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Androcentric amnesia and patronage micromanagement: the Mutchnicks from Nahalal to Yeruham 以男性为中心的失忆症和赞助微观管理:穆切尼克从纳哈拉尔到耶鲁哈姆
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2020.1793491
David Motzafi-Haller
ABSTRACT A case study of one nuclear family, the Mutchniks from Nahalal, focusing on the dynamic between its dominant patron, Pinchas, and its dominant matron, Rosa, and a spatial analysis of the “home away from home” they had built in Yeruham from 1956 to 1969. These two aspects tie together an article concerned with several interlocking questions. What kind of decisions make up an intergenerational family strategy, and what role do women play in planning and carrying it out? How can a history that is (mis)represented by contemporary sources produce a valuable analysis? How were patronage networks micromanaged? And how is keeping the privileged access to professional and financial opportunities in the frontier to certain groups of settlers related to long-term social climbing avenues?
摘要:以纳哈拉尔的Mutchniks为核心家族进行个案研究,重点关注其主要赞助人Pinchas和主要女管家Rosa之间的动态,并对他们1956年至1969年在耶鲁哈姆建造的“家外之家”进行空间分析。这两个方面将一篇涉及几个相互关联的问题的文章联系在一起。什么样的决定构成了代际家庭战略,女性在规划和实施中扮演什么角色?一部以当代资料为代表的历史如何产生有价值的分析?赞助网络是如何微观管理的?保持某些定居者群体在边境获得专业和经济机会的特权与长期的社会攀登途径有何关系?
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引用次数: 0
Forging beginnings: Commemorative cultures and the politics of the “First Aliyah” 锻造的开端:“第一次阿利亚”的纪念文化和政治
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2020.1810420
Liora R. Halperin
ABSTRACT This article argues that the “First Aliyah,” associated with the private agricultural colonies (moshavot) of the late nineteenth century and long studied primarily in its pre-World War I context, must be studied as a mandate and early state-era retrospective creation. It was forged during a period of Labor Zionist hegemony and in light of Palestinian resistance and rising Jewish immigration. In promoting their own past past, local landowners and private agriculturalists attempted to invert accusations of ideological poverty, economic exploitation, and inefficacy to present the founding generation as models of pragmatism, hierarchical coexistence with Palestinian laborers, and apoliticism. It further suggests the importance of localized and class-specific Zionist memory and the utility of thinking of these cultural formations as a place-specific variant not only of ethnonational memory, but also of settler memory.
摘要本文认为,与19世纪末的私人农业殖民地(moshavot)有关的“第一Aliyah”,长期以来主要在第一次世界大战前的背景下进行研究,必须作为一种授权和早期国家时代的回顾性创造来研究。它是在工党犹太复国主义霸权时期,在巴勒斯坦抵抗和犹太移民不断增加的情况下建立的。在宣传自己的过去时,当地土地所有者和私人农学家试图推翻对意识形态贫困、经济剥削和效率低下的指责,将建国一代描绘成实用主义、与巴勒斯坦劳工等级共存和非政治主义的典范。它进一步表明了本地化和阶级特定的犹太复国主义记忆的重要性,以及将这些文化形态视为地方特定变体的实用性,不仅是民族记忆的变体,也是定居者记忆的变体。
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引用次数: 2
A short history of Zionist and Israeli political Marxism 犹太复国主义与以色列政治马克思主义简史
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2020.1807114
O. Nir
ABSTRACT In this article, I argue that despite seemingly intractable disagreements between different Zionist and Israeli political Marxists, they share a common theoretical and political perspective, which cannot simply be summed up as the commitment to a set of universal values. Rather, I argue that common to all Zionist and Israeli political Marxists is a commitment to a particular struggle at their historical moment, only through which universal socialism is claimed to be achievable. I use three examples from different historical periods to demonstrate this thesis. I argue that for Ber Borochov in 1907, the commitment to Zionist immigration and settlement is what enables Jews to participate in a universal socialist revolution; For Moshe Sneh, writing in 1954, only by embracing Israeli patriotism can Israelis work toward socialism; and for Tamar Gozansky in 1986, it is the commitment to Palestinian self-determination that makes possible universal anti-capitalist struggle. Thus, for each of these political Marxisms, universal socialism is only achievable through a commitment to some concrete particular struggle, one that is not expressed in terms of class.
摘要在这篇文章中,我认为,尽管不同的犹太复国主义者和以色列政治马克思主义者之间存在着看似棘手的分歧,但他们有着共同的理论和政治观点,不能简单地归结为对一套普世价值观的承诺。相反,我认为,所有犹太复国主义者和以色列政治马克思主义者的共同点是,在他们的历史时刻,致力于一场特定的斗争,只有通过这场斗争,才能实现普遍的社会主义。我用三个不同历史时期的例子来论证这篇论文。我认为,对于1907年的Ber Borochov来说,对犹太复国主义移民和定居的承诺使犹太人能够参与普遍的社会主义革命;Moshe Sneh在1954年写道,只有拥抱以色列的爱国主义,以色列人才能走向社会主义;对1986年的塔玛·戈赞斯基来说,正是对巴勒斯坦自决的承诺使普遍的反资本主义斗争成为可能。因此,对于每一种政治马克思主义来说,只有通过致力于某种具体的斗争,而不是用阶级来表达的斗争,才能实现普遍的社会主义。
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引用次数: 2
“Or la-goyim”: From Diaspora theology to Zionist dogma “或la goyim”:从散居神学到犹太复国主义教条
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2020.1782810
A. Kaye
ABSTRACT The term “a light unto the nations” is a hallmark of modern Jewish identity but the subtle divergences in the meaning of the expression among its diverse proponents shed light on the continuities and differences among modern Jewish ideologies. David Ben-Gurion, in particular, regarded the calling to be “a light unto the nations” as a central mission of the State of Israel. Before the 1950s, however, almost all Zionists, including Ben-Gurion himself, repudiated the term because they associated it with diasporist ideology. This article explores its shifting meanings in Zionist discourse, with a special focus on Ben-Gurion’s rhetoric. It explains Ben-Gurion’s changing attitudes term and shows how his innovative uses of the term allowed him to navigate between modernity and traditional Judaism, between Zionism and its opponents, and between the various streams within the Zionist movement. It reminds us that the lexical continuity of figurative terms can mask conceptual fluctuation and enhances a picture of Zionism that acknowledges both its revolutionary novelty and its place in the long continuum of Jewish life.
摘要“照亮民族”一词是现代犹太人身份的标志,但不同支持者在表达含义上的细微差异揭示了现代犹太意识形态之间的连续性和差异性。大卫·本·古里安(David Ben Gurion)尤其将“照亮各国”的使命视为以色列国的核心使命。然而,在20世纪50年代之前,包括本·古里安本人在内的几乎所有犹太复国主义者都否定了这个词,因为他们将其与流散主义意识形态联系在一起。本文探讨了它在犹太复国主义话语中的意义转变,特别是本·古里安的修辞。它解释了本·古里安不断变化的态度术语,并展示了他对该术语的创新使用如何使他能够在现代性和传统犹太教之间、犹太复国主义及其反对者之间以及犹太复国主义运动中的各种流之间导航。它提醒我们,比喻术语的词汇连续性可以掩盖概念上的波动,并增强犹太复国主义的形象,承认其革命性的新颖性及其在犹太人漫长生活中的地位。
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引用次数: 1
Boundaries, bridges, analogies and bubbles: Structuring the past in Israeli mnemonic culture 边界、桥梁、类比与泡沫:建构以色列助记文化中的过去
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2020.1815982
Yael Zerubavel
ABSTRACT This article examines mnemonic practices and discursive strategies that structure the past and its relation to the present, drawing on examples from Israeli Jewish culture. The discussion explores the discursive construction of an “event” as a singular development and underscores the significance of its beginning and ending. It analyzes the impact of introducing symbolic bridges connecting separated historical periods, proposing historical analogies that highlight recurrent historical patterns, creating mnemonic bubbles governed by commemorative time, and conflating historical events into multilayered commemorations. These temporal structures, often anchored in mnemonic traditions, continue to influence the understanding of the past.
本文以以色列犹太文化为例,探讨了记忆术的实践和话语策略,这些策略构建了过去及其与现在的关系。讨论探讨了作为单一发展的“事件”的话语结构,并强调了其开始和结束的意义。它分析了引入连接不同历史时期的象征性桥梁的影响,提出了突出重复历史模式的历史类比,创造了由纪念时间控制的记忆气泡,并将历史事件合并为多层纪念活动。这些时间结构,通常以记忆传统为基础,继续影响着对过去的理解。
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引用次数: 1
The illusive collective memory: Revisiting the role of law in Israel’s Holocaust narrative 虚幻的集体记忆:重新审视法律在以色列大屠杀叙事中的作用
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2020.1799526
Rivka Brot
ABSTRACT The article focuses on three “Holocaust trials”: the Kapo Trials (1950–70); the “Kasztner Trial” (1953–58); and the Eichmann Trial (1961), to decipher the illusion of collective memory that marks the Eichmann Trial as the first Israeli legal confrontation with the Holocaust. It argues that the historical–legal oblivion into which the “Kapo Trials” sank is not a product of the mere passage of time, but a systematic reconstruction located in the socio-political and legal contexts of Israel’s early years. The article shows that, when neglecting certain socio-legal conditions, the law can operate not only as a “lieu de mémoire” as Pierre Nora showed us but also as a site of forgetting.
摘要本文聚焦于三个“大屠杀审判”:卡波审判(1950–70);“卡斯特纳审判”(1953年至58年);以及艾希曼审判(1961年),以解读集体记忆的幻觉,这标志着艾希曼的审判是以色列与大屠杀的第一次法律对抗。它认为,“卡波审判”陷入的历史-法律遗忘不仅仅是时间流逝的产物,而是以色列早年社会政治和法律背景下的系统重建。这篇文章表明,当忽视某些社会法律条件时,法律不仅可以像皮埃尔·诺拉向我们展示的那样作为“莫阿的替代品”,而且可以作为遗忘的场所。
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引用次数: 0
The demobilization of the Israeli labor movement 以色列劳工运动的复员
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2020.1818025
Tal Elmaliach
ABSTRACT While scholars agree that the labor movement’s demise was a turning point in Israeli history, they have failed to explain how, why, and even when it happened. The influence wielded by its cultural institutions declined in the 1960s; political support for it declined in the 1970s, and its economic institutions crumbled in the 1980s. Which of these marks the beginning of the end? Were these manifestations related to each other and, if so, how? And why did it take such a long time? I argue that the Israeli labor movement’s rise and fall can only be understood if it is viewed as a social movement integrating, as most labor movements do, economic, political, and cultural functions. While these components operated in harmony, the movement prospered; when they worked at cross-purposes, it deteriorated.
虽然学者们一致认为劳工运动的消亡是以色列历史上的一个转折点,但他们未能解释它是如何发生的,为什么发生的,甚至是何时发生的。其文化机构的影响力在20世纪60年代有所下降;上世纪70年代,对德国的政治支持有所下降,上世纪80年代,德国的经济制度崩溃。下面哪个标志着结束的开始?这些表现是否相互关联?如果有,又是如何关联的?为什么花了这么长时间?我认为,只有像大多数劳工运动一样,将以色列劳工运动视为一场集经济、政治和文化功能于一体的社会运动,才能理解以色列劳工运动的兴衰。当这些组成部分和谐地运作时,运动就会蓬勃发展;当他们在不同目的下工作时,情况就恶化了。
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引用次数: 3
The maternal roles of Hanna Rovina: Familial-national imagination in the Yishuv during WWII 汉娜·罗维娜的母亲角色:二战时期伊休夫的家庭-民族想象
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2020.1812020
Shelly Zer-Zion
ABSTRACT During the years of WWII, when Hanna Rovina was in her fifties, her cultural image as “the mother of the nation” coalesced in the Yishuv. This article explores this public image, while looking at two of her successful dramatic roles of that time, the title roles in Jacob Gordin’s Mirele Efros, Karel Čapek’s The Mother and an exemplary performance that she gave in Italy for the soldiers of the Jewish Brigade. These performances reveal how Rovina’s maternal image constructed the her as an ephemeral site of both intimate familial and ethnic national memory. The Jewish nation conceived of itself as a big family, with a specific, Eastern European collective biography and a clear center symbolized by the mother.
二战期间,50多岁的汉娜·罗维娜“民族之母”的文化形象在《伊休夫》中得到了凝聚。这篇文章探讨了她的公众形象,同时考察了她当时成功的两个戏剧角色,在雅各布·戈丁的《米蕾·埃弗罗斯》中的主角角色,卡雷尔Čapek的《母亲》,以及她在意大利为犹太旅的士兵们所做的堪称典范的表演。这些表演揭示了罗维娜的母亲形象是如何将她构建为一个短暂的场所,既是亲密的家庭记忆,也是民族记忆。这个犹太民族把自己想象成一个大家庭,有一个具体的东欧集体传记,还有一个以母亲为象征的明确中心。
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引用次数: 1
What’s love got to do with it? The emotional language of early Zionism 这跟爱有什么关系?早期犹太复国主义的情感语言
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2020.1736803
D. Penslar
ABSTRACT This article looks to European Jewry between the mid-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to illuminate the role of love in a modern nationalist movement. In the third quarter of the nineteenth century, the political activist Moses Hess (1812–1875) and the historian Heinrich Graetz (1817–1891) professed a sentimental love of Jews and of the land of Israel. In the 1880s, the hovevei tsion (Lovers of Zion) movement produced poetry in which attachment to Zion and the Jewish people was more romantic than sentimental, oscillating between a passive, mournful yearning for the land and an active, muscular striving to rebuild it. With the advent of Herzlian political Zionism, the Zionist labor movement, and the Zionist-Palestinian conflict, the more dynamic variety of romanticism became dominant, and it assumed more explicitly erotic and militant dimensions than had previously been the case. Older forms of sentimental love did not disappear, however. Until the end of his life, the Zionist leader Nahum Sokolow (1859–1936) remained convinced that sentimental love was Zionism’s overarching organizing principle.
本文着眼于19世纪中期至20世纪初的欧洲犹太人,以阐明爱情在现代民族主义运动中的作用。在19世纪的第三季度,政治活动家摩西·赫斯(Moses Hess, 1812-1875)和历史学家海因里希·格莱茨(Heinrich Graetz, 1817-1891)表达了对犹太人和以色列土地的深情之爱。19世纪80年代,“锡安恋人”(hovevei tsion)运动产生了诗歌,其中对锡安和犹太人的依恋更多地是浪漫的,而不是伤感的,在对这片土地的被动、悲伤的渴望和积极、有力的重建努力之间摇摆不定。随着赫兹政治犹太复国主义、犹太复国主义劳工运动和犹太复国主义-巴勒斯坦冲突的出现,更有活力的浪漫主义成为主导,它比以前更明确地呈现出色情和好战的维度。然而,旧式的感伤爱情并没有消失。直到生命的尽头,犹太复国主义领袖纳胡姆·索科洛(Nahum Sokolow, 1859-1936)仍然坚信,感伤的爱是犹太复国主义的首要组织原则。
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引用次数: 1
The Routledge handbook of Israeli Security 劳特利奇以色列安全手册
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2019.1717167
R. Pinfold
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Journal of Israeli History
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