Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2023.2213846
Or Pitusi
{"title":"Jews and Palestinians in the late Ottoman era, 1908-1914: claiming the homeland","authors":"Or Pitusi","doi":"10.1080/13531042.2023.2213846","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13531042.2023.2213846","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43363,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Israeli History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42190837","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2022.2210351
Alon Schab, E. Shalev
ABSTRACT This article uncovers an untold story of how rock music came to the big stages and national broadcasting studios of a country transitioning from the European sphere and a socialist ethos to the American sphere and a market-oriented culture. In demonstrating how the rock musical preceded, anticipated, and likely enabled rock music in Israel, this article will focus on five rock musicals from the early 1970s. We argue that the rock musical introduced a friendly and commercially oriented version of rock and rock’n’roll music and its antics, and thus enabled wide crowds to adopt a foreign-born culture such as rock. By the end of that process in the mid-1970s, the broad acceptance of American rock music and particularly a socially involved rock aesthetic had emerged through the overlooked and unlikely genre of the rock musical.
{"title":"The rock musical and the beginnings of rock music in Israel in the early 70s","authors":"Alon Schab, E. Shalev","doi":"10.1080/13531042.2022.2210351","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13531042.2022.2210351","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article uncovers an untold story of how rock music came to the big stages and national broadcasting studios of a country transitioning from the European sphere and a socialist ethos to the American sphere and a market-oriented culture. In demonstrating how the rock musical preceded, anticipated, and likely enabled rock music in Israel, this article will focus on five rock musicals from the early 1970s. We argue that the rock musical introduced a friendly and commercially oriented version of rock and rock’n’roll music and its antics, and thus enabled wide crowds to adopt a foreign-born culture such as rock. By the end of that process in the mid-1970s, the broad acceptance of American rock music and particularly a socially involved rock aesthetic had emerged through the overlooked and unlikely genre of the rock musical.","PeriodicalId":43363,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Israeli History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43662670","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2022.2156047
Yoav Ronel
ABSTRACT This paper addresses representations of idleness in the fiction of Hanokh Bartov while describing the historical privatization process that Israel went through as its idea of freedom radically changed. Following recent Marxist critiques of modern Hebrew literature, it shows that in Bartov’s prose, idleness functions as the image of unattainable freedom – an image that changes as Israel moves on from the statist decades of the 1950s to the neoliberal era beginning around the 1980s. Accordingly, the article demonstrates how the image of idleness reveals contradictions inhabiting each era’s ideological structure. It does so by engaging “idleness” not as ahistorical and abject nonwork, but as an ahistorical, ideological concept that both derives from social relations and reflects them. Starting with Sesh knafayim le-ehad [Each Had Six Wings] (1954), this article will show how the Israeli prose of each period of time dealt with the disappearance of a utopic imagination of freedom in favor of the project of a heteronomous political making of capitalist forms of production. Here, Idleness functions as the image of the inevitable future of capitalism without a national project. Moving onto the almost unexplored “Tikuney Itzhak” [Isaac’s Corrections] (1980), the article will explore the culmination of this process and the total privatization and moralization of the once-political Zionist subject.
{"title":"Work and idleness in Hanokh Bartov’s prose","authors":"Yoav Ronel","doi":"10.1080/13531042.2022.2156047","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13531042.2022.2156047","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper addresses representations of idleness in the fiction of Hanokh Bartov while describing the historical privatization process that Israel went through as its idea of freedom radically changed. Following recent Marxist critiques of modern Hebrew literature, it shows that in Bartov’s prose, idleness functions as the image of unattainable freedom – an image that changes as Israel moves on from the statist decades of the 1950s to the neoliberal era beginning around the 1980s. Accordingly, the article demonstrates how the image of idleness reveals contradictions inhabiting each era’s ideological structure. It does so by engaging “idleness” not as ahistorical and abject nonwork, but as an ahistorical, ideological concept that both derives from social relations and reflects them. Starting with Sesh knafayim le-ehad [Each Had Six Wings] (1954), this article will show how the Israeli prose of each period of time dealt with the disappearance of a utopic imagination of freedom in favor of the project of a heteronomous political making of capitalist forms of production. Here, Idleness functions as the image of the inevitable future of capitalism without a national project. Moving onto the almost unexplored “Tikuney Itzhak” [Isaac’s Corrections] (1980), the article will explore the culmination of this process and the total privatization and moralization of the once-political Zionist subject.","PeriodicalId":43363,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Israeli History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47913328","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2022.2144119
O. Nir
ABSTRACT In this article, I argue that contemporary Israeli literary criticism posits the nation as its horizon of interpretation, which has eroded Israeli literary criticism’s ability to detect newness in its objects of inquiry, and to present Israeli literary history as advancing through engagement with new social problems. I examine three literary works: A.B. Yehoshua’s 1963 novella “Facing the Forests,” Etgar Keret’s Missing Kissinger (1994), and Rutu Modan’s Exit Wounds (2007). For each, I show how critical commentary puts the nation as the center of interpretation. I then elaborate a critical position that sees the nation not as the point of critique’s termination,but as means toward trying to solve, in imagination, real social contradictions of its time. Thus, I argue that the fire in “Facing the Forests” is a figure for the threat of proletarian revolution under welfare-state capitalism; and that the fusion of realist narrative and its interpretive code in Keret’s Missing Kissinger signals a crisis of historicity whose origin is the proletarianization of Palestinians after the 1967; and lastly that Exit Wounds reestablishes Israeli historicity, using events of national significance – such as Palestinian suicide bombings – to represent the experience of precarious labor under neoliberal capitalism.
{"title":"Finding Work in Israeli Fiction","authors":"O. Nir","doi":"10.1080/13531042.2022.2144119","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13531042.2022.2144119","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In this article, I argue that contemporary Israeli literary criticism posits the nation as its horizon of interpretation, which has eroded Israeli literary criticism’s ability to detect newness in its objects of inquiry, and to present Israeli literary history as advancing through engagement with new social problems. I examine three literary works: A.B. Yehoshua’s 1963 novella “Facing the Forests,” Etgar Keret’s Missing Kissinger (1994), and Rutu Modan’s Exit Wounds (2007). For each, I show how critical commentary puts the nation as the center of interpretation. I then elaborate a critical position that sees the nation not as the point of critique’s termination,but as means toward trying to solve, in imagination, real social contradictions of its time. Thus, I argue that the fire in “Facing the Forests” is a figure for the threat of proletarian revolution under welfare-state capitalism; and that the fusion of realist narrative and its interpretive code in Keret’s Missing Kissinger signals a crisis of historicity whose origin is the proletarianization of Palestinians after the 1967; and lastly that Exit Wounds reestablishes Israeli historicity, using events of national significance – such as Palestinian suicide bombings – to represent the experience of precarious labor under neoliberal capitalism.","PeriodicalId":43363,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Israeli History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43817542","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2022.2158529
Y. Barak
ABSTRACT During the first two decades of statehood, Israeli labor policy advocated for full employment by creating new workplaces or work relief in order to absorb the mass waves of immigration. The dominant ideology was that of work ethos – work was perceived as a human and social value; therefore, Israelis believed that money should be paid for work and not for unemployment. In the beginning of the 1960s, the government related to labor as an economic instrument that was supposed to serve the meta-economic goal of economic independence. The political and social relations that existed between 1967 and 1985 were based on human capital and material reward. This was a liminal period. Since 1985, the government has led a revolution that transformed work into employment. This converted the workers into employees who serve economic and business ends. Labor became employment. Led by the Israeli government, this transformation ran counter to workers’ attitudes that preferred job security and collective stability. The fundamental change was dictated from above and was not a consensual shift.
{"title":"Since the mid-1980s: a value shift in work in Israel - from labor to employment","authors":"Y. Barak","doi":"10.1080/13531042.2022.2158529","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13531042.2022.2158529","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT During the first two decades of statehood, Israeli labor policy advocated for full employment by creating new workplaces or work relief in order to absorb the mass waves of immigration. The dominant ideology was that of work ethos – work was perceived as a human and social value; therefore, Israelis believed that money should be paid for work and not for unemployment. In the beginning of the 1960s, the government related to labor as an economic instrument that was supposed to serve the meta-economic goal of economic independence. The political and social relations that existed between 1967 and 1985 were based on human capital and material reward. This was a liminal period. Since 1985, the government has led a revolution that transformed work into employment. This converted the workers into employees who serve economic and business ends. Labor became employment. Led by the Israeli government, this transformation ran counter to workers’ attitudes that preferred job security and collective stability. The fundamental change was dictated from above and was not a consensual shift.","PeriodicalId":43363,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Israeli History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42658795","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2022.2157967
Yaron Peleg, Eran Kaplan, O. Nir
This issue seeks to bring into focus a perspective not often considered in the study of Israel: that of labor and class. The post-Zionist turn of the late 1980s saw the rise of critiques of Israeli national ideology and modes of inquiry that adhered to its precepts. The critique of national ideology was accompanied by growing scholarly interest in perspectives that were until then marginalized – centrally, the Palestinian one. Yet the perspective of labor and class did not fare well in this transformation, as a result of the prevalence of class discourse in early Zionism. Some scholars maintain that socialist aspirations were systematically made secondary to those of nation-building; or that class discourse was deployed simply to serve the ends of the national project. Thus, the perspective of labor has come to occupy an ambivalent place in the postZionist transformation. Perhaps for this reason, studies that did put front and center the perspective of labor by itself – such as Tamar Gozansky’s Hitpathut ha-kapitalism befalestina or Amir Ben Porat’s The State and Capitalism in Israel – received comparatively less attention, even when they share the critique of Israeli national ideology. In comparison, post-Zionist works for which labor considerations are means toward demonstrating a different form of marginalization, as in Gershon Shafir’s work on exclusionary earlyZionist labor practices, occupied the center of academic discussion. The perspective of labor by itself, in other words, seems to not count as a marginalized perspective for most scholars of Israel, even when they themselves argue for its secondary or subservient status under Zionism. This issue seeks to bring labor and class perspectives into the center of the inquiry. Any questions can be raised about these perspectives. For example, can – and should – the perspective of labor be disentangled from its older articulation with labor Zionism? Can that perspective be distinct from both Zionist and Post-Zionist approaches? Or does it necessarily belong in one of these camps? What kind of questions would one ask in exploring Israeli history, society, and culture, if one approached it from the perspective of labor? Each of the contributions to this issue reflects on at least some of these questions, in its own way. The article “Constructing a Classed Community,” by Dani Filc and Rami Adut examines the intriguing question of class formation, which the writers try to make less illusive by localizing their research and focusing on a suburban neighborhood in the Israeli city of Holon as a case study. The main question the writers ask is whether the
这个问题试图把一个在以色列的研究中不常被考虑的观点集中起来:劳动和阶级。20世纪80年代后期的后犹太复国主义转向见证了对以色列民族意识形态和遵循其戒律的调查模式的批评的兴起。对民族意识形态的批判伴随着对当时被边缘化的观点——主要是巴勒斯坦观点——的日益浓厚的学术兴趣。然而，由于早期犹太复国主义中阶级话语的盛行，劳动和阶级的观点在这种转变中并没有得到很好的发展。一些学者认为，社会主义的愿望被系统地置于国家建设的愿望之后;或者，阶级话语只是为了服务于国家计划的目的。因此，劳动的视角在后犹太复国主义转型中占据了一个矛盾的位置。也许正是因为这个原因，那些把劳动本身的观点放在首要和中心位置的研究——比如塔玛尔·戈赞斯基的《以色列的希帕苏特-资本主义》或阿米尔·本·波拉特的《以色列的国家和资本主义》——受到的关注相对较少，即使他们对以色列的民族意识形态也有同样的批评。相比之下，后犹太复国主义的作品将劳动考虑作为展示另一种边缘化形式的手段，如格森·沙菲尔(Gershon Shafir)关于排他性的早期犹太复国主义劳动实践的作品，占据了学术讨论的中心。换句话说，对于大多数研究以色列的学者来说，劳动的观点本身，似乎并不是一个被边缘化的观点，即使他们自己认为劳动在犹太复国主义下处于次要或从属的地位。这个问题试图把劳工和阶级的观点带入调查的中心。关于这些观点，可以提出任何问题。例如，劳动的观点可以——也应该——从它与劳动犹太复国主义的旧表述中解脱出来吗?这种观点能区别于犹太复国主义和后犹太复国主义的方法吗?或者它一定属于这些阵营之一?在探索以色列的历史、社会和文化时，如果从劳动的角度出发，会提出什么样的问题呢?对这个问题的每一篇文章都以自己的方式至少反映了其中的一些问题。Dani Filc和Rami Adut的文章《构建一个有阶级的社区》(Constructing a Classed Community)探讨了阶级形成这一有趣的问题，作者试图通过将他们的研究本地化，并将重点放在以色列城市霍伦的一个郊区社区作为案例研究，使这个问题不那么令人困惑。作者提出的主要问题是
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2022.2160549
Tahel Frosh
ABSTRACT Since the beginning of the twenty-first century in Israel – and with growing intensity since the outbreak of the 2011 social protests – a new neoliberal economical subject has appeared in Hebrew literature. In this new subjectivity, self-identity is formed and understood by its relations to work. In this article I will follow the new working subject as it is revealed in Nano Shabtai’s novel Book of Men and present an interpretive paradigm, grounded in the critique of neoliberalism. While much of the critique of Book of Men revolves around gender identity and power relations, I will offer a new interpretation. Shabtai’s protagonist reveals the mechanism underlying a subjectivity immersed in work and economics. As I will demonstrate, this mechanism negates the conventional dichotomy between exploiter and exploited – indeed, between the concept of coerciveness and choice – offering a reading that accounts for the slippage between these categories within the text. Under such a reading, complex networks of power dynamics weave Shabtai’s novel, and are deciphered by employing different languages of meaning. In addition, I will show that Shabtai’s literary form is influenced by the neoliberal nature of work and can be read as a stock portfolio.
{"title":"Gates of justice and exchange rates: speculative labor in the book of men","authors":"Tahel Frosh","doi":"10.1080/13531042.2022.2160549","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13531042.2022.2160549","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Since the beginning of the twenty-first century in Israel – and with growing intensity since the outbreak of the 2011 social protests – a new neoliberal economical subject has appeared in Hebrew literature. In this new subjectivity, self-identity is formed and understood by its relations to work. In this article I will follow the new working subject as it is revealed in Nano Shabtai’s novel Book of Men and present an interpretive paradigm, grounded in the critique of neoliberalism. While much of the critique of Book of Men revolves around gender identity and power relations, I will offer a new interpretation. Shabtai’s protagonist reveals the mechanism underlying a subjectivity immersed in work and economics. As I will demonstrate, this mechanism negates the conventional dichotomy between exploiter and exploited – indeed, between the concept of coerciveness and choice – offering a reading that accounts for the slippage between these categories within the text. Under such a reading, complex networks of power dynamics weave Shabtai’s novel, and are deciphered by employing different languages of meaning. In addition, I will show that Shabtai’s literary form is influenced by the neoliberal nature of work and can be read as a stock portfolio.","PeriodicalId":43363,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Israeli History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42765765","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2022.2136272
Rami Adut, D. Filc
ABSTRACT This paper examines H-300 or Kiryat Eilon: a neighborhood in the city of Holon that exemplifies Mizrahi mobility into the new middle class. Following Cohen and Leon’s seminal insights on the Mizrahi middle class, the paper analyses life stories and other daily practices of H-300 residents in order to assess their (ethno-)class identities. The picture seems to be far more complex than the one described by Leon and Cohen. Mobile Mizrahi personal experience and collective memory are indeed dominant but what they construct is not a “Mizrahi” ethno-class space but a more open and integrated “popular middle class” community. Mizrahi collective and individual experience serve as a “quarry” from which cultural building blocks are produced. The findings suggest the emergence of an all-Israeli “popular middle class” subject, distinct from the upper-middle-class layers, leading the popular classes echelons.
{"title":"Constructing a Classed Community in Kiryat Eilon (H-300) in Holon: A \"Popular-Class\" Community on Mizrahi \"Building Blocks\"","authors":"Rami Adut, D. Filc","doi":"10.1080/13531042.2022.2136272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13531042.2022.2136272","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper examines H-300 or Kiryat Eilon: a neighborhood in the city of Holon that exemplifies Mizrahi mobility into the new middle class. Following Cohen and Leon’s seminal insights on the Mizrahi middle class, the paper analyses life stories and other daily practices of H-300 residents in order to assess their (ethno-)class identities. The picture seems to be far more complex than the one described by Leon and Cohen. Mobile Mizrahi personal experience and collective memory are indeed dominant but what they construct is not a “Mizrahi” ethno-class space but a more open and integrated “popular middle class” community. Mizrahi collective and individual experience serve as a “quarry” from which cultural building blocks are produced. The findings suggest the emergence of an all-Israeli “popular middle class” subject, distinct from the upper-middle-class layers, leading the popular classes echelons.","PeriodicalId":43363,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Israeli History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47866641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2022.2173594
A. Krupnik
ABSTRACT In 1963, a total of 4,500 Argentines immigrated to Israel. Most were from the middle or lower middle classes and had a Jewish and Zionist education, seen as an advantage for adaptation in the new country. However, they had been driven primarily by economic factors, and during Israel’s recession in 1966 a substantial portion of them returned to Argentina. In order to understand the migrant experience of these people this article analyzes their return, arguing that class and work were more pertinent variables than Zionist ideology. It is based on the experience of unemployed Argentine immigrants in Ashdod, the struggles of those who hoped to own their own business without sufficient funds, and a reconstruction of the return voyage aboard the ship Jerusalem. The Zionist hegemony in Israeli society prevented a thorough understanding of the material needs, and motivations of Jewish-Argentine migrants, therefore, the narrative on their arrival emphasized the ideological motivations. In contrast, their socio-economic background and needs received less attention. The case presented in this article demonstrates how the state narrative about the arrival of migrants to the country might deeply affect the narrative about the number who would not stay.
{"title":"Failed expectations of middle-class migrants and the Zionist hegemonic narrative: Jewish-Argentine returnees from Israel in the 1960s","authors":"A. Krupnik","doi":"10.1080/13531042.2022.2173594","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13531042.2022.2173594","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In 1963, a total of 4,500 Argentines immigrated to Israel. Most were from the middle or lower middle classes and had a Jewish and Zionist education, seen as an advantage for adaptation in the new country. However, they had been driven primarily by economic factors, and during Israel’s recession in 1966 a substantial portion of them returned to Argentina. In order to understand the migrant experience of these people this article analyzes their return, arguing that class and work were more pertinent variables than Zionist ideology. It is based on the experience of unemployed Argentine immigrants in Ashdod, the struggles of those who hoped to own their own business without sufficient funds, and a reconstruction of the return voyage aboard the ship Jerusalem. The Zionist hegemony in Israeli society prevented a thorough understanding of the material needs, and motivations of Jewish-Argentine migrants, therefore, the narrative on their arrival emphasized the ideological motivations. In contrast, their socio-economic background and needs received less attention. The case presented in this article demonstrates how the state narrative about the arrival of migrants to the country might deeply affect the narrative about the number who would not stay.","PeriodicalId":43363,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Israeli History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44431528","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13531042.2022.2150376
Lee Cahaner, A. Malchi
ABSTRACT Over the past several decades, welfare states across the developed Western world, including Israel, have adopted differential employment policies for disadvantaged marginal populations that perform poorly in the labor market and are underrepresented in it. The intensive and rapid shift from Keynesian welfare policy to a more economical and efficient neoliberal approach sparked great turbulence in Israel's labor market, leaving broad swaths of the country's marginal populations outside of the capitalistic post-scarcity economy. In this article, we examine third-sector initiatives and governmental employment policies aimed at integrating and advancing Haredim (ultra-Orthodox Jews) in the Israeli labor market. We also explore the tension between welfare, with its associated benefits and governmental assistance mechanisms, and the neoliberal approach, with its reliance on economic efficiency tests. The article looks at how the Haredi sector's labor market integration process has evolved. We aim to understand parallel developments between the processes outlined by the state and the Haredi community's socioeconomic needs under a neoliberal regime that prizes competition, achievement, and materialism – a regime in which social institutions are being reshaped, adjusted, and disciplined in accordance with market-oriented principles. We will examine the forces working behind the scenes to integrate Haredim in the economy and in society as a whole – the top-down policy forces striving to increase Israeli economic output, and the bottom-up internal-civic forces that want to create normative and economically feasible alternatives to the Haredi “society of learners” that developed under welfare-state auspices. The article seeks to answer three main questions in light of the aforementioned processes: How did the shift from a Keynesian welfare state to state workfare contribute to Haredi integration in the Israeli employment market? Who were the key political-social-economic actors and forces that shaped the process of Haredi labor market integration? And finally: how has neoliberal employment policy affected the Haredi community on the gender, spatial (center-periphery), class, and community planes, i.e., has this policy approach helped strengthen the Haredi middle class, and if so, how?
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