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Omotic Lexicon in Its Afro-Asiatic Setting IX: Further Addenda to the Omotic Roots with *b- + Sibilants (Part 2) 非洲-亚洲背景下的 Omotic 词典 IX:带有 *b- + Sibilants 的 Omotic 词根的进一步增补(第 2 部分)
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-12-20 DOI: 10.1556/062.2023.00367
Gábor Takács
The paper constitutes part of a long-range series aiming, step by step, to identify the inherited Afro-Asiatic stock in the etymologically little explored lexicon of the Omotic (West Ethiopia) branch of the Afro-Asiatic family displaying the least of shared traits among the six branches of this macrofamily, which suggests a most ancient Omotic desintegration reaching far back to the age of post-Natufian neolithic.
这篇论文是长期系列论文的一部分,旨在逐步确定非洲--亚洲语系中奥莫提(埃塞俄比亚西部)语支词源学探索甚少的继承的非洲--亚洲语种,该语支在这一大家族的六个分支中显示出最少的共同特征,这表明奥莫提语支的解体可以追溯到最古老的后纳图菲新石器时代。
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引用次数: 0
Tangut 'ja¹ as a Constituent Question Particle Tangut 'ja¹ 作为构成问题的粒子
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-12-08 DOI: 10.1556/062.2023.00293
Yue Ji
The Tangut character 'ja¹ (#1718) is usually glossed as Chin. nuò 诺 ‘(to) promise; yes’ in dictionaries. Given the fact that it does occur in rhetorical questions, this article argues that Tangut 'ja¹ is instead a constituent question particle and thus not restricted in rhetorical use. The conclusion is based on a detailed philological investigation, employing multilingual parallel texts where applicable. Comparisons with other Qiangic languages reveal several candidates for cognates. Nonetheless, their similarity is more likely to be an areal typological feature, rather than an etymological relation.
切线字符“ja”(#1718)通常被涂成“china”。Nuò (to) promise;是的,在字典里。鉴于它确实出现在反问句中,本文认为tangant 'ja¹是一个构成反问句的助词,因此不受修辞使用的限制。结论是基于详细的语言学调查,在适用的情况下采用多语言平行文本。与其他羌语的比较揭示了几个同源词的候选词。尽管如此,它们的相似性更可能是一种真正的类型学特征,而不是词源学关系。
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引用次数: 0
A Plea for Chivalry in Hašt Bihišt VI: Restoring Sermon 11 of ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib Hašt Bihišt 中对骑士精神的呼吁 VI:恢复 ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib 的布道 11
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-12-07 DOI: 10.1556/062.2023.00361
Mustafa Dehqan
The important role that the Hašt Bihišt VI of Idrīs Bidlīsī (1457–1520) and the detailed accounts he devoted to the reign of Murād II (1421–1444; 1446–1451) played in the development of early modern Ottoman historiography cannot be denied. Although the work was popular in the Ottoman world, especially its court circles, where its handsome copies were avidly produced, it was never prepared as a critical edition in its original Persian in the modern Ottoman studies departments. The following discussion concentrates on an editorial emendation that shows the carelessness of Bidlīsī in the transmission of his quotations. The formation of the Sufi and Shiite elements within Book VI of Hašt Bihišt is only briefly discussed.
伊德拉斯·比德·罗斯(1457-1520)的Hašt Bihišt六世(1457-1520)的重要作用和他对Murād二世(1421-1444)统治的详细记载;(1446-1451)在早期现代奥斯曼帝国史学的发展中发挥了不可否认的作用。尽管这部作品在奥斯曼世界很受欢迎,尤其是在宫廷圈子里,它的精美副本被热切地制作出来,但在现代奥斯曼研究部门,它从未被准备成波斯语原版的批评版本。下面的讨论集中在一个编辑的修订,显示了在他的引文传输粗心。苏菲派和什叶派在Hašt Bihišt第六卷的形成只是简单的讨论。
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引用次数: 0
On Kings Who Drove Back the Sea: Shipping, Seafaring and Naval Campaigns in the Early Cēra Kingdom 论赶海的国王:塞拉王国早期的航运、航海和海战
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-12-05 DOI: 10.1556/062.2023.00291
Roland Ferenczi
This study aims to answer the question whether the ancient Cēra kings sailed the seas and, if so, whether their technology was suitable for crossing the Indian Ocean, while it tries to summarize what we know about shipbuilding in ancient Southwest India. On the following pages, an attempt is made to introduce the most important passages of the Old Tamil Caṅkam literary sources in order to analyse their data in the light of Greek and Latin sources, and of Indian and Mediterranean inscriptions. It can be concluded that although inscriptions of Tamil traders can be found from Egypt to Thailand, and the Cēra kings built a maritime fleet for probably the first time in the history of ancient South India in order to punish their enemy, the kaṭampu tribe by sailing on the seas, their nautical contribution to the long-distance trade of the Arabian Sea as well as their engagement in coastal shipping can be classified as moderate and incidental in the antiquity.
本研究旨在回答古代Cēra国王是否航行海洋,如果是这样,他们的技术是否适合穿越印度洋,同时它试图总结我们对古代印度西南部造船的了解。在以下几页中,我们试图介绍古泰米尔Caṅkam文献来源中最重要的段落,以便根据希腊和拉丁文献来源以及印度和地中海的铭文分析它们的数据。由此可以得出结论,虽然从埃及到泰国都可以找到泰米尔商人的碑文,并且Cēra国王可能是古代南印度历史上第一次为了惩罚他们的敌人kaṭampu部落而建立了海上舰队,但他们对阿拉伯海长途贸易的航海贡献以及他们对沿海航运的参与在古代可以归类为中等和偶然。
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引用次数: 0
On Some Glyphs of Khitan Small Script 论契丹小楷的一些字形
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-12-04 DOI: 10.1556/062.2023.00308
Daruhan Peng
In 2017, Further Research on Khitan Small Script was published, which revised and summarized the phonetic value of 300 glyphs. However, with the discovery of new materials and an increasing number of researchers, new progress has been made in the reconstruction of Khitan small script. This paper aims to introduce the latest research results on the reconstruction of 8 glyphs in Khitan small script.
2017年出版《契丹小字再研究》,对300个字形的音值进行了修订和总结。然而,随着新材料的发现和研究人员的不断增加,契丹小书的重建工作取得了新的进展。本文旨在介绍契丹小书8个象形文字重建的最新研究成果。
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引用次数: 0
An Example of Old Uyghur’s Use of Chinese: Interpretation of a Colophon to the Qianziwen in the Berlin Turfan Collection 老维吾尔人使用汉语的一个例子:解读柏林吐鲁番藏品中《千字文》的题记
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-24 DOI: 10.1556/062.2023.00341
A. Yakup
Ancient Turfan was an important crossroad of languages and scripts on the Northern Silk Road where various languages and scripts coexisted simultaneously. This point is strongly supported by the diversity of languages and scripts attested in the texts discovered in the region and the complex relation between languages and scripts as well as the language use. This paper first examines a colophon to the Chinese premier Qianziwen 千字文 kept in the Berlin Turfan Collection with the shelf number Ch 3716 (T II Y 62) which clearly followed the syntax of Old Uyghur, and then reconstructs the text with the assumption that the text was read in Old Uyghur. After briefly discussing some aspects of Old Uyghur’s use of the Qianziwen, this paper examines another Chinese colophon in the same manuscript. The main aim is to illustrate some aspects of Old Uyghur’s use of Chinese in medieval Turfan.
古代吐鲁番是北方丝绸之路上语言和文字的重要交汇点,各种语言和文字同时并存。在该地区发现的文字中,语言和文字的多样性以及语言和文字之间复杂的关系和语言的使用都有力地证明了这一点。本文首先研究了柏林吐鲁番藏品中保存的、书架编号为 Ch 3716(T II Y 62)的《千字文》序跋,该序跋明显采用了旧维吾尔语的句法,然后在假设该文本是用旧维吾尔语阅读的前提下重建了该文本。在简要讨论了老维吾尔语使用《千字文》的一些方面之后,本文研究了同一手稿中的另一个汉语题记。主要目的是说明中世纪吐鲁番老维吾尔人使用汉语的某些方面。
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引用次数: 0
Some Remarks on the Proto-Middle Persian Inscription Persis 2 and the Oblique Case 关于原中古波斯铭文 Persis 2 和斜体的一些评论
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-23 DOI: 10.1556/062.2023.00371
Marco Fattori
This article deals with a pre-Sasanian inscription written in Middle Persian script recently published by N. Sims-Williams, who named it ‘Persis 2’. First, some observations on the reading and interpretation of the text are proposed. Then, it is argued that the instances of final -y in this inscription could correspond to a phonetic notation of the oblique singular ending -ē, hitherto only reconstructed for proto-Middle Persian. Finally, a discussion on the origin of heterographic writing with respect to the graphical representation of Iranian morphological endings is proposed, in the attempt to explain why a final -y for the ending -ē is not regularly noted in all the comparable documents from the middle Arsacid period.
本文论述的是 N. Sims-Williams 最近发表的以中波斯文字书写的前萨珊人碑文,他将其命名为 "波斯 2"。首先,本文提出了对该文本阅读和解释的一些看法。然后,论证了该碑文中的词尾-y可能对应于斜单数词尾-ē的音标,迄今为止,仅重建了原中波斯语的斜单数词尾-ē。最后,本文还讨论了与伊朗语形态词尾的图形表示有关的异形书写的起源,试图解释为什么在阿尔萨斯王朝中期的所有可比文献中,词尾-ē的最后-y并不经常出现。
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引用次数: 0
On the Armenian – Kartvelian Loan Contacts: Words with Initial *γw- 亚美尼亚语 - 卡尔特维里亚语借贷联系:带首字母 *γw- 的单词
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-22 DOI: 10.1556/062.2023.00296
Zsolt Simon
Four Proto-Kartvelian words with initial *γw- are traditionally held to be borrowings from either Proto-Indo-European or Proto-Armenian. Based on recent progress in Indo-European and Kartvelian linguistics, this paper argues that all four proposed PIE loanwords in PK are untenable; two out of these cannot be Proto-Armenian loanwords either. The third one, the word for ‘wine’, could be a Proto-Armenian loan in PK, but it has formal problems and the alternative proposed here, a Proto-Zan loan in Proto-Armenian, provides a more regular solution. Combined with the last case (the word for ‘juniper’), which also receives a regular solution only as a Proto-Zan loan, we have two Proto-Zan loans in Proto-Armenian instead of PIE/Proto-Armenian loans in Proto-Kartvelian.
四个以*γw-开头的原卡尔特维里语单词传统上被认为是从原印欧语或原亚美尼亚语借来的。根据印欧语系和卡尔特维里亚语系语言学的最新进展,本文认为在 PK 中提出的四个 PIE 借词都是站不住脚的;其中两个也不可能是原亚美尼亚语借词。第三个借词 "酒 "可能是 PK 中的原亚美尼亚语借词,但它存在形式上的问题,而本文提出的替代方案--原亚美尼亚语中的原赞语借词--则提供了一个更正规的解决方案。最后一个例子("杜松 "一词)也只能作为原-赞语的借词而得到正规的解决方案,因此我们在原-亚美尼亚语中有两个原-赞语的借词,而不是在原-卡尔特维里亚语中有 PIE/Proto-Armenian 语的借词。
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引用次数: 0
The Old Turkic Title Buyruq Reconsidered 重新考虑古老的突厥语称谓 "布依鲁克
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-20 DOI: 10.1556/062.2023.00278
H. İ. Erkoç
First attested among the administrative titles used in the Türk Qaghanate, the Old Turkic title Buyruq was used by various Eurasian steppe peoples and polities from the 6th to the 13th centuries. In this paper, examples of the title Buyruq seen in historical sources are identified and examined, while different views put forth by modern scholars up to the present day are also brought together. Apparently, instead of indicating a fixed ministerial office or a commandership, this title, generally understood as meaning ‘having received an order’, indicates a position for dignitaries that was bestowed by rulers upon officials who were holding numerous administrative titles and were also tasked with certain duties by their rulers.
古突厥语称谓 Buyruq 最早出现在土尔扈特汗国使用的行政称谓中,从 6 世纪到 13 世纪,欧亚草原上的各个民族和政体都在使用这一称谓。本文对历史资料中出现的布依鲁克头衔实例进行了辨认和研究,同时还汇集了现代学者至今提出的不同观点。显然,这个头衔并不表示一个固定的大臣职位或指挥官职位,它一般被理解为 "接受命令 "的意思,表示统治者授予那些拥有众多行政头衔并被其统治者赋予某些职责的官员的一个显要职位。
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引用次数: 0
Nutmeg and the Identity of Chinese Rou doukou 肉豆蔻与中国肉豆口的身份
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-08-21 DOI: 10.1556/062.2023.00270
S. G. Haw
The Chinese term rou doukou has generally been taken to mean ‘nutmeg’. This identification dates from the nineteenth century. However, there is reason to think that rou doukou was originally not nutmeg, but the fruits of a plant of the ginger family, Zingiberaceae. Early descriptions and illustrations of rou doukou are clearly not of nutmeg: in Chinese pharmacopoeias, it is usually listed with herbs, not trees. The earliest reference to nutmeg is probably in the Zhu fan zhi of 1225. However, most Chinese references to rou doukou long after that date still refer to a plant of the ginger family.
肉豆蔻一词通常被认为是“肉豆蔻”的意思。这种鉴定可以追溯到19世纪。然而,有理由认为肉豆蔻最初不是肉豆蔻,而是姜科植物的果实。肉豆蔻的早期描述和插图显然不是肉豆蔻:在中国药典中,肉豆蔻通常被列为草药,而不是树木。关于肉豆蔻最早的记载可能是1225年的《朱藩志》。然而,在那个日期很久之后,大多数中国人提到的肉豆口仍然是指姜科的一种植物。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae
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