This article considers the usage of native and foreign languages in the multinational community of Russian diplomats in the second half of the eighteenth century, especially by the immigrants from the Ostsee (Baltic) provinces of the Russian Empire annexed as a result of the Great Northern War of 1700–1721. Incorporating the approaches of new diplomatic history that applies the methods of sociolinguistics and studies, among others, the national, social and cultural identities of international actors, the author examines language practices and language competences of Swedes Karl Gustav (Karl Matveevich) and Johann Matthias (Ivan Matveevich) Simolin in the context of their career strategies. The study refers to their correspondence with Russian monarchs and the leadership of the Collegium of Foreign Affairs over the 1740s–1780s kept in the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire and the Russian State Archive of Ancient Documents. The reconstruction of both brothers’ career paths reveals that they used similar language competences they initially had in different ways. Karl Gustav, the elder brother, translator, and polyglot, was responsible for correspondence in German in the Collegium of Foreign Affairs for many years. However, when he received an appointment to Mitau, his only diplomatic post, in 1758, he began to conduct official correspondence in the Russian language. Johann Matthias, the younger brother, spent most of his life abroad and, starting from 1758, held diplomatic posts in Regensburg, Copenhagen, Stockholm, London, and Paris. German that he spoke as a native speaker and French were his main languages of correspondence with the Russian monarchs and the leadership of the Collegium of Foreign Affairs. French gradually replaced German in documents of all types as the language of international and court communication. In addition, Simolin understood the Russian language perfectly, which, from the mid‑1770s, spared the Collegium from having to translate rescripts sent to him on behalf of the empress. The analysis of both brothers’ language practices demonstrates that despite the introduction of French into the internal correspondence of the Collegium of Foreign Affairs in the second half of the eighteenth century, the new subjects of the Russian Empire found it necessary to learn Russian to gain promotion and become part of the Russian imperial elite.
{"title":"Language Practices of the Brothers Simolin, Russian Foreign-Born Diplomats, in the Second Half of the 18th Century","authors":"Maria Petrova","doi":"10.15826/qr.2023.4.846","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15826/qr.2023.4.846","url":null,"abstract":"This article considers the usage of native and foreign languages in the multinational community of Russian diplomats in the second half of the eighteenth century, especially by the immigrants from the Ostsee (Baltic) provinces of the Russian Empire annexed as a result of the Great Northern War of 1700–1721. Incorporating the approaches of new diplomatic history that applies the methods of sociolinguistics and studies, among others, the national, social and cultural identities of international actors, the author examines language practices and language competences of Swedes Karl Gustav (Karl Matveevich) and Johann Matthias (Ivan Matveevich) Simolin in the context of their career strategies. The study refers to their correspondence with Russian monarchs and the leadership of the Collegium of Foreign Affairs over the 1740s–1780s kept in the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire and the Russian State Archive of Ancient Documents. The reconstruction of both brothers’ career paths reveals that they used similar language competences they initially had in different ways. Karl Gustav, the elder brother, translator, and polyglot, was responsible for correspondence in German in the Collegium of Foreign Affairs for many years. However, when he received an appointment to Mitau, his only diplomatic post, in 1758, he began to conduct official correspondence in the Russian language. Johann Matthias, the younger brother, spent most of his life abroad and, starting from 1758, held diplomatic posts in Regensburg, Copenhagen, Stockholm, London, and Paris. German that he spoke as a native speaker and French were his main languages of correspondence with the Russian monarchs and the leadership of the Collegium of Foreign Affairs. French gradually replaced German in documents of all types as the language of international and court communication. In addition, Simolin understood the Russian language perfectly, which, from the mid‑1770s, spared the Collegium from having to translate rescripts sent to him on behalf of the empress. The analysis of both brothers’ language practices demonstrates that despite the introduction of French into the internal correspondence of the Collegium of Foreign Affairs in the second half of the eighteenth century, the new subjects of the Russian Empire found it necessary to learn Russian to gain promotion and become part of the Russian imperial elite.","PeriodicalId":43664,"journal":{"name":"Quaestio Rossica","volume":"37 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138951612","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article explores the problem of the paralipsis of a folklore archive with reference to materials stored at Ural Federal University. The author hypothesises that folklore archives can be studied not only through access to the collections kept in them but also through paralipsis/lacunae that appear in them. In the Russian and European traditions, the very principle of collecting material determines the appearance of gaps in folklore archives. The researcher interviews the informant in accordance with their mental map, which inevitably leads to the loss of part of the material, especially in situations where the “context of the situation” is not fixed. The author analyses archival texts collected in the village of Gary, Sverdlovsk Region, in 1977. Gaps and omissions were identified during the digitalisation of the Ural Federal University folklore archive collection. The article describes the method of keywords, which made it possible to partially localise gaps. Also, the description of the texts of the archive through keywords helped identify lacunae of a genre, thematic, and contextual character never studied previously. The last part of the article mainly focuses on describing and interpreting gaps that appeared due to the lack of context. The article puts forward several hypotheses that make it possible to interpret some of the gaps identified. The author also attempts to restore the research context in which the material was collected, for which she employs methodological recommendations formulated by V. P. Kruglyashova, the academic leader of the folklore expedition. Part of the interpretation of the gaps relies on the comparison of her recommendations with their implementation in practice with reference to the Gary collection. From the methodological point of view, the article can be of use to everyone working on the problems of the digitalisation of cultural heritage.
本文以乌拉尔联邦大学保存的资料为参考，探讨了民俗档案中的 "旁观者"（paralipsis）问题。作者认为，研究民俗档案不仅可以通过查阅档案中的藏品，还可以通过档案中出现的 "空白"（paralipsis/lacunae）来进行。在俄罗斯和欧洲的传统中，收集材料的原则本身就决定了民俗档案中会出现空白。研究人员根据信息提供者的思维导图对其进行访谈，这不可避免地会导致部分材料的丢失，尤其是在 "情境背景 "不固定的情况下。作者分析了 1977 年在斯维尔德洛夫斯克地区加里村收集的档案文本。在对乌拉尔联邦大学民俗档案收藏进行数字化时发现了空白和遗漏。文章介绍了使用关键词的方法，这种方法可以对空白进行部分定位。此外，通过关键词对档案文本的描述有助于发现以前从未研究过的体裁、主题和背景特征方面的空白。文章的最后一部分主要侧重于描述和解释由于缺乏上下文而出现的空白。文章提出了几个假设，从而有可能对发现的一些空白进行解释。作者还试图还原材料收集的研究背景，为此她采用了民俗考察学术带头人 V. P. Kruglyashova 提出的方法建议。对差距的部分解释依赖于将她的建议与参照加里藏品在实践中的执行情况进行比较。从方法论的角度来看，这篇文章对所有致力于解决文化遗产数字化问题的人都有帮助。
{"title":"Paralipsis Archives: Ways of Localisation and Interpretation of Gaps in a Folklore Archive","authors":"Tatiana I. Khoruzhenko","doi":"10.15826/qr.2023.4.849","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15826/qr.2023.4.849","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the problem of the paralipsis of a folklore archive with reference to materials stored at Ural Federal University. The author hypothesises that folklore archives can be studied not only through access to the collections kept in them but also through paralipsis/lacunae that appear in them. In the Russian and European traditions, the very principle of collecting material determines the appearance of gaps in folklore archives. The researcher interviews the informant in accordance with their mental map, which inevitably leads to the loss of part of the material, especially in situations where the “context of the situation” is not fixed. The author analyses archival texts collected in the village of Gary, Sverdlovsk Region, in 1977. Gaps and omissions were identified during the digitalisation of the Ural Federal University folklore archive collection. The article describes the method of keywords, which made it possible to partially localise gaps. Also, the description of the texts of the archive through keywords helped identify lacunae of a genre, thematic, and contextual character never studied previously. The last part of the article mainly focuses on describing and interpreting gaps that appeared due to the lack of context. The article puts forward several hypotheses that make it possible to interpret some of the gaps identified. The author also attempts to restore the research context in which the material was collected, for which she employs methodological recommendations formulated by V. P. Kruglyashova, the academic leader of the folklore expedition. Part of the interpretation of the gaps relies on the comparison of her recommendations with their implementation in practice with reference to the Gary collection. From the methodological point of view, the article can be of use to everyone working on the problems of the digitalisation of cultural heritage.","PeriodicalId":43664,"journal":{"name":"Quaestio Rossica","volume":"135 18","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138953405","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the circumstances behind Metropolitan Stefan Yavorsky of Ryazan and Murom’s not delivering a sermon about the truth persecuted everywhere on the Day of St John Chrysostom on November 13, 1708. The text is marked as non dictum in the manuscript by the author. In historiography, Yavorsky’s undelivered sermons are often used to characterise the critical mood of the preacher in the context of the protracted Northern War and the author’s intentions, as he allegedly changed his mind in time to deliver an accusatory sermon. The author of the article suggests that the chief factor that prevented Yavorsky from preaching on the day of St John Chrysostom was the anathematisation of Hetman Ivan Mazepa (in 1708), which preceded the event, and the death of Dimitri Rostovsky, a close friend of the Metropolitan's (in 1709). The article provides arguments confirming the author’s intentions to voice the ideas of this sermon, such as the usage of its fragments in other texts. For the first time, the sermon for the Day of St John Chrysostom is presented in the context of Yavorsky’s preaching heritage, and its content is analysed considering the author’s complex intention (the article also contains rare Yavorsky’s poems in Latin and translations thereof). The research emphasises the need to publish the full text of Stefan Yavorsky’s sermons and further study their place in the public sphere and intellectual culture of the Petrine era.
本文探讨了梁赞和穆罗姆都主教斯特凡-亚沃斯基 (Metropolitan Stefan Yavorsky of Ryazan and Murom) 在 1708 年 11 月 13 日圣约翰-金口日没有发表关于各地受迫害的真理的布道的原因。作者在手稿中将此文标注为 "non dictum"。在史学界，亚沃斯基未发表的布道经常被用来描述传教士在旷日持久的北方战争背景下的批判情绪和作者的意图，因为据称他及时改变了主意，发表了一篇指责性的布道。文章作者认为，阻碍亚沃斯基在圣约翰-金口日布道的主要因素是在布道之前伊万-马泽帕（Hetman Ivan Mazepa）的诅咒（1708 年），以及都主教的密友迪米特里-罗斯托夫斯基（Dimitri Rostovsky）的去世（1709 年）。文章提供的论据证实了作者表达这篇布道的意图，如在其他文本中使用其片段。文章首次将圣约翰-金口日布道放在亚沃尔斯基布道遗产的背景下进行介绍，并根据作者的复杂意图对其内容进行了分析（文章还包含亚沃尔斯基罕见的拉丁文诗歌及其译文）。该研究强调了出版斯特凡-亚沃斯基布道文全文的必要性，并进一步研究了这些布道文在彼德时代公共领域和知识文化中的地位。
{"title":"What Was Stefan Yavorsky Silent about? Undelivered Sermons as a Multiple Equation","authors":"A. Popovich","doi":"10.15826/qr.2023.4.854","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15826/qr.2023.4.854","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the circumstances behind Metropolitan Stefan Yavorsky of Ryazan and Murom’s not delivering a sermon about the truth persecuted everywhere on the Day of St John Chrysostom on November 13, 1708. The text is marked as non dictum in the manuscript by the author. In historiography, Yavorsky’s undelivered sermons are often used to characterise the critical mood of the preacher in the context of the protracted Northern War and the author’s intentions, as he allegedly changed his mind in time to deliver an accusatory sermon. The author of the article suggests that the chief factor that prevented Yavorsky from preaching on the day of St John Chrysostom was the anathematisation of Hetman Ivan Mazepa (in 1708), which preceded the event, and the death of Dimitri Rostovsky, a close friend of the Metropolitan's (in 1709). The article provides arguments confirming the author’s intentions to voice the ideas of this sermon, such as the usage of its fragments in other texts. For the first time, the sermon for the Day of St John Chrysostom is presented in the context of Yavorsky’s preaching heritage, and its content is analysed considering the author’s complex intention (the article also contains rare Yavorsky’s poems in Latin and translations thereof). The research emphasises the need to publish the full text of Stefan Yavorsky’s sermons and further study their place in the public sphere and intellectual culture of the Petrine era.","PeriodicalId":43664,"journal":{"name":"Quaestio Rossica","volume":"54 18","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138952355","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the contribution of exiles to teaching children living in the settlement of the Yekaterinburg plant, the largest in the mining and industrial Urals, to read and write. It was a place where the features of the new policy of Vasily Tatishchev, who became head of the factories in 1734, concerning teaching literacy to the vastest range of children possible and using exiles sent there from all over the country as teachers, were most clearly manifest. Based on the extensive use of archival documents of administrative and information character and petitions, the author characterises the peculiarities of the cadre of exiled teachers, which has never been done previously. The author reveals the reasons for the extensive recruitment of exiles and, starting from 1742, pardoned ex-exiles as teachers, reconstructs their composition, reveals their previous posts, the crimes for which they were exiled, common features characterising their vital activity, position in society, their relations among themselves and with other representatives of society, and the different levels of their material situation. Additionally, the article examines the peculiarities of the attitude of the Ural authorities toward the exiled teachers. The petitions of the exiles indicate that with them, the position of a literacy teacher enjoyed great appreciation despite the low pay. For the first time in history, the author analyses the student records of the grammar school, identifying all the cases of collective enrolment and the total number of children taught by the exiled Yekaterinburg masters, including those from the nearby factories. Also, the article introduces data about private literacy schools in Yekaterinburg opened by exiles, where they taught children for a fee as part of a contract with their parents at their homes. Based on this, the author concludes that the contribution of exiles as teachers to the development of children’s literacy in Yekaterinburg deserves the highest assessment.
{"title":"The Contribution of Exiles to the Distribution of Literacy among the Children of Yekaterinburg in 1734–1740s","authors":"Alevtina Safronova","doi":"10.15826/qr.2023.3.818","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15826/qr.2023.3.818","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the contribution of exiles to teaching children living in the settlement of the Yekaterinburg plant, the largest in the mining and industrial Urals, to read and write. It was a place where the features of the new policy of Vasily Tatishchev, who became head of the factories in 1734, concerning teaching literacy to the vastest range of children possible and using exiles sent there from all over the country as teachers, were most clearly manifest. Based on the extensive use of archival documents of administrative and information character and petitions, the author characterises the peculiarities of the cadre of exiled teachers, which has never been done previously. The author reveals the reasons for the extensive recruitment of exiles and, starting from 1742, pardoned ex-exiles as teachers, reconstructs their composition, reveals their previous posts, the crimes for which they were exiled, common features characterising their vital activity, position in society, their relations among themselves and with other representatives of society, and the different levels of their material situation. Additionally, the article examines the peculiarities of the attitude of the Ural authorities toward the exiled teachers. The petitions of the exiles indicate that with them, the position of a literacy teacher enjoyed great appreciation despite the low pay. For the first time in history, the author analyses the student records of the grammar school, identifying all the cases of collective enrolment and the total number of children taught by the exiled Yekaterinburg masters, including those from the nearby factories. Also, the article introduces data about private literacy schools in Yekaterinburg opened by exiles, where they taught children for a fee as part of a contract with their parents at their homes. Based on this, the author concludes that the contribution of exiles as teachers to the development of children’s literacy in Yekaterinburg deserves the highest assessment.","PeriodicalId":43664,"journal":{"name":"Quaestio Rossica","volume":"36 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135865363","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Continuing to question some traditional historiographical theses, in this second part, the author discusses the common assertion that “popular” praxis is dependent on naïve belief in the benevolent tsar: on the contrary, the subjects of action adapt their beliefs to their needs. A still very influential historiography considers that illusions, naïve, popular, and false as well as passivity would constitute the plurisecular “mentality” of the Russian peasantry. But mentality is a category that is deficient in the explanation of historical dynamics, especially when it comes to change. Against the verdict “false” applied to the myth of the benevolent tsar, the author explains why a myth is neither true nor false and stresses that it should not be considered as a stage in a history of thought that would lead to a scholarly representation but it is necessary to understand its origin, its logic and the usefulness of its use by human beings, in particular its role in the production of modern political thought. Against the positivist historiography’s disdain for popular metaphors, the author highlights the “truth” of the autocratic system that this linguistic figure expresses and the permeability between metaphor and action. The study concludes by tracing, based on the material analyzed, Russian history’s own path towards a political modernity that by its reality inhibits the existence of any central modernity and situates the moment at which this Russian modernity appears in the light of day.
{"title":"Towards a Conceptual-Historical Critique of the Essentialist and Teleological Interpretations of Russian History. Part 2","authors":"Claudio Ingerflom","doi":"10.15826/qr.2023.3.835","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15826/qr.2023.3.835","url":null,"abstract":"Continuing to question some traditional historiographical theses, in this second part, the author discusses the common assertion that “popular” praxis is dependent on naïve belief in the benevolent tsar: on the contrary, the subjects of action adapt their beliefs to their needs. A still very influential historiography considers that illusions, naïve, popular, and false as well as passivity would constitute the plurisecular “mentality” of the Russian peasantry. But mentality is a category that is deficient in the explanation of historical dynamics, especially when it comes to change. Against the verdict “false” applied to the myth of the benevolent tsar, the author explains why a myth is neither true nor false and stresses that it should not be considered as a stage in a history of thought that would lead to a scholarly representation but it is necessary to understand its origin, its logic and the usefulness of its use by human beings, in particular its role in the production of modern political thought. Against the positivist historiography’s disdain for popular metaphors, the author highlights the “truth” of the autocratic system that this linguistic figure expresses and the permeability between metaphor and action. The study concludes by tracing, based on the material analyzed, Russian history’s own path towards a political modernity that by its reality inhibits the existence of any central modernity and situates the moment at which this Russian modernity appears in the light of day.","PeriodicalId":43664,"journal":{"name":"Quaestio Rossica","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135865364","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article analyses the adaptation and re-semantisation of the “great power” concept in Soviet public discourse between 1920 and 1935. The actualisation of the “great power” concept in the public discourse of this period was associated with the need to comprehend the USSR in the system of international relations, the one of “great powers”. After the First World War and the revolutionary events of the early twentieth century, Russia was excluded from the European system of international relations, and the USSR had to fight for the recognition of the new state formation. Simultaneously, the new authorities had to defend their positions within the country. In addition, the new state was in a complex relationship with the legacy of the Russian Empire. Denying numerous imperial attitudes at the ideological level, the USSR had to deal with old institutions, including the diplomatic and authoritative language of Imperial Russia. At the same time, new goals required revision of inconvenient intellectual constructs. The author aims to establish how the “great power” concept was rethought and appropriated by the Bolsheviks and the Soviet authorities after the 1917 Revolution and the Civil War (1917–1922). The author identifies several main stages of rethinking the concept in public discourse and, based on an analysis of the press, proves that the “great power” concept was only partially resemanticised. It acquired new semantic connotations (primarily ideological) while retaining a significant part of the previous pre-revolutionary attitudes. The author reveals that from the early 1920s, there were attempts to assign the “great power” status to Soviet Russia. During this period, the great-power narrative was re-actualised and stabilised. The main factor confirming the “great power” status is the country’s internal successes.
{"title":"The USSR as a “Great Power”: Imperial Narratives and the State’s Status, 1920–1935","authors":"Maria Ivanova","doi":"10.15826/qr.2023.3.833","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15826/qr.2023.3.833","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses the adaptation and re-semantisation of the “great power” concept in Soviet public discourse between 1920 and 1935. The actualisation of the “great power” concept in the public discourse of this period was associated with the need to comprehend the USSR in the system of international relations, the one of “great powers”. After the First World War and the revolutionary events of the early twentieth century, Russia was excluded from the European system of international relations, and the USSR had to fight for the recognition of the new state formation. Simultaneously, the new authorities had to defend their positions within the country. In addition, the new state was in a complex relationship with the legacy of the Russian Empire. Denying numerous imperial attitudes at the ideological level, the USSR had to deal with old institutions, including the diplomatic and authoritative language of Imperial Russia. At the same time, new goals required revision of inconvenient intellectual constructs. The author aims to establish how the “great power” concept was rethought and appropriated by the Bolsheviks and the Soviet authorities after the 1917 Revolution and the Civil War (1917–1922). The author identifies several main stages of rethinking the concept in public discourse and, based on an analysis of the press, proves that the “great power” concept was only partially resemanticised. It acquired new semantic connotations (primarily ideological) while retaining a significant part of the previous pre-revolutionary attitudes. The author reveals that from the early 1920s, there were attempts to assign the “great power” status to Soviet Russia. During this period, the great-power narrative was re-actualised and stabilised. The main factor confirming the “great power” status is the country’s internal successes.","PeriodicalId":43664,"journal":{"name":"Quaestio Rossica","volume":"2014 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135865821","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study of “words and deeds” as a type of crime began over a hundred years ago. This well-known formula proceeded from the public obligation of the population to protect the sovereign and their family from any evil intentions. This phenomenon began to develop on Russian soil as early as the mid-fifteenth century and is present in a wide range of documents: secured or affirmed deeds; the sovereign’s grants to Siberian foreigners; letters of commendation with a golden seal, issued to those who lived in the recently annexed territories with a predominantly non-Orthodox population, as well as territorial entities that were formally part of the Muscovite State; state oaths. It is believed that the cases of the sovereign’s “words and deeds” have been preserved since the seventeenth century, their mentions known since earlier times. However, the lists found in the materials of the Siberian Prikaz from the mandate letters of 1599 to the Tobolsk voivode stolnik S. F. Saburov about the investigation of the accusation of “words and deeds” of the Tobolsk children of the boyars Bykasov suggests that such materials from the sixteenth century are yet to be studied. However, to detect them, it is necessary to significantly expand the range of documents under consideration and not be limited, as before, only to the materials of the Razryad Prikaz. The materials analysed are the remains of the most ancient case identified on charges of sovereign’s “words and deeds”. The Bykasov family mentioned in it, served as the sovereign’s grooms in the tsar’s stables at least from the early sixteenth century. Andrei Timofeevich Bykasov was involved in the case of the Shuysky princes in 1586, for which all his relatives were exiled to Siberian cities. At the end of the Time of Troubles, A. T. Bykasov became a stable officer of the Stable Prikaz, which compensated him and his brothers for the trials that they had had to go through.
这种将“言行”作为一种犯罪类型的研究始于一百多年前。这个众所周知的公式源于人民的公共义务，即保护君主及其家人免受任何邪恶意图的伤害。早在15世纪中期，这种现象就开始在俄罗斯土地上发展起来，并出现在广泛的文件中:担保或确认的契约;对西伯利亚外国人的主权补助;发给居住在最近被吞并的非东正教人口占多数的领土上的人以及正式属于莫斯科国的领土实体的人的盖有金色印章的奖状;国家宣誓。据信，君主的“言行”的案例自17世纪以来一直保存下来，他们的提及早在更早的时候就已经知道了。然而，在西伯利亚普里卡兹1599年发给托博尔斯克voivode stolnik S. F. Saburov的委托书材料中发现的关于调查波雅尔比卡索夫的托博尔斯克子女“言行”指控的清单表明，这些来自16世纪的材料尚待研究。但是，为了发现它们，必须大大扩大所审议的文件的范围，而不能象以前那样只局限于《Razryad Prikaz》的材料。所分析的材料是由君主的“言行”指控而确定的最古老案件的残骸。书中提到的比卡索夫家族，至少从16世纪初起就在沙皇的马厩里担任君主的马夫。安德烈·季莫费耶维奇·比卡索夫卷入了1586年的舒伊斯基王公一案，他所有的亲戚都因此被流放到西伯利亚的城市。动乱时期结束时，a·t·比卡索夫成为普里卡兹马厩的一名马厩官，这是对他和他的兄弟们所经历的审判的补偿。
{"title":"The Bykasov Family in the Context of Political Investigation (Siberia, Late 16th Century)","authors":"Andrey Belyakov","doi":"10.15826/qr.2023.3.828","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15826/qr.2023.3.828","url":null,"abstract":"This study of “words and deeds” as a type of crime began over a hundred years ago. This well-known formula proceeded from the public obligation of the population to protect the sovereign and their family from any evil intentions. This phenomenon began to develop on Russian soil as early as the mid-fifteenth century and is present in a wide range of documents: secured or affirmed deeds; the sovereign’s grants to Siberian foreigners; letters of commendation with a golden seal, issued to those who lived in the recently annexed territories with a predominantly non-Orthodox population, as well as territorial entities that were formally part of the Muscovite State; state oaths. It is believed that the cases of the sovereign’s “words and deeds” have been preserved since the seventeenth century, their mentions known since earlier times. However, the lists found in the materials of the Siberian Prikaz from the mandate letters of 1599 to the Tobolsk voivode stolnik S. F. Saburov about the investigation of the accusation of “words and deeds” of the Tobolsk children of the boyars Bykasov suggests that such materials from the sixteenth century are yet to be studied. However, to detect them, it is necessary to significantly expand the range of documents under consideration and not be limited, as before, only to the materials of the Razryad Prikaz. The materials analysed are the remains of the most ancient case identified on charges of sovereign’s “words and deeds”. The Bykasov family mentioned in it, served as the sovereign’s grooms in the tsar’s stables at least from the early sixteenth century. Andrei Timofeevich Bykasov was involved in the case of the Shuysky princes in 1586, for which all his relatives were exiled to Siberian cities. At the end of the Time of Troubles, A. T. Bykasov became a stable officer of the Stable Prikaz, which compensated him and his brothers for the trials that they had had to go through.","PeriodicalId":43664,"journal":{"name":"Quaestio Rossica","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135865974","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article analyses the plots of international life concerning the premieres of D. D. Shostakovich’s Leningrad Symphony outside the USSR, their preparation, and their effect on the political establishment, the humanitarian elite, and ordinary listeners in 1942–1943. The competition of outstanding conductors such as A. Toscanini, L. Stokowski, H. Wood, S. Koussevitzky, etc. for getting the right of the Western premiere, the correspondence with them of the composer himself, the formation of public opinion, and, finally, the episode associated with Shostakovich’s failed trip to the US in 1942, make it possible to significantly complement the retrospective picture of the “journey” of Symphony No. 7 around Europe and the US. The documents the author refers to focus on the socio-political results of the process of presenting a work that “contributes to the support of the unyielding spirit underlying our common hopes for ultimate victory” and “expresses the power of Russia in a way that words can never do” to the West and the role of the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs in it, encouraging reflections on the role of Art in the world at war. They make it possible not only to trace the chronology of the diplomatic “accompaniment” of the premieres of the Leningrad Symphony in the West in 1942–1943, but also to see who “conducted” its truly victorious sounding not only in the allied countries but also in neutral states. This article uses documents from the Archive of Russian Foreign Policy concerning the performance of the Leningrad Symphony outside the USSR, which have never been introduced into scholarly circulation previously.
{"title":"The Symphony That Conquered the World: Diplomatic Support of the Foreign Premiere of D. D. Shostakovich’s Symphony No. 7 in 1942–1943","authors":"Julia Kantor","doi":"10.15826/qr.2023.3.834","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15826/qr.2023.3.834","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses the plots of international life concerning the premieres of D. D. Shostakovich’s Leningrad Symphony outside the USSR, their preparation, and their effect on the political establishment, the humanitarian elite, and ordinary listeners in 1942–1943. The competition of outstanding conductors such as A. Toscanini, L. Stokowski, H. Wood, S. Koussevitzky, etc. for getting the right of the Western premiere, the correspondence with them of the composer himself, the formation of public opinion, and, finally, the episode associated with Shostakovich’s failed trip to the US in 1942, make it possible to significantly complement the retrospective picture of the “journey” of Symphony No. 7 around Europe and the US. The documents the author refers to focus on the socio-political results of the process of presenting a work that “contributes to the support of the unyielding spirit underlying our common hopes for ultimate victory” and “expresses the power of Russia in a way that words can never do” to the West and the role of the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs in it, encouraging reflections on the role of Art in the world at war. They make it possible not only to trace the chronology of the diplomatic “accompaniment” of the premieres of the Leningrad Symphony in the West in 1942–1943, but also to see who “conducted” its truly victorious sounding not only in the allied countries but also in neutral states. This article uses documents from the Archive of Russian Foreign Policy concerning the performance of the Leningrad Symphony outside the USSR, which have never been introduced into scholarly circulation previously.","PeriodicalId":43664,"journal":{"name":"Quaestio Rossica","volume":"75 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135865361","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article studies the demographic history of Yekaterinburg in the second quarter of the eighteenth century. The authors focus on the population changes in the city between 1723 and 1744. This issue remains relevant since currently, there are no books or articles that would provide consistent data on the number of residents who settled near the Yekaterinburg plant. The analysis of historiography demonstrates that a significant part of scholars provide information about the composition and population of the city only for some years of its existence, without explaining the features of the primary sources underlying their research. This, in turn, has led to the fact that historians are split when it comes to estimates of the population of the fortress factory in the first years of its existence. In connection with the celebration of the city’s tercentenary, the researchers’ appeal to the history of the population of Yekaterinburg in the second quarter of the eighteenth century becomes even more significant. The work aims to analyse the features and information capabilities of primary sources containing data on the population of the fortress and plant. The main research methods include methods of primary source studies. In addition, the authors use the comparative method and method of system analysis, as well as the method of diachronic analysis. Employing these methods, the authors establish the approximate number and reconstruct the composition and main groups of residents of the future city. Also, they demonstrate that along with national censuses, the mining administration exercised police control over the structure and population numbers to solve various tasks. Among them are the organization of production processes, the defence of factories during the Bashkir uprising of 1735–1740, control over the population on the territory of the city, etc. One of the results of the study is the clarification of the male population of Yekaterinburg. Comparison of data from different years helps draw conclusions about the positive dynamics of the number of inhabitants in the first decades of the city’s existence. The increase in the figures and change in the composition of the population affected the appearance of the settlement. It acquired urban features. Thus, in the second quarter of the eighteenth century, there were all the prerequisites for Yekaterinburg to acquire the status of a city.
{"title":"Sources of Population Records of Early Yekaterinburg: Peculiarities and Information Potential","authors":"Elena Borodina, Svetlana Tsemenkova","doi":"10.15826/qr.2023.3.816","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15826/qr.2023.3.816","url":null,"abstract":"This article studies the demographic history of Yekaterinburg in the second quarter of the eighteenth century. The authors focus on the population changes in the city between 1723 and 1744. This issue remains relevant since currently, there are no books or articles that would provide consistent data on the number of residents who settled near the Yekaterinburg plant. The analysis of historiography demonstrates that a significant part of scholars provide information about the composition and population of the city only for some years of its existence, without explaining the features of the primary sources underlying their research. This, in turn, has led to the fact that historians are split when it comes to estimates of the population of the fortress factory in the first years of its existence. In connection with the celebration of the city’s tercentenary, the researchers’ appeal to the history of the population of Yekaterinburg in the second quarter of the eighteenth century becomes even more significant. The work aims to analyse the features and information capabilities of primary sources containing data on the population of the fortress and plant. The main research methods include methods of primary source studies. In addition, the authors use the comparative method and method of system analysis, as well as the method of diachronic analysis. Employing these methods, the authors establish the approximate number and reconstruct the composition and main groups of residents of the future city. Also, they demonstrate that along with national censuses, the mining administration exercised police control over the structure and population numbers to solve various tasks. Among them are the organization of production processes, the defence of factories during the Bashkir uprising of 1735–1740, control over the population on the territory of the city, etc. One of the results of the study is the clarification of the male population of Yekaterinburg. Comparison of data from different years helps draw conclusions about the positive dynamics of the number of inhabitants in the first decades of the city’s existence. The increase in the figures and change in the composition of the population affected the appearance of the settlement. It acquired urban features. Thus, in the second quarter of the eighteenth century, there were all the prerequisites for Yekaterinburg to acquire the status of a city.","PeriodicalId":43664,"journal":{"name":"Quaestio Rossica","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135865362","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
One of the means of improving Russian justice in the era of Alexander II was the introduction of judicial investigators. Belatedly, in 1885, they were introduced into the pre-reform Siberian justice system and until 1897, were intended to investigate crimes together with police officials, which was a kind of transitional step towards the subsequent improvement of the court. The use of micro-historic detailing, as well as legislative acts, reports, materials of personal origin, statistics, periodicals, and archival documentation make it possible to comprehensively examine the activities of specialist investigators in Siberia on the eve of the Judicial Statutes of 1864 applied to the region, thereby significantly supplementing the ideas about the patterns of transformations of justice in the late Russian Empire, conditions of functioning of state bodies on the Siberian outskirts and their critical condition. The reform of 1885 was inconsistent, and as a result, the investigative part did not have sufficient resources or the ability to fight crime effectively. The content and staff of judicial investigators turned out to be insignificant; many were young and had no professional experience. Also, they fell into a hostile bureaucratic environment, managed extensive areas and were guided by outdated rules of procedure, but at the same time, they demonstrated official superiority in investigations over different ranks of the police. The latter ones were quite often ignorant and did not try to perform their secondary investigative duties. The activities of police officials were characterised by slowness and lack of professionalism, which worsened the performance of the entire Siberian investigative apparatus. Audits revealed systemic disorders and caused its arsenal to be regarded as unsuitable for defeating crime, and in government circles, the idea of the need for a new judicial transformation in Siberia prevailed. Having become a part of archaic justice in 1885–1897, the institution of judicial investigators confirmed the impossibility of the continued existence of “transitional” justice and called for the need to apply Judicial Statutes in full.
{"title":"Judicial Investigators of Siberia: “Transitional” Justice of the Late 19th Century","authors":"Evgenii Krestyannikov","doi":"10.15826/qr.2023.3.832","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15826/qr.2023.3.832","url":null,"abstract":"One of the means of improving Russian justice in the era of Alexander II was the introduction of judicial investigators. Belatedly, in 1885, they were introduced into the pre-reform Siberian justice system and until 1897, were intended to investigate crimes together with police officials, which was a kind of transitional step towards the subsequent improvement of the court. The use of micro-historic detailing, as well as legislative acts, reports, materials of personal origin, statistics, periodicals, and archival documentation make it possible to comprehensively examine the activities of specialist investigators in Siberia on the eve of the Judicial Statutes of 1864 applied to the region, thereby significantly supplementing the ideas about the patterns of transformations of justice in the late Russian Empire, conditions of functioning of state bodies on the Siberian outskirts and their critical condition. The reform of 1885 was inconsistent, and as a result, the investigative part did not have sufficient resources or the ability to fight crime effectively. The content and staff of judicial investigators turned out to be insignificant; many were young and had no professional experience. Also, they fell into a hostile bureaucratic environment, managed extensive areas and were guided by outdated rules of procedure, but at the same time, they demonstrated official superiority in investigations over different ranks of the police. The latter ones were quite often ignorant and did not try to perform their secondary investigative duties. The activities of police officials were characterised by slowness and lack of professionalism, which worsened the performance of the entire Siberian investigative apparatus. Audits revealed systemic disorders and caused its arsenal to be regarded as unsuitable for defeating crime, and in government circles, the idea of the need for a new judicial transformation in Siberia prevailed. Having become a part of archaic justice in 1885–1897, the institution of judicial investigators confirmed the impossibility of the continued existence of “transitional” justice and called for the need to apply Judicial Statutes in full.","PeriodicalId":43664,"journal":{"name":"Quaestio Rossica","volume":"89 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135865824","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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