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China’s viral villages: Digital nationalism and the COVID-19 crisis on online video-sharing platform Bilibili 中国病毒村:在线视频共享平台Bilibili上的数字民族主义和新冠肺炎危机
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/20570473211048029
F. Schneider
When the COVID-19 virus broke out in China, foreign observers speculated whether the Chinese leadership was facing its ‘Chernobyl Moment’. China’s leadership, however, defied foreign expectations about its ostensibly floundering legitimacy and instead turned the crisis into a national success story. This article explores the role that digital media played in cementing this success, specifically how various actors mobilized nationalist sentiments and discourses on the online video-sharing platform Bilibili. By focusing on visual discourses, online commentaries, and the affordances of the digital platform, the article analyses the role that ‘hip’ and youthful content played in the authorities’ attempts to guiding online audiences to rally around the flag. The results of these efforts were viral villages of community sentiment that created strong incentives for conformity, and in which the official party line was able to reverberate with pop-culture memes and popular nationalism.
当新冠肺炎病毒在中国爆发时,外国观察人士猜测中国领导层是否面临“切尔诺贝利时刻”。然而,中国的领导层无视外国对其表面上摇摇欲坠的合法性的期望,反而将这场危机变成了一个全国性的成功故事。本文探讨了数字媒体在巩固这一成功中所发挥的作用,特别是各种行动者如何在在线视频共享平台哔哩哔哩上动员民族主义情绪和话语。通过关注视觉话语、在线评论和数字平台的可供性,文章分析了“时髦”和年轻内容在当局试图引导在线观众团结在国旗周围的过程中发挥的作用。这些努力的结果是社区情绪的病毒式村庄,为顺从创造了强有力的激励,官方的政党路线能够与流行文化模因和流行民族主义产生共鸣。
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引用次数: 11
Media diversity and the analysis of qualitative variation 媒介多样性与质变分析
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/20570473211006481
David Deacon, J. Stanyer
Diversity is recognised as a significant criterion for appraising the democratic performance of media systems. This article begins by considering key conceptual debates that help differentiate types and levels of diversity. It then addresses a core methodological challenge in measuring diversity: how do we model statistical variation and difference when many measures of source and content diversity only attain the nominal level of measurement? We identify a range of obscure statistical indices developed in other fields that measure the strength of ‘qualitative variation’. Using original data, we compare the performance of five diversity indices and, on this basis, propose the creation of a more effective diversity average measure. The article concludes by outlining innovative strategies for drawing statistical inferences from these measures, using bootstrapping and permutation testing resampling. All statistical procedures are supported by a unique online resource developed for this article.
多样性被公认为评价媒体系统民主表现的重要标准。本文首先考虑有助于区分多样性类型和水平的关键概念辩论。然后,它解决了衡量多样性的一个核心方法挑战:当许多来源和内容多样性的衡量标准仅达到名义衡量水平时,我们如何对统计变化和差异进行建模?我们确定了一系列在其他领域开发的模糊统计指数,这些指数衡量“定性变化”的强度。使用原始数据,我们比较了五个多样性指数的性能,并在此基础上提出了一个更有效的多样性平均测度。文章最后概述了使用自举和排列测试重采样从这些度量中得出统计推断的创新策略。所有统计程序都有一个为本文开发的独特在线资源支持。
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引用次数: 2
The BTS sphere: Adorable Representative M.C. for Youth’s transnational cyber-nationalism on social media BTS领域:社交媒体上青年跨国网络民族主义的可爱代表M.C
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/20570473211046733
D. Jin
BTS fandom has been one of the strongest, and many Adorable Representative M.C. for Youth members have dedicated themselves to protect BTS from numerous controversies, while promoting the group’s messages, which can be identified as cyber-nationalism. By employing a critical discourse analysis on BTS fans’ social media posts and their online activities surrounding a few incidents, this article attempts to develop cyber-nationalism in the context of the BTS fandom. It investigates the formation of transnational cyber-nationalism, and then discusses how Adorable Representative M.C. for Youth members as citizens in the BTS nation utilize cyberspace, in particular, social media, not only to form alliances but also to protect BTS from any critical points of view. Finally, it articulates how transnational cyber-nationalism in tandem with BTS has shifted the notion of cyber-nationalism, which can be identified as negative, even patriotic parochialism, into constructive and socio-culturally corrected cyber-movements.
BTS的粉丝群一直是最强大的,许多可爱的青年代表M.C.成员致力于保护BTS免受众多争议,同时宣传该团体的信息,这可以被视为网络民族主义。本文通过对BTS粉丝在社交媒体上的帖子及其围绕几起事件的网络活动进行批判性话语分析,试图在BTS粉丝群体的背景下发展网络民族主义。它调查了跨国网络民族主义的形成,然后讨论了作为BTS国家公民的青年可爱代表M.C.如何利用网络空间,特别是社交媒体,不仅结成联盟,而且保护BTS免受任何批评。最后,它阐述了跨国网络民族主义与BTS如何将网络民族主义的概念转变为建设性的、社会文化纠正的网络运动,网络民族主义可以被视为消极的,甚至是爱国的狭隘主义。
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引用次数: 6
The curious absence of cybernationalism in Latin America: Lessons for the study of digital sovereignty and governance 拉丁美洲奇怪的网络民族主义缺失:数字主权和治理研究的经验教训
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/20570473211046730
Martín Becerra, S. Waisbord
In this article, we are interested in examining the factors that drive cybernationalism and digital governance in media policies. As scholars with a long-standing interest in media industries and policies in Latin America, we start with a simple empirical observation: the curious absence of debates and strong efforts to regulate digital media in the region grounded on nationalistic arguments. It is not exaggerated to affirm that for the past two decades, the region has largely adopted a laissez-faire, deregulatory approach on fundamental issues about the structure and functioning of the Internet, including the performance of global digital platforms, content traffic, data ownership and access, and speech. We believe that understanding the decades-long transition from nationalistic media regulations to pragmatism in digital policies in Latin America yields valuable insights for theorizing the conditions that foster (and discourage) nationalism and sovereignty in digital policies.
在这篇文章中,我们感兴趣的是研究媒体政策中推动网络民族主义和数字治理的因素。作为对拉丁美洲媒体产业和政策有着长期兴趣的学者,我们从一个简单的实证观察开始:奇怪的是,该地区缺乏基于民族主义论点的辩论和监管数字媒体的有力努力。可以毫不夸张地肯定,在过去的二十年里,该地区在互联网结构和功能的基本问题上,包括全球数字平台的性能、内容流量、数据所有权和访问以及言论,基本上采取了自由放任、放松管制的做法。我们认为,了解拉丁美洲数十年来从民族主义媒体监管到数字政策实用主义的转变,可以为理论化数字政策中助长(和劝阻)民族主义和主权的条件提供宝贵的见解。
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引用次数: 3
“Give me Liberty or Give me Covid-19”: Anti-lockdown protesters were never Trump puppets “给我自由还是给我新冠肺炎”:反封锁抗议者从来都不是特朗普的傀儡
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/2057047320969433
J. Schradie
Dismissing conservative participants in protests as duped fools or ranting ideologues who have fallen prey to fake news is a dangerous reaction that fails to recognize the essential and grassroots role they play in profoundly effective conservative messaging that continues to outfox progressive information campaigns. This article uses the collective action against Covid-19 stay-at-home orders and mask requirements as an example of the broader arguments in the book, The Revolution That Wasn’t: How Digital Activism Favors Conservatives (Harvard University Press, 2019).
将抗议活动中的保守派参与者斥为上当受骗的傻瓜或成为假新闻牺牲品的咆哮的理论家是一种危险的反应,因为他们没有认识到他们在极其有效的保守派信息传递中所扮演的重要和草根角色,而保守派信息继续击败进步的信息运动。本文以反对新冠肺炎居家令和口罩要求的集体行动为例,阐述了《没有的革命:数字激进主义如何有利于保守派》(哈佛大学出版社,2019)一书中更广泛的论点。
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引用次数: 7
DRAG THEM: A brief etymology of so-called “cancel culture” DRAG THEM:所谓“取消文化”的简要词源
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/2057047320961562
Meredith D. Clark
The term “cancel culture” has significant implications for defining discourses of digital and social media activism. In this essay, I briefly interrogate the evolution of digital accountability praxis as performed by Black Twitter, a meta-network of culturally linked communities online. I trace the practice of the social media callout from its roots in Black vernacular tradition to its misappropriation in the digital age by social elites, arguing that the application of useful anger by minoritized people and groups has been effectively harnessed in social media spaces as a strategy for networked framing of extant social problems. This strategy is challenged, however, by the dominant culture’s ability to narrativize the process of being “canceled” as a moral panic with the potential to upset the concept of a limited public sphere.
“取消文化”一词对定义数字和社交媒体激进主义的话语具有重要意义。在这篇文章中,我简要地询问了黑人推特(一个由文化联系的在线社区组成的元网络)所执行的数字问责实践的演变。我追溯了社交媒体喊话的做法,从其根源于黑人本土传统,到其在数字时代被社会精英挪用,认为少数民族和群体利用有用的愤怒在社交媒体空间中得到了有效利用,作为对现存社会问题进行网络化框架的策略。然而,主流文化将被“取消”的过程描述为一种道德恐慌,有可能颠覆有限公共领域的概念,这一策略受到了挑战。
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引用次数: 88
Keeping it peaceful: Twitter and the Gezi Park movement 保持和平:Twitter和Gezi公园运动
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/2057047320959852
Fatih Demir, Mehmet F. Bastug, Aziz Douai
Over the last decade, social media platforms have become the leading communication tools for activists and protesters all over the world. Understanding protesters’ motivations and reasons for using social media is a challenging issue for researchers. In this article, we analyzed the use of Twitter during the anti-governmental protests in Istanbul that was launched in May 2013. We examined 13,794 tweets posted to the #direngeziparki hashtag over a 6-day period. Based on the results of a qualitative content coding of the tweets, we found that the Twitter platform was widely used to mobilize protesters, share information about the events, and express opinions about the policing of the protests. We argue that social media can help keep protests peaceful by preventing vandalism, informing the protesters about extremist or violent groups participating in the protests, and can help them to avoid engaging in violent acts against police forces.
在过去的十年里,社交媒体平台已成为世界各地活动人士和抗议者的主要沟通工具。了解抗议者使用社交媒体的动机和原因对研究人员来说是一个具有挑战性的问题。在这篇文章中,我们分析了2013年5月在伊斯坦布尔发起的反政府抗议活动中推特的使用情况。我们在6天的时间里检查了#direngezparki标签上发布的13794条推文。根据推文的定性内容编码结果,我们发现推特平台被广泛用于动员抗议者,分享有关事件的信息,并表达对抗议活动治安的意见。我们认为,社交媒体可以通过防止蓄意破坏、向抗议者通报参与抗议活动的极端主义或暴力团体来帮助保持抗议活动的和平,并可以帮助他们避免参与针对警察部队的暴力行为。
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引用次数: 0
Detecting astroturf lobbying movements 探测人造草坪游说运动
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/2057047320969435
Brieuc Lits
Astroturf lobbying refers to the simulation of grassroots support for or against a public policy. The objective of this tactic is for private interests to pretend they have public support for their cause. However, omitting to disclose the real sponsor of a message renders the communication unauthentic and undermines democratic and pluralist values. This article seeks to develop a method to detect astroturf movements based on emphasis framing analysis. The hypothesis is that astroturf groups employ different frames than genuine grassroots movements to comply with the private interests they truly represent. The results of the case study on the shale gas exploration debate in the United States show that astroturf groups used frames that differed significantly from authentic non-governmental organizations, which allowed their detection.
Astrosurf游说是指模拟基层支持或反对公共政策。这种策略的目的是让私人利益假装他们的事业得到了公众的支持。然而,不披露信息的真正发起人会使通信不真实,并破坏民主和多元价值观。本文试图开发一种基于强调框架分析的天体草皮运动检测方法。假设是,人造草皮团体采用了与真正的草根运动不同的框架,以符合他们真正代表的私人利益。关于美国页岩气勘探辩论的案例研究结果表明,人造草皮组织使用的框架与允许其探测的真正非政府组织有很大不同。
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引用次数: 4
Algorithmic precarity in cultural work 文化工作中的算法不稳定性
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/2057047320959855
B. Duffy
While work in the media and cultural industries has long been considered precarious, the processes and logics of platformization have injected new sources of instability into the creative labor economy. Among the sources of such insecurity are platforms’ algorithms, which structure the production, circulation, and consumption of cultural content in capricious, enigmatic, even biased ways. Accordingly, cultural producers’ conditions and experiences are increasingly wrought by their understandings—and moreover their anticipation—of platforms’ ever-evolving algorithmic systems. Against this backdrop, I urge fellow researchers of digital culture and society to consider how this mode of “algorithmic precarity” exacerbates the instability of cultural work in the platform era. Considering the volatility of algorithms and the wider cross-platform ecology can help us to develop critical interventions into a creative economy marked by a profoundly uneven allocation of power between platforms and the laborers who populate—and increasingly—power them.
虽然媒体和文化产业的工作一直被认为是不稳定的,但平台化的过程和逻辑给创造性劳动经济注入了新的不稳定因素。这种不安全感的来源之一是平台的算法,它以反复无常、神秘甚至有偏见的方式构建文化内容的生产、流通和消费。因此,文化生产者的条件和经验越来越多地受到他们对平台不断发展的算法系统的理解和期望的影响。在这种背景下,我敦促数字文化和社会的研究人员考虑这种“算法不稳定性”模式如何加剧了平台时代文化工作的不稳定性。考虑到算法的波动性和更广泛的跨平台生态,可以帮助我们对创造性经济进行关键的干预,这种经济的特征是平台和劳动者之间的权力分配极不平衡,而这些劳动者为平台提供了越来越多的权力。
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引用次数: 36
Introduction to Special Forum on Digital Culture and Society 数位文化与社会特别论坛简介
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/2057047320969434
Guobin Yang
The 10 essays in this special forum were based on presentations at two recent conferences. The essays by Min Jiang and Francis Lee were their keynote speeches delivered at the preconference on “Social Media, Algorithms, News, and Public Engagements in the Asia-Pacific and Beyond” of the 2020 annual conference of International Communication Association. The other essays were presented at the “Symposium on Social Justice and the Remaking of Technological Cultures” organized by the Center on Digital Culture and Society at University of Pennsylvania.
本次特别论坛的10篇文章是基于最近两次会议上的演讲。这篇文章是蒋敏和Francis Lee在国际传播协会2020年年会“亚太及其他地区的社交媒体、算法、新闻和公共参与”的会前发表的主题演讲。其他论文在宾夕法尼亚大学数字文化与社会中心举办的“社会正义与技术文化重塑研讨会”上发表。
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引用次数: 0
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Communication and the Public
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