市,处于半战争状态,尽管有停战协议,但这一状态变成了永久性的。以色列的国家领导人对耶路撒冷作为首都仍持矛盾态度,尽管各政治派别的人物都在夸夸其谈。他们的矛盾态度影响了与耶路撒冷市政府的关系。这篇文章讨论了1948年至1955年在耶路撒冷的国家政府和市政政治联盟之间的关系。
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引用次数: 1
The Lion’s Den: Zionism and the left from Hannah Arendt to Noam Chomsky 狮子窝:从汉娜·阿伦特到诺姆·乔姆斯基的犹太复国主义与左派
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2019.1635320
Eran Kaplan
The Lion’s Den is Susie Linfield’s attempt to resolve a conflict that she, as a self-proclaimed liberal or progressive Zionist, has to contend with: why has Zionism become a dirty word that could n...
《狮子穴》是苏西·林菲尔德试图解决的一个冲突,作为一个自称自由主义者或进步的犹太复国主义者,她不得不与之抗争:为什么犹太复国主义变成了一个可能…
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引用次数: 3
Haifa: City of steps – landscape and literature of Hadar HaCarmel 海法:阶梯之城——哈达尔·哈卡梅尔的景观与文学
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2019.1637137
T. Goren
thus less tangible than the economic situation of the Yishuv. The second implicit assumption is that married couples had penetrative intercourse regularly. Challenging this assumption, it is interesting that the National Council’s Committee in Birthrate Problems did not encourage people to engage in sex more frequently. This, perhaps, can indicate that sex was considered an even more personal issue than pregnancy and abortion. To conclude, Rosenberg-Friedman’s important and thought-provoking book is written from the perspective of social history, offering an integrative look at the numerous aspects of this issue including women’s lives, families’ lives, household management, doctors’ work, conditions in hospitals, demographers’ work, and public opinion. Rosenberg-Friedman demonstrates how the issue of birthrate reveals the Yishuv society in its complexity, in terms of gender relations, ethnic and class divisions, clashing ideals, and an intricate collective mission in a tumultuous period.
因此不如伊苏夫人的经济状况那么明显。第二个隐含的假设是,已婚夫妇有规律地进行性交。对这一假设提出质疑的是,有趣的是,全国委员会的出生问题委员会并没有鼓励人们更频繁地进行性行为。这也许表明,性被认为是一个比怀孕和堕胎更私人的问题。总之,Rosenberg Friedman的这本重要而发人深省的书是从社会史的角度写的,对这个问题的许多方面进行了综合考察,包括女性生活、家庭生活、家庭管理、医生工作、医院条件、人口学家工作和公众舆论。Rosenberg Friedman展示了出生率问题如何揭示伊舒夫社会的复杂性,包括性别关系、种族和阶级划分、理想冲突,以及动荡时期复杂的集体使命。
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引用次数: 0
Birthrate politics in Zion: Judaism, nationalism, and modernity under the British mandate 锡安的出生率政治:英国委任下的犹太教、民族主义和现代性
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2019.1633144
E. Ayalon
note that the evasive and contradictory character of his positions was due also to the fact that Jabotinsky was not only a politician. He was also an artist, a playwright, an author, a thinker, and a poet. This is what makes him unique, and it also contributes to his complexity and to his strengths and weaknesses as a politician. Heller’s captivating and important book adds an important dimension to our understanding of Jabotinsky, though it would seem that his character will continue to be open to further interpretation in the future.
值得注意的是,他的立场具有回避和矛盾的特点,这也是因为贾博廷斯基不仅仅是一名政治家。他还是一位艺术家、剧作家、作家、思想家和诗人。这就是他与众不同的地方,也助长了他的复杂性以及他作为一名政治家的长处和短处。海勒这本引人入胜且重要的书为我们理解贾博廷斯基增加了一个重要的维度,尽管他的角色在未来似乎将继续接受进一步的解读。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Israeli History
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