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The Holocaust in the Israel Museum Jerusalem: A prism of the Jewish-Israeli identity discourse 耶路撒冷以色列博物馆中的大屠杀:犹太-以色列身份话语的棱镜
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2021.2077192
Hilda Nissimi
ABSTRACT In this article I look at the presentation of the Holocaust in the Israel Museum Jerusalem (IMJ) from its inception with special regard to the permanent exhibition after its refurbishment in 2010. It provides us with a “text” on Jewish identity of importance commensurate with the respect that the Israel Museum commands within the Jewish-Israeli cultural scene. I will do so by closely reading the presentation of the Holocaust within Israeli wider discourse on the Holocaust and its changing place in the formation of the Jewish Israeli civil religion; the IMJ both reflecting and aiming to influence toward a secular humanistic version of the state’s civil religion. Before the 2010 refurbishment, the Holocaust was presented by very few temporary exhibitions that presented the Holocaust within a framework of a universalist version of Zionism. After 2010 the Holocaust was represented at the IMJ as Yom Ha-Shoah (Holocaust Day), in a central position that ties it to both traditional and secular holy days as a vital link within Israel’s civil religion.
摘要在这篇文章中,我回顾了耶路撒冷以色列博物馆(IMJ)从一开始就对大屠杀的介绍,特别是2010年翻新后的永久展览。它为我们提供了一份关于犹太人身份的“文本”,其重要性与以色列博物馆在犹太-以色列文化场景中所受到的尊重相称。为此,我将仔细阅读以色列关于大屠杀及其在犹太-以色列公民宗教形成中不断变化的地位的更广泛讨论中对大屠杀的介绍;IMJ既反映又旨在影响国家公民宗教的世俗人文主义版本。在2010年翻新之前,很少有临时展览在犹太复国主义的普遍主义版本的框架内展示大屠杀。2010年后,大屠杀在IMJ上被称为Yom Ha Shoah(大屠杀日),处于一个中心地位,将其与传统和世俗圣日联系起来,作为以色列公民宗教中的一个重要环节。
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引用次数: 1
Kommunist omed ve-shar (A Communist Stands and Sings): On Israel’s Ron Workers’ Choir Kommunist omed ve shar(共产主义者的立场和歌唱):以色列罗恩工人合唱团
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2021.2097157
Jasmin Habib, Amir Locker-Biletzki
ABSTRACT At first glance Jewish Israeli Communists and SLI (Songs of the Land of Israel) make strange bedfellows. Communist Party members would seem to be the last to sing songs that glorify the Land of Israel using Zionist tropes. Yet they did. Since the end of World War II, the Ron Workers’ Choir, which was affiliated with the Communist Party, sang SLI songs and performed on international stages in the Socialist Bloc and in Israel. This amateur choir, its history, and the ideological shifts that enabled its activity are the focus of this article. We argue here that the shift in the Jewish Communists’ ideology toward a form of qualified recognition of Israeli nationalism and the development of a Zionist Habitus enabled the reception and embrace of Zionist culture, including its settler colonial aspects, by Jewish Israeli Communists.
乍一看,犹太裔以色列共产党人和SLI(以色列之歌)是奇怪的同床异梦。共产党员似乎是最后一个用犹太复国主义比喻赞美以色列土地的人。然而他们做到了。自第二次世界大战结束以来,隶属于共产党的罗恩工人合唱团演唱了SLI歌曲,并在社会主义集团和以色列的国际舞台上表演。这个业余合唱团,它的历史,以及使其活动的意识形态转变是本文的重点。我们在这里认为,犹太共产主义者的意识形态向有条件地承认以色列民族主义的形式转变,以及犹太复国主义习惯的发展,使犹太-以色列共产主义者能够接受和接受犹太复国主义文化,包括其定居者殖民方面。
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引用次数: 1
The Palestinians in the 1948 War and recent historiography in Israel 1948年战争中的巴勒斯坦人与以色列近代史学
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2021.2075107
Itamar Radai
ABSTRACT The 1948 War was one of the most formative events in both Israeli and Palestinian history. Recent years have seen a transformation in Israeli historiography relating to this war, with the emergence of three intertwined research orientations: social history, the study of Palestinian society, and microhistory. The two books at the center of this article correspond well with the trend of growing interest being shown by Middle East historians in Israel – Jews and Palestinians alike – in the 1948 War, together with the turn toward research of the Palestinian society and the adoption of microhistory. Yet, a chasm seems to separate the approaches of Eliezer Tauber and Adel Manna to the events of 1948. Nevertheless, there are a number of similarities between them – which is perhaps not so surprising, as both are contemporary historians who are conversing with the cumulative research about the 1948 War. The two books illustrate vividly how difficult it is for Israeli historians, Jewish and Palestinian alike, to write today about the events of 1948 disengaged from an ideological and even ethnocentric point of view.
摘要1948年战争是以色列和巴勒斯坦历史上最具影响力的事件之一。近年来,与这场战争有关的以色列史学发生了转变,出现了三个相互交织的研究方向:社会史、巴勒斯坦社会研究和微观史。本文中心的两本书与1948年战争中以色列的中东历史学家——犹太人和巴勒斯坦人——表现出的日益增长的兴趣趋势以及对巴勒斯坦社会的研究和微观历史的采用非常吻合。然而,Eliezer Tauber和Adel Manna对1948年事件的处理方式似乎存在分歧。尽管如此,他们之间还是有很多相似之处——这也许并不令人惊讶,因为他们都是当代历史学家,都在谈论关于1948年战争的累积研究。这两本书生动地说明了以色列历史学家,无论是犹太人还是巴勒斯坦人,今天都很难从意识形态甚至种族中心主义的角度来写1948年的事件。
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引用次数: 1
War and peace of Iosif Trumpeldor: From zionist hagiography to cultural history 特朗普的战争与和平:从犹太复国主义传记到文化史
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2021.2013853
Yohanan Petrovsky‐Shtern
ABSTRACT Petrovsky-Shtern’s essay revisits three aspects of Yosef Trumpeldor’s life domineering his biographic and hagiographic narratives. Using heretofore unexplored military archival sources, the author allows more accurately to reconstruct Trumpeldor’s army career, debunk the myth of his Russian officer rank, and contextualize the impact of the Russian army experience on his Zionist endeavors. Trumpeldor’s reliance on so far underestimated influence of Leo Tolstoy emphasizes Trumpeldor’s horizontally oriented Russian cultural environment and plays down his teleological vertically oriented Zionist one. By juxtaposing Tolstoy’s ideas in Trumpeldor’s mind with Trumpeldor’s distinct socio-cultural military circumstances, the author demonstrates the genesis of the He-Halutz program from Trumpeldor’s experience as a military leader in the Russian army and avid reader of the Russian literature.
摘要彼得罗夫斯基-施特恩的这篇文章从三个方面重新审视了约瑟夫·特朗佩尔多的生活,他对传记和圣徒传记的叙述充满了霸气。利用迄今为止未经探索的军事档案来源,作者可以更准确地重建特朗佩尔多的军事生涯,揭穿其俄罗斯军官军衔的神话,并将俄罗斯军队经历对其犹太复国主义努力的影响置于背景中。特朗佩尔多对迄今为止被低估的列夫·托尔斯泰影响的依赖,强调了特朗佩尔多横向取向的俄罗斯文化环境,淡化了他的目的论纵向取向的犹太复国主义文化环境。通过将托尔斯泰在特朗佩尔多心目中的思想与特朗佩尔多独特的社会文化军事环境并置,作者从特朗佩尔德作为俄罗斯军队军事领导人和俄罗斯文学狂热读者的经历中论证了何-哈鲁茨计划的起源。
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引用次数: 1
Between the battles of Tel Hai and Samakh: Britain’s security policy in north-east Palestine in the Spring of 1920 在特尔海战役和萨马克战役之间:1920年春英国在巴勒斯坦东北部的安全政策
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2021.1968525
Giora Goodman
ABSTRACT This article considers the British response to the Tel Hai affair, within the wider setting of British security policy in north-east Palestine. It sheds light on lesser-known aspects of British policy in the period such as the extensive use of Indian forces, the development of the region’s transport infrastructure, and the British military administration’s general concern about the threat of an Arab invasion across the Jordan river basin. Turning attention to the largely forgotten battle between British and Arab forces at Samakh in late April 1920, the article argues that this was the decisive military engagement of the period in Palestine.
本文考虑英国在巴勒斯坦东北部更广泛的安全政策背景下对特尔海事件的反应。它揭示了这一时期英国政策中鲜为人知的一些方面,比如印度军队的广泛使用,该地区交通基础设施的发展,以及英国军事当局对阿拉伯入侵约旦河流域的威胁的普遍担忧。文章将注意力转向1920年4月下旬英国和阿拉伯军队在萨马克(Samakh)的那场几乎被遗忘的战役,认为这是这一时期巴勒斯坦决定性的军事交战。
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引用次数: 1
The Zionist pilgrimage to Tel Hai: between communitas and conflict 犹太复国主义者前往泰尔海的朝圣之旅:在社区与冲突之间
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2021.1980952
Amir Goldstein
ABSTRACT The pilgrimage to Tel Hai, which was made by Zionist youth movements during the Mandate period, forged a dynamic and vibrant arena, fostering the encounter of youths with a national sacred site. This annual rite instantiates the two main approaches in the study of pilgrimage. The journey to Tel Hai and the participation in the commemoration ceremonies increased intra-movement fraternity and cohesion. Concomitantly, the sojourn in the holy site, at a holy time, intensified the competition between Left and Right over ownership of the Tel Hai myth and exacerbated the inter-movement rivalry to the extent that British police forces were called up to the scene.
摘要犹太复国主义青年运动在托管时期进行的Tel Hai朝圣活动,打造了一个充满活力的舞台,促进了青年与国家圣地的相遇。这一一年一度的仪式体现了朝圣研究的两种主要方法。Tel Hai之旅和参加纪念仪式增加了运动内部的兄弟情谊和凝聚力。与此同时,在圣地逗留,加剧了左翼和右翼之间对Tel Hai神话所有权的竞争,并加剧了运动之间的竞争,以至于英国警察部队被召集到现场。
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引用次数: 2
Partitioning Palestine: British policymaking at the end of Empire 瓜分巴勒斯坦:帝国末期英国的政策制定
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2021.1967583
M. Hughes
of the partition idea, insisting that for the Arabs and many in Britain to accept the proposal, it could not appear to have come from the Zionists. Incidentally, as Dubnov shows, when the idea of cantonization was floated in the months preceding the Peel Commission, British leaders felt precisely the same way. “It would be a big advantage if Dr. Weizmann were to spontaneously and of his own accord make some suggestion on these lines,” wrote the colonial secretary (75). Not all Zionists of course supported partition. In his essay on binationalist Zionists, Adi Gordon shows how Brit Shalom’s “subversive” understanding of Zionism – as a movement with undeniable colonial connections that, as a countermeasure, needed to strive for horizontal alliances in the anticolonial Arab world – led to a rejection of partition. Because partition sat at the interstices of imperial strategy, on the one hand, and the language of self-determination and nation-building, on the other, studying it throws into relief the blurred boundaries between seemingly distinct political ideals. This volume highlights the interconnectedness of binationalism, federation, cantonization, dominionization, and partition, as well as the capaciousness of each individual vision and its capacity to provide space for warring political perspectives (particularly in the case of Palestine). What is more, partition exposes how the ostensible dichotomies of imperial history, which we generally assume to be self-evident, were in fact very often anything but clear-cut opposites. Of course, historians are already long-accustomed to the idea that empire and metropole were mutually constitutive and that the empire functioned as an interconnected web unto itself. But Partitions underscores something more: how, as Chester puts it, “anticolonial forms of protest could coexist with more ambiguous relationships to colonialism” (131); how the language of autonomy and self-determination were not always the natural antecedent to the language of sovereignty and independence; and how being the supporter of a nationalist movement or rejecting the idea of partition in no way limited one’s imperial imagination. Partitions also presents historians of the Yishuv and Zionism in particular a new window into a much broader set of interwar conversations about, to quote Gordon, the “merits and demerits, the applicability or inapplicability” of the nation-state (176). More broadly, the volume serves as a model and directive – one for conceptualizing the Yishuv in transnational and transimperial perspective and also for working across historical subfields. In sum, Partitions offers critical and compelling reading for students and scholars of twentieth-century empire, Indian nationalism, Zionism, Palestine/Israel, and decolonization.
他坚持认为,阿拉伯人和英国的许多人接受这一提议,似乎不可能来自犹太复国主义者。顺便说一句,正如杜布诺夫所示,当皮尔委员会成立前几个月提出进驻营地的想法时,英国领导人也有同样的感受。这位殖民地大臣(75岁)写道:“如果魏茨曼博士能够自发地、自愿地就这些问题提出一些建议,那将是一个巨大的优势。”。当然,并不是所有的犹太复国主义者都支持分治。阿迪·戈登在其关于两国主义犹太复国主义者的文章中展示了英国人沙洛姆对犹太复国主义的“颠覆性”理解是如何导致拒绝分治的。因为分治一方面处于帝国战略的间隙,另一方面处于自决和国家建设的语言的间隙,研究它让人松了一口气,发现了看似不同的政治理想之间模糊的界限。本卷强调了两国制、联邦制、州化、自治和分治的相互联系,以及每个人的愿景及其为交战政治观点提供空间的能力(特别是在巴勒斯坦的情况下)。更重要的是,分治暴露了帝国历史表面上的二分法,我们通常认为这是不言自明的,但实际上往往不是明确的对立。当然,历史学家早就习惯了帝国和大都市是相互构成的,帝国是一个相互连接的网络。但《分裂》强调了更多的东西:正如切斯特所说,“反殖民形式的抗议如何与殖民主义更模糊的关系共存”(131);自治和自决的语言并不总是主权和独立语言的自然前提;以及作为民族主义运动的支持者或拒绝分治的想法如何丝毫不限制一个人的帝国想象力。用戈登的话来说,分裂也为伊舒夫和犹太复国主义的历史学家提供了一个新的窗口,让他们了解更广泛的两次大战之间关于民族国家“优点和缺点,适用性或不适用性”的对话(176)。更广泛地说,这本书是一个模型和指导——一个从跨国和跨文化的角度概念化Yishuv的模型和指导,也是一个跨历史子领域的工作的模型和指示。总之,《分治》为20世纪帝国、印度民族主义、犹太复国主义、巴勒斯坦/以色列和非殖民化的学生和学者提供了批判性和引人注目的读物。
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引用次数: 0
Tel Hai, 1920-2020: A new look at overlooked perspectives Tel Hai, 1920-2020:对被忽视视角的新审视
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2021.2013424
Amir Goldstein, Yael Zerubavel
On March 1, 1920, a brief battle broke out in a settlement in northern Palestine, Tel Hai, which might have sunk into oblivion, like many other shooting incidents that have occurred since then. However, the Tel Hai event was soon to become a transformative affair in the culture and memory of the Yishuv and the Zionist movement alike. The death of eight settler-defenders, young men and women, in that battle and during the days leading up to it – among them Joseph Trumpeldor, who was well known for his military past and a prominent public figure in the Yishuv and the Zionist movement – came as a shock to the Yishuv in Eretz Israel. The Tel Hai event became a symbol, a myth, and a paradigmatic text in the new Hebrew culture, most notably during the Yishuv period and in the early years of the state. The setting of an annual memorial day for Tel Hai on Adar 11 (the Hebrew date of the historical battle), the creation of an impressive memorial site near Tel Hai, with the Roaring Lion monument at its center, and the public ceremonies commemorating the fallen, especially of Joseph Trumpeldor, became a cornerstone of the new national memory culture. Trumpeldor’s last words, “It is good to die for our country,” emerged as an important component in the commemoration of the event and as a patriotic and educational imperative, frequently cited in Hebrew culture. And yet, over the years the Tel Hai affair has also become a frequent subject of public critique and political controversies. The different ways in which the Tel Hai myth has been interpreted have affected its status within Israeli culture. The Tel Hai affair became a key event in the history of the Zionist Yishuv by virtue of its timing. As four hundred years of Ottoman hegemony in the Middle East had come to an end and the major colonial powers were in the process of negotiating its fate, the region suffered from a lack of stability and political unrest. The Zionist movement was at a turning point too; its followers responded enthusiastically to the Balfour Declaration, yet harbored lingering fear that their expectations might be shattered. The Tel Hai incident occurred at a time of transition and a shifting reality in Palestine-Eretz-Israel, in the wake of World War I and before the exact contours of the country’s northern border were agreed upon by Britain and France. National awakening among the Palestinian Arabs led to a growing, and at times violent, opposition to the development of the Yishuv. British occupation forces were still
1920年3月1日,巴勒斯坦北部Tel Hai的一个定居点爆发了一场短暂的战斗,这场战斗可能已经被遗忘,就像此后发生的许多其他枪击事件一样。然而,Tel Hai事件很快成为Yishuv和犹太复国主义运动文化和记忆中的一件变革性事件。八名定居者捍卫者,年轻男女,在那场战斗中以及战斗前的几天里死亡,其中包括约瑟夫·特朗佩尔多,他以军事生涯而闻名,也是伊舒夫派和犹太复国主义运动中的杰出公众人物,这对以色列埃雷茨的伊舒夫来说是一个打击。Tel Hai事件成为新希伯来文化中的一个象征、一个神话和一个典型文本,最引人注目的是在Yishuv时期和国家的早期。在阿达尔11日(历史战役的希伯来语日期)为Tel Hai设立了一年一度的纪念日,在Tel Hai附近建立了一个令人印象深刻的纪念地,以咆哮的狮子纪念碑为中心,以及纪念阵亡者,特别是Joseph Trumpeldor的公共仪式,成为新的国家记忆文化的基石。特朗佩尔多的遗言“为我们的国家而死是件好事”,成为纪念这一事件的重要组成部分,也是爱国主义和教育的当务之急,在希伯来文化中经常被引用。然而,多年来,台海事件也经常成为公众批评和政治争议的主题。Tel Hai神话的不同解读方式影响了它在以色列文化中的地位。泰尔海事件因其发生的时间而成为犹太复国主义者伊舒夫历史上的一个关键事件。由于奥斯曼帝国在中东长达四百年的霸权已经结束,主要殖民大国正在就其命运进行谈判,该地区缺乏稳定和政治动荡。犹太复国主义运动也处于一个转折点;其追随者对《贝尔福宣言》反应热烈,但对他们的期望可能会破灭仍心存恐惧。Tel Hai事件发生在第一次世界大战之后,在英国和法国就该国北部边界的确切轮廓达成一致之前,巴勒斯坦和以色列的过渡时期和现实的转变。巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人的民族觉醒导致了对伊舒夫发展的日益强烈、有时甚至是暴力的反对。英国占领军仍然
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引用次数: 1
Partitions: A transnational history of twentieth-century territorial separatism 瓜分:20世纪领土分离主义的跨国史
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2021.1965340
Elizabeth E. Imber
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引用次数: 0
Trumpeldor in Israeli popular culture: from a legendary national hero to a multifaceted icon 以色列流行文化中的特朗佩尔多:从传说中的民族英雄到多面偶像
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2021.2003394
Yael Zerubavel, R. Sarig
ABSTRACT The article examines popular texts that developed in response to the canonical repertoire on Tel Hai and Trumpeldor since the 1970s. In spite of the erosion of the heroic myth, Trumpeldor’s iconic status has continued to inspire the creation of new texts in Israeli popular culture, including songs, jokes, cartoons, satirical programs, and advertisements. Drawing on symbols and motifs associated with the canonical commemoration of Tel Hai, these texts articulate humor and skepticism as well as nostalgia toward the pioneering past and use it as a venue to critically address contemporary trends in Israel life and the politics of the present.
摘要:本文考察了自20世纪70年代以来,根据泰尔海和特朗普多的经典曲目而发展起来的流行文本。尽管英雄神话被侵蚀,但Trumpeldor的标志性地位继续激发以色列流行文化中新文本的创作,包括歌曲、笑话、漫画、讽刺节目和广告。利用与Tel Hai的规范纪念相关的符号和主题,这些文本表达了幽默和怀疑,以及对先锋过去的怀旧,并将其作为批判地解决以色列生活和当前政治的当代趋势的场所。
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引用次数: 1
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Journal of Israeli History
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