Pub Date : 2019-12-01DOI: 10.1177/2057047319895448
Gökçe Özsu, F. Binark
Turkey and China are the countries that established their relations in the shadow of their ideological affiliation. Turkey constructed its multi-partied democratic regime as an implementation of Western-based democracy. However, this has not granted EU full-membership to the country, and Turkey has initiated alternative allies since mid 2000s. This shift of axis has turned into more enthusiasm after the failed coup d’état of 15 July 2016. The purpose of this study is to reveal how Turkish mainstream newspapers represent the Chinese alternative globalization project, “The Belt and Road Initiative” which was introduced in 2013 by General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, Xi Jinping. In order to frame the background information, we will first introduce the aims of the Belt and Road Initiative, and then summarize Turkey’s relation to China from two aspects: political and economic concerns. Following the overview of Turko-Sino relationship, we will focus on the Justice and Development Party’s foreign policy to grasp its pragmatic concern in relation to the Belt and Road Initiative. Based on the contextualization of Turko-Sino relations, we will conduct thematic content analysis of the news on the Belt and Road Initiative from May to July 2017 in mainstream Turkish newspapers. Our analysis brings into question how Turkish press relocates the Belt and Road Initiative with respect to Turkey’s political and economic concerns about China’s alternative globalism, Turkish foreign policy seeking for new allies as alternatives for the Western counterparts, and thus we will examine President Erdoğan’s influence on Turkish foreign policy. Based on our findings, we will discuss the reasons for insufficient coverage of the Belt and Road Initiative in Turkish mainstream newspapers.
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Pub Date : 2019-12-01DOI: 10.1177/2057047319896488
A. Laskin
Propaganda is a centuries-old term, and yet scholars and practitioners are still having a hard time defining it and pinpointing what makes propaganda unique. Many existing definitions fail to distinguish between propaganda and marketing, public relations, advertising, or even mass communications, in general. This essay proposes to define propaganda through psychoanalytical research pioneered by Erich Fromm on symbiotic relations. Symbiotic relations, when transferred from biology to psychology and sociology, describe a process of allowing a person to merge with something big and important, therefore creating meaning beyond an individual’s life. As a result, following its religious roots, propaganda acts similar to religion—asking for a sacrifice of individualism in the name of something bigger—god, country, society, or political party. In the end, people willingly engage in propaganda because, although sacrificing something, they receive unity with the bigger powers of other people, organizations, political parties, countries, and so on. As a result, such persons are not alone against the world; they are now a part of a bigger and stronger union.
{"title":"Defining propaganda: A psychoanalytic perspective","authors":"A. Laskin","doi":"10.1177/2057047319896488","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2057047319896488","url":null,"abstract":"Propaganda is a centuries-old term, and yet scholars and practitioners are still having a hard time defining it and pinpointing what makes propaganda unique. Many existing definitions fail to distinguish between propaganda and marketing, public relations, advertising, or even mass communications, in general. This essay proposes to define propaganda through psychoanalytical research pioneered by Erich Fromm on symbiotic relations. Symbiotic relations, when transferred from biology to psychology and sociology, describe a process of allowing a person to merge with something big and important, therefore creating meaning beyond an individual’s life. As a result, following its religious roots, propaganda acts similar to religion—asking for a sacrifice of individualism in the name of something bigger—god, country, society, or political party. In the end, people willingly engage in propaganda because, although sacrificing something, they receive unity with the bigger powers of other people, organizations, political parties, countries, and so on. As a result, such persons are not alone against the world; they are now a part of a bigger and stronger union.","PeriodicalId":44233,"journal":{"name":"Communication and the Public","volume":"4 1","pages":"305 - 314"},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/2057047319896488","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47116166","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-01DOI: 10.1177/2057047319896672
Zhan Zhang, G. Negro
Six years have passed since China unveiled the Belt and Road Initiative (Yidai Yilu一带一路, formally called One Belt One Road), which was initiated to reconnect China with countries in Asia, Middle East, Europe, and Africa and to improve regional cooperation through better connectivity, enhanced trade exchange, and shared opportunity. By understanding the importance of Europe as the destination of both the “Belt”—a more developed inland connectivity and the “Road”—a more enhanced sea routes network; and observing the mixed information flow of acceptance—resistance, cooperation—dispute, and agreement—disagreement in different countries along the silk road, China Media Observatory of Institute of Media and Journalism, Faculty of Communication Sciences, at Università della Svizzera Italiana (Lugano) is editing this special symposium as a collection of the papers include studies of different media narratives that shape public understanding of Belt and Road Initiative and discuss how Belt and Road Initiative and China’s vision of connecting different stakeholders for international collaborations are reported in both legacy news media and social media.
{"title":"Introduction: Exploring flows and counter-flows of information along the New Silk Road","authors":"Zhan Zhang, G. Negro","doi":"10.1177/2057047319896672","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2057047319896672","url":null,"abstract":"Six years have passed since China unveiled the Belt and Road Initiative (Yidai Yilu一带一路, formally called One Belt One Road), which was initiated to reconnect China with countries in Asia, Middle East, Europe, and Africa and to improve regional cooperation through better connectivity, enhanced trade exchange, and shared opportunity. By understanding the importance of Europe as the destination of both the “Belt”—a more developed inland connectivity and the “Road”—a more enhanced sea routes network; and observing the mixed information flow of acceptance—resistance, cooperation—dispute, and agreement—disagreement in different countries along the silk road, China Media Observatory of Institute of Media and Journalism, Faculty of Communication Sciences, at Università della Svizzera Italiana (Lugano) is editing this special symposium as a collection of the papers include studies of different media narratives that shape public understanding of Belt and Road Initiative and discuss how Belt and Road Initiative and China’s vision of connecting different stakeholders for international collaborations are reported in both legacy news media and social media.","PeriodicalId":44233,"journal":{"name":"Communication and the Public","volume":"4 1","pages":"255 - 260"},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/2057047319896672","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47541908","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-01DOI: 10.1177/2057047319894654
Fan Liang
The New Silk Road has been considered as China’s core foreign policy since 2013. This initiative is paralleled by the expansion of China’s official media on Western networking platforms like Facebook and Twitter. These projects indicate China’s ambitious plans for promoting its hard power and soft power. This study examines the news production and framing of the New Silk Road by China’s official media on Facebook, as well as predictors for explaining audience engagement with these news outlets. By examining 43,239 posts relating to the national initiative, this study finds that China’s media build distinct news topics and sentiments for the New Silk Road and countries involved in the policy to achieve the official goal of “spreading China’s voices.” Moreover, news topics and sentiment play significant roles in encouraging Facebook users to like, share, and comment on news stories about the New Silk Road.
{"title":"The New Silk Road on Facebook: How China’s official media cover and frame a national initiative for global audiences","authors":"Fan Liang","doi":"10.1177/2057047319894654","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2057047319894654","url":null,"abstract":"The New Silk Road has been considered as China’s core foreign policy since 2013. This initiative is paralleled by the expansion of China’s official media on Western networking platforms like Facebook and Twitter. These projects indicate China’s ambitious plans for promoting its hard power and soft power. This study examines the news production and framing of the New Silk Road by China’s official media on Facebook, as well as predictors for explaining audience engagement with these news outlets. By examining 43,239 posts relating to the national initiative, this study finds that China’s media build distinct news topics and sentiments for the New Silk Road and countries involved in the policy to achieve the official goal of “spreading China’s voices.” Moreover, news topics and sentiment play significant roles in encouraging Facebook users to like, share, and comment on news stories about the New Silk Road.","PeriodicalId":44233,"journal":{"name":"Communication and the Public","volume":"4 1","pages":"261 - 275"},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/2057047319894654","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43113540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-01DOI: 10.1177/2057047319896214
Banu Dağtaş
This article employs ‘critical discourse analysis’ to explore contending discourses around the ‘New Silk Road’ in Turkish newspapers. The press analysis covers the period 1 January 2016 to 31 December 2017. It includes pro-government newspapers (Sabah, Star and Takvim – liberal); oppositional newspapers (Birgün, Günlük Evrensel – socialist, Cumhuriyet – social democratic, Yeniçağ – nationalist right); one liberal newspaper (Hürriyet – non-aligned); and a semi-oppositional and Eurasianist title (Aydınlık). The dominant discourses of the newspapers sampled are mainly organized around recontextualizations of President Erdoğan’s statements on the New Silk Road and the Baku–Tbilisi–Kars railway. These discourses present the New Silk Road as promoting peace, security and prosperity (with Transport Minister’s statement of a prospective 31 trillion dollar market) and initiating a new era in relations with China. Only the socialist and oppositional newspaper Günlük Evrensel does not recontextualize Erdoğan’s statements within this framework. The oppositional/socialist Birgün and the oppositional/social democratic Cumhuriyet, however, raise some criticisms of the New Silk Road project. Erdoğan’s central position as the main news actor and the domination of his statements on the New Silk Road and the Baku–Tbilisi–Kars in the news discourse legitimate both his authoritarian rule and abuse power and his wish for rapprochement with China. The second foregrounding news discourse is the ‘business discourse’ – centred on investment, trade and market share, running in parallel to the government discourse in every newspaper analysed, except the socialist and oppositional newspapers Birgün and Günlük Evrensel. Only the socialist newspaper Birgün examines the New Silk Road from the side of labour. The Eurasianist party paper Aydınlık constructs the discourse of ‘strong defence of New Silk Road and China’.
本文采用“批判性话语分析”来探讨土耳其报纸上围绕“新丝绸之路”的争论话语。新闻分析涵盖2016年1月1日至2017年12月31日期间。它包括亲政府报纸(《沙巴报》、《星报》和《自由报》);反对派报纸(birg n, g nl k Evrensel -社会主义，Cumhuriyet -社会民主主义，yeniazu -民族主义右翼);一份自由主义报纸(h ririyet -不结盟);以及半对立的欧亚主义标题(Aydınlık)。抽样报纸的主要话语主要围绕Erdoğan总统关于新丝绸之路和巴库-第比利斯-卡尔斯铁路的声明的重新语境组织。这些演讲将新丝绸之路描述为促进和平、安全与繁荣(交通部长关于未来31万亿美元市场的声明)，并开启了与中国关系的新时代。只有社会主义和反对派报纸《 nl k Evrensel》没有在这个框架内重新审视Erdoğan的言论。然而，反对/社会主义的birg和反对/社会民主的Cumhuriyet对新丝绸之路项目提出了一些批评。Erdoğan作为主要新闻演员的中心地位，以及他关于新丝绸之路和巴库-第比利斯-卡尔斯的言论在新闻话语中的主导地位，既证明了他的专制统治和滥用权力，也证明了他希望与中国和解的愿望。第二种前景新闻话语是“商业话语”——以投资、贸易和市场份额为中心，除了社会主义和反对派报纸《birg n》和《g nl k Evrensel》外，在所有被分析的报纸中都与政府话语并行。只有社会主义报纸《birg》从劳工的角度审视了新丝绸之路。欧亚主义党报Aydınlık构建了“大力捍卫新丝绸之路和中国”的话语。
{"title":"At the crossroads of the New Silk Road: News discourses in the Turkish press","authors":"Banu Dağtaş","doi":"10.1177/2057047319896214","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2057047319896214","url":null,"abstract":"This article employs ‘critical discourse analysis’ to explore contending discourses around the ‘New Silk Road’ in Turkish newspapers. The press analysis covers the period 1 January 2016 to 31 December 2017. It includes pro-government newspapers (Sabah, Star and Takvim – liberal); oppositional newspapers (Birgün, Günlük Evrensel – socialist, Cumhuriyet – social democratic, Yeniçağ – nationalist right); one liberal newspaper (Hürriyet – non-aligned); and a semi-oppositional and Eurasianist title (Aydınlık). The dominant discourses of the newspapers sampled are mainly organized around recontextualizations of President Erdoğan’s statements on the New Silk Road and the Baku–Tbilisi–Kars railway. These discourses present the New Silk Road as promoting peace, security and prosperity (with Transport Minister’s statement of a prospective 31 trillion dollar market) and initiating a new era in relations with China. Only the socialist and oppositional newspaper Günlük Evrensel does not recontextualize Erdoğan’s statements within this framework. The oppositional/socialist Birgün and the oppositional/social democratic Cumhuriyet, however, raise some criticisms of the New Silk Road project. Erdoğan’s central position as the main news actor and the domination of his statements on the New Silk Road and the Baku–Tbilisi–Kars in the news discourse legitimate both his authoritarian rule and abuse power and his wish for rapprochement with China. The second foregrounding news discourse is the ‘business discourse’ – centred on investment, trade and market share, running in parallel to the government discourse in every newspaper analysed, except the socialist and oppositional newspapers Birgün and Günlük Evrensel. Only the socialist newspaper Birgün examines the New Silk Road from the side of labour. The Eurasianist party paper Aydınlık constructs the discourse of ‘strong defence of New Silk Road and China’.","PeriodicalId":44233,"journal":{"name":"Communication and the Public","volume":"4 1","pages":"276 - 290"},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/2057047319896214","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44380676","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-11-21DOI: 10.1177/2057047319884122
Trevor Diehl, Ramona Vonbun-Feldbauer, M. Barnidge
This study examines the role of individuals’ media diets in contributing to the growing support for right-wing populist parties. Drawing on social identity theory and the notion of populism as political communication, this study argues that socio-economic status and tabloid news use explain support for right-wing candidates through heightened out-group hostility. Using survey data from the Austrian National Election Study (N = 1161), we present a process model in the structural equation modeling framework, and we compare the direct and indirect effects of attention to tabloid versus broadsheet news on the probability to vote for the Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs. Results show that the link between social status and support for right-wing populism is mediated by attention to tabloid news and anti-immigration attitudes. Implications for democratic norms are discussed in light of the overlap between news media and politicians in their use of populist narratives.
{"title":"Tabloid news, anti-immigration attitudes, and support for right-wing populist parties","authors":"Trevor Diehl, Ramona Vonbun-Feldbauer, M. Barnidge","doi":"10.1177/2057047319884122","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2057047319884122","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines the role of individuals’ media diets in contributing to the growing support for right-wing populist parties. Drawing on social identity theory and the notion of populism as political communication, this study argues that socio-economic status and tabloid news use explain support for right-wing candidates through heightened out-group hostility. Using survey data from the Austrian National Election Study (N = 1161), we present a process model in the structural equation modeling framework, and we compare the direct and indirect effects of attention to tabloid versus broadsheet news on the probability to vote for the Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs. Results show that the link between social status and support for right-wing populism is mediated by attention to tabloid news and anti-immigration attitudes. Implications for democratic norms are discussed in light of the overlap between news media and politicians in their use of populist narratives.","PeriodicalId":44233,"journal":{"name":"Communication and the Public","volume":"6 1","pages":"3 - 18"},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2019-11-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/2057047319884122","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45955651","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-09-01DOI: 10.1177/2057047319875863
Ceri Hughes
The United Kingdom political landscape has historically been dominated by the two main political parties: Labour and the Conservatives. However, by the 2010 General Election, their vote share had dropped to 65%. The 2010 election also saw a new development enter the UK political landscape—televised leaders’ debates, which featured the leaders of the three largest political parties. Discussions before the 2015 General Election resulted in a decision to repeat the debate experiment, but this time, partly due to changes in projected vote shares, seven leaders were invited to the main debate. Using content analysis of the debate, this research questions the presentation of the debate as a deliberative event. Participatory parity was not achieved in the debate—far from it. Instead, the debate served to reinforce extant power differentials between the leaders of parties of differing political standings.
{"title":"Debatable sphere: Major party hegemony, minor party marginalization in the UK leaders’ debate","authors":"Ceri Hughes","doi":"10.1177/2057047319875863","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2057047319875863","url":null,"abstract":"The United Kingdom political landscape has historically been dominated by the two main political parties: Labour and the Conservatives. However, by the 2010 General Election, their vote share had dropped to 65%. The 2010 election also saw a new development enter the UK political landscape—televised leaders’ debates, which featured the leaders of the three largest political parties. Discussions before the 2015 General Election resulted in a decision to repeat the debate experiment, but this time, partly due to changes in projected vote shares, seven leaders were invited to the main debate. Using content analysis of the debate, this research questions the presentation of the debate as a deliberative event. Participatory parity was not achieved in the debate—far from it. Instead, the debate served to reinforce extant power differentials between the leaders of parties of differing political standings.","PeriodicalId":44233,"journal":{"name":"Communication and the Public","volume":"4 1","pages":"189 - 203"},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/2057047319875863","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47505456","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-09-01DOI: 10.1177/2057047319871022
M. Basnet
In this essay, I explore Manipur-based women’s group called Meira Paibi as a postcolonial counterpublic. I suggest that when we use the lens offered by counterpublic studies and postcolonial studies, we can trace activism that delivers a sharp critique on the politics of a democracy. The current research on Meira Paibi’s activism has specifically focused on their naked protest of 2004 and their peacebuilding activities in the northeast region in India. While scholarship on the Meira Paibi offers critiques on their activism in the face of human rights violations and the postcolonial condition of the state, their impact in relation to the Indian democracy is lacking. Therefore, in this essay, I focus on the creation of the Meira Paibi postcolonial counterpublic that not only seeks to maintain order in the midst of chaos but also challenges the Indian democracy and poses a threat to its neoliberal aspirations in Southeast Asia.
{"title":"Disrobed and dissenting bodies of the Meira Paibi: Postcolonial counterpublic activism","authors":"M. Basnet","doi":"10.1177/2057047319871022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2057047319871022","url":null,"abstract":"In this essay, I explore Manipur-based women’s group called Meira Paibi as a postcolonial counterpublic. I suggest that when we use the lens offered by counterpublic studies and postcolonial studies, we can trace activism that delivers a sharp critique on the politics of a democracy. The current research on Meira Paibi’s activism has specifically focused on their naked protest of 2004 and their peacebuilding activities in the northeast region in India. While scholarship on the Meira Paibi offers critiques on their activism in the face of human rights violations and the postcolonial condition of the state, their impact in relation to the Indian democracy is lacking. Therefore, in this essay, I focus on the creation of the Meira Paibi postcolonial counterpublic that not only seeks to maintain order in the midst of chaos but also challenges the Indian democracy and poses a threat to its neoliberal aspirations in Southeast Asia.","PeriodicalId":44233,"journal":{"name":"Communication and the Public","volume":"4 1","pages":"239 - 252"},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/2057047319871022","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45307523","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-09-01DOI: 10.1177/2057047319877278
Toby Hopp
Although online political incivility has increasingly become an object of scholarly inquiry, there exists little agreement on the construct’s precise definition. The goal of this work was therefore to explore the relational dynamics among previously identified dimensions of online political incivility. The results of a regularized partial correlation network indicated that a communicator’s desire to exclude attitude-discrepant others from discussion played an especially influential role in the variable network. The data also suggested that certain facets of incivility may be likely to be deployed together. Specifically, the data suggested the existence of two identifiable groupings of incivility factors: (1) variables pertaining to violation of speech-based norms and (2) variables pertaining to the violation of the inclusion-based norms that underlie democratic communication processes. These results are discussed in the context of political discussion and deliberation.
{"title":"A network analysis of political incivility dimensions","authors":"Toby Hopp","doi":"10.1177/2057047319877278","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2057047319877278","url":null,"abstract":"Although online political incivility has increasingly become an object of scholarly inquiry, there exists little agreement on the construct’s precise definition. The goal of this work was therefore to explore the relational dynamics among previously identified dimensions of online political incivility. The results of a regularized partial correlation network indicated that a communicator’s desire to exclude attitude-discrepant others from discussion played an especially influential role in the variable network. The data also suggested that certain facets of incivility may be likely to be deployed together. Specifically, the data suggested the existence of two identifiable groupings of incivility factors: (1) variables pertaining to violation of speech-based norms and (2) variables pertaining to the violation of the inclusion-based norms that underlie democratic communication processes. These results are discussed in the context of political discussion and deliberation.","PeriodicalId":44233,"journal":{"name":"Communication and the Public","volume":"4 1","pages":"204 - 223"},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/2057047319877278","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45036635","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-12DOI: 10.1177/2057047319850197
André Jansson
While the ‘media city’ has gained academic attention for over a decade, the role of the media in urban gentrification processes has been an overlooked issue. Due to the rapid expansion of geomedia technologies, for example, app-based social media and location-based services on mobile platforms, there is a growing need to address this area from a critical perspective. The article develops and tries out an analytical framework for studying the mutual shaping of geomedia technologies and gentrification processes, using alternative tourism apps as its illustration. The middle-class biased appearance of such mobile apps is hypothesized as an articulation of a broader trend, through which geomedia recognizes and gains affordances that fit the ambitions of certain social groups and their spatial norms, preferences and practices. The framework comprises two steps: (1) a media-technological unpacking exercise inspired by affordance theory and (2) a critical consideration of how geomedia play into the distribution of spatial capital in the city. The first step outlines how representational, logistical and communicational affordances of alternative tourism apps represent the broader shift from mass media to geomedia. The second step discusses the social logics whereby alternative tourism apps are adapted to middle-class spatial interests, and thus to gentrification, and how geomedia technologies in general affect the ability of different groups to access, appropriate and define different places and neighbourhoods in the city.
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