Abstract This manuscript examines various types of bracketing paradoxes: classical “personal noun” constructions, parasynthetic compounds, agentive deverbal nouns, compound denominal adjectives, plural nouns with lexicalized modifiers, multiple auxiliary constructions, and German particle verb constructions. We argue that given a dependency-based view of both sentence and word structure, these bracketing puzzles become non-paradoxical. The morph catena is taken to be the fundamental unit of morphosyntax. A morph catena is A MORPH OR A COMBINATION OF MORPHS THAT ARE CONTINUOUS WITH RESPECT TO DOMINANCE. This notion is derived from its syntactic equivalent, the catena, which is defined as a word or a combination of words that are continuous with respect to dominance. Given an understanding of morphosyntax that acknowledges morph catenae, bracketing paradoxes are resolved by the ability of morph catenae to reach across words to include parts of words.
{"title":"Bracketing paradoxes: A dependency grammar analysis in terms of morph catenae","authors":"Timothy Osborne, Thomas Groß","doi":"10.1515/psicl-2021-0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/psicl-2021-0016","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This manuscript examines various types of bracketing paradoxes: classical “personal noun” constructions, parasynthetic compounds, agentive deverbal nouns, compound denominal adjectives, plural nouns with lexicalized modifiers, multiple auxiliary constructions, and German particle verb constructions. We argue that given a dependency-based view of both sentence and word structure, these bracketing puzzles become non-paradoxical. The morph catena is taken to be the fundamental unit of morphosyntax. A morph catena is A MORPH OR A COMBINATION OF MORPHS THAT ARE CONTINUOUS WITH RESPECT TO DOMINANCE. This notion is derived from its syntactic equivalent, the catena, which is defined as a word or a combination of words that are continuous with respect to dominance. Given an understanding of morphosyntax that acknowledges morph catenae, bracketing paradoxes are resolved by the ability of morph catenae to reach across words to include parts of words.","PeriodicalId":43804,"journal":{"name":"Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics","volume":"17 1","pages":"397 - 428"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78054578","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper uses optimality theory (OT) to account for the phenomenon of identity occurrence resulting from clausal recursion, which we argue is derived from syntactic embedding and syntactic adjunction. This paper shows that the interaction between faithfulness and economy constraints allows for the optional deletion of functional morphemes that occur repetitively. The syntactic process of deletion is sensitive to the concept of markedness in a few ways. First, the marked, rather than the unmarked, pattern is the trigger for deletion; second, unmarked constructions have priority over marked constructions as the target for deletion. All of these ideas are integrated into the OT model that involves self-conjoined constraints, the mechanism of harmonic alignment, and the competition between faithfulness and economy constraints.
{"title":"Markedness relation, identity avoidance, and clausal recursion in Mandarin Chinese","authors":"Y. Tseng","doi":"10.1515/psicl-2021-0018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/psicl-2021-0018","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper uses optimality theory (OT) to account for the phenomenon of identity occurrence resulting from clausal recursion, which we argue is derived from syntactic embedding and syntactic adjunction. This paper shows that the interaction between faithfulness and economy constraints allows for the optional deletion of functional morphemes that occur repetitively. The syntactic process of deletion is sensitive to the concept of markedness in a few ways. First, the marked, rather than the unmarked, pattern is the trigger for deletion; second, unmarked constructions have priority over marked constructions as the target for deletion. All of these ideas are integrated into the OT model that involves self-conjoined constraints, the mechanism of harmonic alignment, and the competition between faithfulness and economy constraints.","PeriodicalId":43804,"journal":{"name":"Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics","volume":"102 1","pages":"429 - 469"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79525795","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Arabic has two models of adnominal possession: the Construct State and the Free State. Despite their superficial differences, these constructions are traditionally given a uniform analysis, in which their base-generated structures are identical, with differences residing in the movement operations that affect the possessor and the noun. This paper argues against a uniform analysis, based on new evidence from Noun Phrase Ellipsis. Specifically, I argue that the possessor in the Construct State merges in complement position of the possessum, whereas in the Free State, the possessor is an adjunct attached to a higher functional projection above the possessum. An important consequence of this analysis is that a possessor can be introduced in a headcomplement relation.
{"title":"Against a uniform analysis of adnominal possessives in Jordanian Arabic: Evidence from nominal ellipsis","authors":"Mohammad Alhailawani","doi":"10.1515/psicl-2021-0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/psicl-2021-0015","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Arabic has two models of adnominal possession: the Construct State and the Free State. Despite their superficial differences, these constructions are traditionally given a uniform analysis, in which their base-generated structures are identical, with differences residing in the movement operations that affect the possessor and the noun. This paper argues against a uniform analysis, based on new evidence from Noun Phrase Ellipsis. Specifically, I argue that the possessor in the Construct State merges in complement position of the possessum, whereas in the Free State, the possessor is an adjunct attached to a higher functional projection above the possessum. An important consequence of this analysis is that a possessor can be introduced in a headcomplement relation.","PeriodicalId":43804,"journal":{"name":"Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics","volume":"42 1","pages":"359 - 395"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76256398","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The current study adds to research investigating the influence of bilingualism on third language (L3) acquisition, more specifically the assumption that the two previously acquired languages enhance the acquisition of an additional language. We here rely on data from 1,409 bilingual (Russian-/Turkish-German) and monolingual (German) students of grades seven and nine, sampled in schools across Germany. The relevant literature yields mixed and controversial results regarding bilingual advantages, yet it also suggests that L3 acquisition is a multidimensional process potentially affected by various linguistic and extra-linguistic factors. Thus, we examine the relationship between English proficiency (L2 or L3), reading comprehension in German and the heritage languages Turkish and Russian along with cognitive ability and socio-economic status by using several multi-group path analyses, a type of structural equation modelling. The proposed structural equation model of English proficiency can be successfully fitted for all participants investigated, i.e. for both the monolingual and bilingual learners, with the exception of the Turkish-German group when analyzed separately. Overall, the results do not suggest any obvious bilingual facilitation effects or general differences across the learner groups, yet minor differences between the monolingual and bilingual groups in various componential relationships are detected.
{"title":"English L3 acquisition in heritage contexts: Modelling a path through the bilingualism controversy","authors":"Eliane Lorenz, Tugba Elif Toprak, Peter Siemund","doi":"10.1515/psicl-2021-0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/psicl-2021-0012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The current study adds to research investigating the influence of bilingualism on third language (L3) acquisition, more specifically the assumption that the two previously acquired languages enhance the acquisition of an additional language. We here rely on data from 1,409 bilingual (Russian-/Turkish-German) and monolingual (German) students of grades seven and nine, sampled in schools across Germany. The relevant literature yields mixed and controversial results regarding bilingual advantages, yet it also suggests that L3 acquisition is a multidimensional process potentially affected by various linguistic and extra-linguistic factors. Thus, we examine the relationship between English proficiency (L2 or L3), reading comprehension in German and the heritage languages Turkish and Russian along with cognitive ability and socio-economic status by using several multi-group path analyses, a type of structural equation modelling. The proposed structural equation model of English proficiency can be successfully fitted for all participants investigated, i.e. for both the monolingual and bilingual learners, with the exception of the Turkish-German group when analyzed separately. Overall, the results do not suggest any obvious bilingual facilitation effects or general differences across the learner groups, yet minor differences between the monolingual and bilingual groups in various componential relationships are detected.","PeriodicalId":43804,"journal":{"name":"Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics","volume":"21 1","pages":"273 - 298"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90598903","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This study concentrates on the alternation between two dorsal fricatives: [x] and [ç] in Modern Standard German. The primary source of data for the analysis include both native German words and loanwords. Moreover, the discussion encompasses some strictly related processes such as g-spirantization [g] > [x]/[ç], e.g. Ber[ç] ‘mountain’ and Ta[x] ‘day’, and coronalization [ç] > [ʃ], e.g. mi[ʃ] ‘me’ found in various German dialects and colloquial variants. Finally, since it is responsible for the appearance of both alternants in an identical context, e.g. Frau[ç]en ‘woman, dim’ and rau[x]en ‘to smoke’, a brief look is taken at the historical development of the diminutive suffix chen. It is argued here that in contemporary German there are two palatovelar fricatives [ç] which differ in their internal organization of the melodic content. In loanwords and in the diminutive suffix -chen, [ç] is lexically specified for palatality, while after front vowels and coronal sonorants the same fricative shares the palatality element with the preceding segment. The analysis is couched in a recent version of Element Theory and it proceeds on two assumptions: a) front vowels and coronal sonorants [l ʁ n] in German are defined by the resonance element |I| and b) [ç] is a complex segment containing two resonants |I| and |U|.
摘要本文主要研究现代标准德语中两个背摩擦音[x]和[ç]的交替。分析数据的主要来源包括德语本地词和外来词。此外,讨论还包括一些严格相关的过程,如g-spirantization [g] > [x]/[ç],例如Ber[ç] ' mountain '和Ta[x] ' day ',以及coronalization [ç] > [j],例如mi[j] ' me '在各种德语方言和口语变体中发现。最后,由于它在相同的语境中导致了两个替代词的出现,例如Frau[ç]en“女人”和rau[x]en“吸烟”,我们简要地看一下小后缀chen的历史发展。本文认为,在当代德语中有两种腭腭摩擦音[ç],它们在旋律内容的内部组织上有所不同。在外来词和小后缀-chen中,[ç]在词汇上被指定为音韵,而在前元音和冠状辅音之后,相同的摩擦音与前面的音段共享音韵元素。该分析发表在《元素理论》的最新版本中,它基于两个假设:a)德语中的前元音和冠状辅音[l [n]由共振单元|I|和b) [ç]是一个包含两个共振单元|I|和|U|的复杂音段。
{"title":"Two palatovelar fricatives?! the case of the ich-Laut in German","authors":"Artur Kijak","doi":"10.1515/psicl-2021-0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/psicl-2021-0011","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study concentrates on the alternation between two dorsal fricatives: [x] and [ç] in Modern Standard German. The primary source of data for the analysis include both native German words and loanwords. Moreover, the discussion encompasses some strictly related processes such as g-spirantization [g] > [x]/[ç], e.g. Ber[ç] ‘mountain’ and Ta[x] ‘day’, and coronalization [ç] > [ʃ], e.g. mi[ʃ] ‘me’ found in various German dialects and colloquial variants. Finally, since it is responsible for the appearance of both alternants in an identical context, e.g. Frau[ç]en ‘woman, dim’ and rau[x]en ‘to smoke’, a brief look is taken at the historical development of the diminutive suffix chen. It is argued here that in contemporary German there are two palatovelar fricatives [ç] which differ in their internal organization of the melodic content. In loanwords and in the diminutive suffix -chen, [ç] is lexically specified for palatality, while after front vowels and coronal sonorants the same fricative shares the palatality element with the preceding segment. The analysis is couched in a recent version of Element Theory and it proceeds on two assumptions: a) front vowels and coronal sonorants [l ʁ n] in German are defined by the resonance element |I| and b) [ç] is a complex segment containing two resonants |I| and |U|.","PeriodicalId":43804,"journal":{"name":"Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics","volume":"65 1","pages":"249 - 271"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84405838","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The goal of this paper is to investigate the relationship between focus and the inferences that listeners derive from utterances. While the function of focus is to generate a set of alternatives to the focused element, it can also evoke the implicature that the statement does not hold for the contextual alternatives, which is referred to as exhaustive meaning. Whether focus is exhaustive is a matter of cross-linguistic variation. This paper aims to assess exhaustive inferences in Serbian triggered by focus in situ marked by prosodic prominence and in the preverbal position, canonical sentences with neutral intonation, and the exclusive particle samo ‘only’. The participants were presented with the recorded test items, after which they were asked to express their judgement about the possibility of the contextual alternatives using a scale. The results indicated that there was no interpretative difference regarding exhaustive meaning between the sentences with the focused words marked with prosodic prominence and those with unmarked intonation. However, the sentences with the preverbal focused target word were judged as significantly more exhaustive than the canonical sentences with default intonation. Finally, the sentences with the focus particle samo were interpreted mostly as not allowing other contextual interpretations.
{"title":"The effect of focus and the focus particle samo on the exclusion of contextual alternatives in Serbian","authors":"Ema Živković, Nina Sudimac","doi":"10.1515/psicl-2021-0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/psicl-2021-0013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The goal of this paper is to investigate the relationship between focus and the inferences that listeners derive from utterances. While the function of focus is to generate a set of alternatives to the focused element, it can also evoke the implicature that the statement does not hold for the contextual alternatives, which is referred to as exhaustive meaning. Whether focus is exhaustive is a matter of cross-linguistic variation. This paper aims to assess exhaustive inferences in Serbian triggered by focus in situ marked by prosodic prominence and in the preverbal position, canonical sentences with neutral intonation, and the exclusive particle samo ‘only’. The participants were presented with the recorded test items, after which they were asked to express their judgement about the possibility of the contextual alternatives using a scale. The results indicated that there was no interpretative difference regarding exhaustive meaning between the sentences with the focused words marked with prosodic prominence and those with unmarked intonation. However, the sentences with the preverbal focused target word were judged as significantly more exhaustive than the canonical sentences with default intonation. Finally, the sentences with the focus particle samo were interpreted mostly as not allowing other contextual interpretations.","PeriodicalId":43804,"journal":{"name":"Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics","volume":"20 1","pages":"299 - 324"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74554658","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ekab Al-Shawashreh, Marwan Jarrah, Malek J. Zuraikat
Abstract This research investigates the functions of the verb ‘to say’ in the Jordanian Arabic dialect of Irbid (JADI). Relying on a 250,000-word corpus, we propose that the speech verb ‘to say’ in JADI has one main lexical function (i.e. introducing direct or indirect speech) in addition to three functions which the verb develops, i.e. expressing the speaker’s mental state, signalling indirect evidentiality, and revealing the speaker’s incredulity towards the accompanying utterance. We show that in these three developed functions, the verb lost one or more of its lexical properties, because of an (initial or advanced) grammaticalization process whose effects are clearly manifested by the function of the verb as an incredulity marker, in which case the verb is semantically bleached, phonologically reduced, and de-categorized. Following Traugott (1989), Wang et al. (2003) and Hsieh (2012), among others, we propose that the grammaticalization path of the speech verb in JADI into these three functions are motivated by pragmatic inference and (inter)subjectification. The directionality of the grammaticalization process is also shown to be implemented from propositional (through textual) to expressive functions.
摘要本研究考察了约旦阿拉伯语伊尔比德方言(JADI)中动词“说”的功能。依托25万字的语料库,我们提出JADI中的言语动词“to say”有一个主要的词汇功能(即引入直接或间接言语),以及动词发展的三个功能,即表达说话人的心理状态,表明间接证据,揭示说话人对伴随话语的怀疑。我们表明,在这三个发展功能中,动词失去了一个或多个词汇属性,因为(最初的或高级的)语法化过程,其影响通过动词作为怀疑标记的功能清楚地表现出来,在这种情况下,动词在语义上漂白,语音上减少,并去分类。继Traugott(1989)、Wang et al.(2003)和Hsieh(2012)等人之后,我们提出JADI中言语动词进入这三种功能的语法化路径是由语用推理和(相互)主体化驱动的。语法化过程的方向性也表现在从命题(通过语篇)到表达功能的过程中。
{"title":"The functions of the verb ‘to say’ in the Jordanian Arabic dialect of Irbid","authors":"Ekab Al-Shawashreh, Marwan Jarrah, Malek J. Zuraikat","doi":"10.1515/psicl-2021-0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/psicl-2021-0010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This research investigates the functions of the verb ‘to say’ in the Jordanian Arabic dialect of Irbid (JADI). Relying on a 250,000-word corpus, we propose that the speech verb ‘to say’ in JADI has one main lexical function (i.e. introducing direct or indirect speech) in addition to three functions which the verb develops, i.e. expressing the speaker’s mental state, signalling indirect evidentiality, and revealing the speaker’s incredulity towards the accompanying utterance. We show that in these three developed functions, the verb lost one or more of its lexical properties, because of an (initial or advanced) grammaticalization process whose effects are clearly manifested by the function of the verb as an incredulity marker, in which case the verb is semantically bleached, phonologically reduced, and de-categorized. Following Traugott (1989), Wang et al. (2003) and Hsieh (2012), among others, we propose that the grammaticalization path of the speech verb in JADI into these three functions are motivated by pragmatic inference and (inter)subjectification. The directionality of the grammaticalization process is also shown to be implemented from propositional (through textual) to expressive functions.","PeriodicalId":43804,"journal":{"name":"Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics","volume":"118 1","pages":"221 - 248"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77414144","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article presents a list of English–Turkish cognates and false cognates which was compiled from a corpus of over 80,000 words in dictionary entries. The list contains 2411 English words that are either cognates or false cognates in Turkish. It was revealed that there are at least 1287 cognates, excluding all proper nouns of people, places, and things; and 1124 false cognates, 96 of which share at least one sense of meaning in each language, and thus are partial false cognates. The total number of English–Turkish cognates and false cognates suggests that cognate status between the two languages is around 3%. For cognates, the rate is 1.6%, and for false cognates the rate is 1.2%. The current database of English–Turkish cognates and false cognates can be used to prepare reading texts that contain words from the list presented here, and to investigate how they affect reading comprehension, guessing from context, and language learning or processing of a language issues. It can be also used as a resource for researchers investigating the bilinguals of English and Turkish, and learners who study Turkish and/or English as a second or foreign language. The list provides a useful basis for further research into the lexical, linguistic, and psychological issues.
{"title":"A list of English–Turkish cognates and false-cognates","authors":"L. Uzun, Umut M. Salіhoǧlu","doi":"10.1515/psicl-2021-0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/psicl-2021-0014","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article presents a list of English–Turkish cognates and false cognates which was compiled from a corpus of over 80,000 words in dictionary entries. The list contains 2411 English words that are either cognates or false cognates in Turkish. It was revealed that there are at least 1287 cognates, excluding all proper nouns of people, places, and things; and 1124 false cognates, 96 of which share at least one sense of meaning in each language, and thus are partial false cognates. The total number of English–Turkish cognates and false cognates suggests that cognate status between the two languages is around 3%. For cognates, the rate is 1.6%, and for false cognates the rate is 1.2%. The current database of English–Turkish cognates and false cognates can be used to prepare reading texts that contain words from the list presented here, and to investigate how they affect reading comprehension, guessing from context, and language learning or processing of a language issues. It can be also used as a resource for researchers investigating the bilinguals of English and Turkish, and learners who study Turkish and/or English as a second or foreign language. The list provides a useful basis for further research into the lexical, linguistic, and psychological issues.","PeriodicalId":43804,"journal":{"name":"Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics","volume":"123 9 1","pages":"325 - 327"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80469546","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Adopting a socio-pragmatic view on linguistic choices, this study aims to show how proper names come to function as an ideologically-significant resource for identity construction, impression management, and the negotiation of meaning-making. Drawing upon twelve opening addresses from the penalty phase of capital trials, the research identifies the forms, functions and frequencies of the naming choices that the prosecution and defense use to reference the defendants and victims. The findings reveal characteristic patterns in the two sides’ speeches both in terms of the naming choices and purposes for which such choices are (not) used. It is argued that, despite the defense’s attempts to neutralize the damaging effects, this value-laden practice potentially construes distance and exaggerates differences between the person on trial and the victims, and shapes the relationship between the defendant and jury in such a way that hinders empathy and understanding, thereby becoming one of the aggravating factors itself.
{"title":"Naming as doing: Identities, positioning, and ideologies in capital trials","authors":"Krisda Chaemsaithong","doi":"10.1515/psicl-2021-0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/psicl-2021-0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Adopting a socio-pragmatic view on linguistic choices, this study aims to show how proper names come to function as an ideologically-significant resource for identity construction, impression management, and the negotiation of meaning-making. Drawing upon twelve opening addresses from the penalty phase of capital trials, the research identifies the forms, functions and frequencies of the naming choices that the prosecution and defense use to reference the defendants and victims. The findings reveal characteristic patterns in the two sides’ speeches both in terms of the naming choices and purposes for which such choices are (not) used. It is argued that, despite the defense’s attempts to neutralize the damaging effects, this value-laden practice potentially construes distance and exaggerates differences between the person on trial and the victims, and shapes the relationship between the defendant and jury in such a way that hinders empathy and understanding, thereby becoming one of the aggravating factors itself.","PeriodicalId":43804,"journal":{"name":"Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics","volume":"57 1","pages":"195 - 220"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81844523","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The purpose of this article is to demonstrate that English spatial particles which have grammaticalised into telic aspectualisers are not devoid of the image schematic content, which motivates their use in specific contexts. Because aspectual meaning, including telicity, is compositional in nature, which means that it frequently results from the interaction of several linguistic features, it is vital to single out those predicates in which the telicity effect can be attributed solely to the particle, not any other elements of the construction. This can be implemented by adopting the scalar approach, which shows that telicity is entailed by the particle exclusively in a predicate containing an incremental theme verb. Accordingly, the incremental theme verb burn and its five telic particles (up, down, out, off and away) constitute the subject of investigation. The analysis demonstrates that each particle encodes telicity in terms of reaching the GOAL in the SOURCE-PATH-GOAL schema. Conceptual differences in encoding the termination of the burning process result from topological properties of the path construed by each particle under study.
{"title":"Between spatial domain and grammatical meaning: The semantic content of English telic particles","authors":"E. Konieczna","doi":"10.1515/psicl-2021-0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/psicl-2021-0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The purpose of this article is to demonstrate that English spatial particles which have grammaticalised into telic aspectualisers are not devoid of the image schematic content, which motivates their use in specific contexts. Because aspectual meaning, including telicity, is compositional in nature, which means that it frequently results from the interaction of several linguistic features, it is vital to single out those predicates in which the telicity effect can be attributed solely to the particle, not any other elements of the construction. This can be implemented by adopting the scalar approach, which shows that telicity is entailed by the particle exclusively in a predicate containing an incremental theme verb. Accordingly, the incremental theme verb burn and its five telic particles (up, down, out, off and away) constitute the subject of investigation. The analysis demonstrates that each particle encodes telicity in terms of reaching the GOAL in the SOURCE-PATH-GOAL schema. Conceptual differences in encoding the termination of the burning process result from topological properties of the path construed by each particle under study.","PeriodicalId":43804,"journal":{"name":"Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics","volume":"9 1","pages":"139 - 163"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87679855","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}