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Radical Experiences of Portuguese Social Workers in the Vanguard of the 1974 Revolution 1974年革命先锋中葡萄牙社会工作者的激进经验
IF 2.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-07-30 DOI: 10.1080/10428232.2019.1641008
P. Silva
ABSTRACT This article focuses on the contribution of social workers to the Portuguese democratic transition in the 1970s. Their involvement in urban social mobilizations and in the cooperative movement will offer a perspective on the participation of social workers alongside the Revolutionary process and how they, through engaging with social mobilization, grass-roots initiatives and socio-political activism deployed practices consistent with radical social work frames. It is argued that the Revolution provided the structural conditions for social workers to engage with radical practice and that their intervention constituted a form of agency for socio-political transformation while influencing professional self-representations and professional agency.
本文主要探讨社会工作者对20世纪70年代葡萄牙民主转型的贡献。他们对城市社会动员和合作运动的参与将为社会工作者在革命进程中的参与提供一个视角,以及他们如何通过参与社会动员、基层倡议和社会政治行动主义,部署与激进社会工作框架一致的实践。本文认为,革命为社会工作者参与激进实践提供了结构性条件,他们的干预在影响专业自我表现和专业代理的同时,构成了社会政治转型的一种代理形式。
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引用次数: 1
Factors Impeding Social Service Delivery among the Baka Pygmies of Cameroon 阻碍喀麦隆巴卡俾格米人提供社会服务的因素
IF 2.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-03-23 DOI: 10.1080/10428232.2019.1581041
N. V. Pemunta
ABSTRACT Conservation organizations, missionaries and the State of Cameroon have put the indigenous hunter-gatherer Baka Pygmy people of southeast Cameroon at the limelight of development interventions that often do not reflect their needs and aspirations. Despite these benevolent initiatives, the indigenous Baka Pygmy people have remained on the margins of Cameroonian society. This paper attempts to answer the question: Why has service delivery been challenging to this population? The paper argues for a vision of people-centered ‘‘friendly’’ as opposed to economic development ‘‘as an act of aggression’’ or an exercise in epistemic violence that prioritizes conservation instead of people and that refuses the Baka’s right to development on their own terms. The factors stalling development and negatively impacting on the Pygmies’ quality of life include – the Bantu’s dominance of relations with Western(ity), Orientalism and paternalism that refuses the Pygmies freedom of choice and the right to be different. The paper suggests that epistemic decolonization, justice and reflexivity in the practice of social work will improve social service delivery among the Baka Pygmy.
保护组织、传教士和喀麦隆政府将喀麦隆东南部的土著狩猎采集者巴卡俾格米人置于发展干预措施的中心,而这些干预措施往往不能反映他们的需求和愿望。尽管有这些善意的倡议,土著巴卡俾格米人仍然处于喀麦隆社会的边缘。本文试图回答这个问题:为什么服务提供对这一人群具有挑战性?这篇论文提出了一种以人为中心的“友好”的愿景,而不是“作为侵略行为”的经济发展,或者是一种认知暴力的实践,这种暴力优先考虑保护而不是人,并且拒绝巴卡人按照自己的条件发展的权利。阻碍发展并对俾格米人的生活质量产生负面影响的因素包括:班图人对西方(城市)关系的主导、东方主义和拒绝俾格米人自由选择和与众不同的权利的家长式作风。本文认为,在社会工作实践中认识非殖民化、正义和反思性将改善巴卡俾格米人的社会服务提供。
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引用次数: 9
Sartre and No Child Left Behind: an existential psychoanalytic anthropology of urban schooling 萨特与“不让一个孩子掉队”:城市教育的存在主义精神分析人类学
IF 2.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-03-11 DOI: 10.1080/10428232.2019.1581040
M. Conti
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引用次数: 0
Coloniality and Intersectionality in Social Work Education and Practice 社会工作教育与实践中的殖民性与交叉性
IF 2.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-02-08 DOI: 10.1080/10428232.2019.1574195
R. Almeida, Lisa Werkmeister Rozas, Bronwyn Cross-Denny, K. K. Lee, A. Yamada
ABSTRACT The history of social work education is deeply entangled with the structures of White supremacy and coloniality. Through an analysis of coloniality, the system from which social work operates, this article outlines an alternative framework of intersectionality, which decodes the dominant discourse in relation to power, privilege, White supremacy, and gender oppression. The framework of intersectionality moves professional social work pedagogy and practice from the trenches of coloniality toward decoloniality. The concepts of intersectionality and critical consciousness are operationalized to demonstrate how social work education can effect structural and transformational change through de-linking from its white supremacists roots.
社会工作教育的历史与白人至上主义和殖民主义的结构深深纠缠在一起。通过对社会工作运作的殖民制度的分析,本文概述了一个替代性的交叉性框架,它解码了与权力、特权、白人至上主义和性别压迫有关的主导话语。交叉性的框架将专业的社会工作教学和实践从殖民主义的战壕走向非殖民主义。交叉性和批判意识的概念被操作化,以展示社会工作教育如何通过与白人至上主义者的根源脱钩来影响结构和转型变革。
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引用次数: 33
(Un)doing Transmisogynist Stigma in Health Care Settings: Experiences of Ten Transgender Women of Color 在医疗保健环境中做变性女性的耻辱:十位有色人种变性女性的经历
IF 2.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10428232.2017.1412768
Kimberly D. Hudson
ABSTRACT Transgender women of color face numerous barriers to accessing quality health and human services due to intersecting systems of oppression. Using transmisogyny as a conceptual tool, the current study drew upon individual, in-depth interviews with ten transgender women of color living in New York City. Interpretive phenomenological analysis (IPA) was used to explore the experiences of participants in care settings and compare their experiences in LGBT-specific settings to non-specific settings. Results from this study suggest specific health and human services practices and policies can improve the healthcare experiences of transgender women of color and advance health equity for all.
由于交叉的压迫制度,有色人种变性妇女在获得高质量的健康和人类服务方面面临许多障碍。目前的研究将跨性别女性作为一种概念工具,对生活在纽约市的10名有色人种跨性别女性进行了深入的个人采访。本研究采用解释现象学分析(IPA)来探讨参与者在护理环境中的经历,并比较他们在lgbt特定环境和非特定环境中的经历。本研究的结果表明,具体的健康和人类服务实践和政策可以改善有色人种变性女性的医疗保健体验,并促进所有人的健康平等。
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引用次数: 22
The Case for Prefigurative Feminist Organizing 预设女性主义组织的案例
IF 2.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10428232.2019.1575089
Joel Izlar
In 1979, president Jimmy Carter appointed economist Paul A. Volcker chairman of the Board of Governors of the United States (US) Federal Reserve System. Volcker was tasked with tackling inflation issues—seen as essential to the growth of the US and world economies—consequently ushering in policies that would reverberate around the world for decades. Volcker was not alone in the pursuit of radically modifying the monetary policy, as changes in economies were occurring elsewhere. China began to liberalize its economy toward more market-friendly positions, the United Kingdom (UK) began to battle its own working class through the suppression of union labor—as well as tackle its own issues of inflation—and the election of US president Ronald Reagan in 1980 emboldened Volcker’s ideas through policies that attacked organized labor, deregulated industry, and entitled global financiers (Harvey, 2005). These Western policies and ideas were eventually calcified through the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in 1991 and the declaration of the so-called “end of history” (Fukuyama, 1992). The term that has come to describe this phenomenon of policies that deregulate industry, attack organized labor, social welfare, and empower financiers is neoliberalism. Neoliberalism may be conceptualized as a set of economic policies and ideas that espouse the rule of the “free”market, cutting and/or privatizing public social services, deregulating existing markets, and eliminating the concepts of community and the global public good (Martinez & Garcia, 1996). Since the late 1970s, neoliberalism has been the cornerstone of the global economic system, and the repercussions of its policies have not gone unnoticed. According to Harvey (2005), neoliberal policies have engendered and exacerbated social and economic inequalities, wealth concentration, privatization, social, political, economic, and environmental crises, as well as the “commodification of everything” (p. 165). Social movements and community organization practices that have occurred within this period have been marked as uniquely resistant to these policies through their targeting of global economic systems via various localized lenses such as race, sexuality, diagnosis, and gender (Shepard, 2002). Despite more feminist community organization practicemethods being highlighted in recent decades (East, 2000; Ewig & Ferree, 2013; Gutierrez & Lewis, 1994; Hyde, 1996, 2000; Mizarhi & Greenawalt, 2017; Mizrahi, n.d.; Shepard,
1979年,吉米·卡特总统任命经济学家保罗·A·沃尔克为美国联邦储备系统理事会主席。沃尔克的任务是解决被视为对美国和世界经济增长至关重要的通货膨胀问题,从而推出将在世界各地产生数十年影响的政策。沃尔克并不是唯一一个寻求从根本上修改货币政策的人,因为其他地方的经济也在发生变化。中国开始向更利于市场的立场开放经济,英国开始通过镇压工会劳工来对抗自己的工人阶级,并解决自己的通货膨胀问题。1980年美国总统罗纳德·里根的当选通过打击有组织的劳工、放松管制的工业、,题为“全球金融家”(Harvey,2005年)。这些西方政策和思想最终因1991年苏维埃社会主义共和国联盟(苏联)的解体和所谓“历史终结”的宣布而固化(Fukuyama,1992)。用来描述这种放松工业管制、打击有组织的劳工、社会福利和赋予金融家权力的政策现象的术语是新自由主义。新自由主义可以被概念化为一套支持“自由”市场规则、削减和/或私有化公共社会服务、解除对现有市场的管制以及消除社区和全球公共利益概念的经济政策和思想(Martinez&Garcia,1996)。自20世纪70年代末以来,新自由主义一直是全球经济体系的基石,其政策的影响并没有被忽视。Harvey(2005)认为,新自由主义政策造成并加剧了社会和经济不平等、财富集中、私有化、社会、政治、经济和环境危机,以及“一切商品化”(第165页)。这一时期发生的社会运动和社区组织实践被标记为对这些政策的独特抵制,因为它们通过种族、性取向、诊断和性别等各种本地化视角瞄准了全球经济体系(Shepard,2002)。尽管近几十年来强调了更多的女权主义社区组织实践方法(East,2000;Ewig和Ferree,2013;Gutierrez和Lewis,1994;Hyde,19962000;Mizarhi和Greenawalt,2017;Mizrahi,n.d.;Shepard,
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引用次数: 3
“Castaway Categories”: Examining the Re-Emergence of the “Underclass” in the UK “漂流者类别”:审视英国“下层阶级”的重新出现
IF 2.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10428232.2017.1399038
P. Garrett
ABSTRACT Throughout the 1980s and early 1990s, discussion of poverty often incorporated references to a so-called underclass and its purported welfare dependency. This largely disparaging keyword now seems to have reappeared; recent uncritical references have been seeping into social work’s academic literature. Dwelling primarily on the United Kingdom, this article reveals that the “underclass” notion seems to have been reignited around the time of the economic crisis that began in 2007. This coincided with public concerns about child-protection services. It was, however, the English riots (August 6 to 11, 2011) that multiplied the use of the appellation underclass in media and political discourses. However, disparaging designations of those who are unemployed or low-waged have been present across centuries; the troubled family is the most recent construction. In this context, Loïc Wacquant furnishes a useful analytical framework to conceptualise how underclass stereotypes and other castaway categories are described, contained, and managed.
摘要在整个20世纪80年代和90年代初,关于贫困的讨论经常提到所谓的下层阶级及其所谓的福利依赖。这个在很大程度上贬损的关键词现在似乎又出现了;最近不加批判的参考文献已经渗透到社会工作的学术文献中。这篇文章主要关注英国,揭示了“下层阶级”的概念似乎在2007年开始的经济危机前后重新点燃。这与公众对儿童保护服务的担忧不谋而合。然而,正是英语骚乱(2011年8月6日至11日)使下层阶级的称谓在媒体和政治话语中的使用成倍增加。然而,几个世纪以来,对失业者或低收入者的轻蔑称呼一直存在;陷入困境的家庭是最新的构建。在这种背景下,Loïc Wacqunt提供了一个有用的分析框架,以概念化下层刻板印象和其他被抛弃的类别是如何被描述、包含和管理的。
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引用次数: 3
Intersectionality and Black Women’s Health: Making Room for Rurality 交叉性与黑人女性健康:为道德腾出空间
IF 2.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10428232.2017.1399037
E. Mwangi, Monique Constance-Huggins
ABSTRACT Black women have poorer health compared to their White counterparts in a range of health outcomes, including breast cancer, diabetes, HIV/AIDS, and heart disease. The health disparities literature has largely treated women as a monolithic group, assuming that health practices and treatments are equally applicable and effective for all women. This approach, which places too much emphasis on gender, risks masking the unique experiences of various women based on other social categories. This article argues that in order to advance Black women’s health, an intersectionality approach should be incorporated into health research and practice. This approach, however, should go beyond the usual intersection of race and gender to include rurality. The article builds this argument on the fact that Black women living in rural areas have unique experiences that intersect with their gender, race, and class status. Benefits for embracing the intersectionality approach are discussed.
摘要与白人女性相比,黑人女性的健康状况较差,包括乳腺癌、糖尿病、艾滋病毒/艾滋病和心脏病。健康差距文献在很大程度上将妇女视为一个整体,假设健康实践和治疗对所有妇女都同样适用和有效。这种过于强调性别的方法有可能掩盖基于其他社会类别的各种女性的独特经历。本文认为,为了促进黑人妇女的健康,应将交叉性方法纳入健康研究和实践。然而,这种方法应该超越通常的种族和性别交叉,将农村纳入其中。这篇文章将这一论点建立在这样一个事实之上,即生活在农村地区的黑人女性有着与她们的性别、种族和阶级地位相交叉的独特经历。讨论了采用交叉性方法的好处。
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引用次数: 6
“Parent Advocacy” as an Ideological Code: LGBTQ Parents Engage with Disability Services “父母倡导”作为一种意识形态准则:LGBTQ父母参与残疾服务
IF 2.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-11-30 DOI: 10.1080/10428232.2018.1543996
M. Gibson
ABSTRACT What does the work that LGBTQ parents do to find resources for their disabled children reveal about the social organization of services? This article presents findings from an institutional ethnography study based on interviews with 15 lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and/or queer (LGBTQ) parents and six key community informants in Toronto, Canada. The analysis focused on the work parents did to engage with disability service systems on behalf of their children, and the ways in which families’ social privilege and/or marginalization affected their experiences. Particular attention was paid to the ways in which “parent advocacy” was taken up, responded to, and critiqued in these interviews. “Parent advocacy” was found to operate as what Dorothy Smith has called an “ideological code” (Smith 1999), offloading systemic responsibilities onto parents, shielding inequities, and promoting individualized competition between service users. This study suggests that the systemic organization that makes “parent advocacy” necessary also renders parents’ relative privilege or marginality central to what their children receive.
摘要:LGBTQ父母为残疾儿童寻找资源所做的工作揭示了服务的社会组织?本文介绍了一项机构民族志研究的结果,该研究基于对加拿大多伦多15名女同性恋、男同性恋、双性恋、跨性别者和/或酷儿(LGBTQ)父母和六名关键社区线人的采访。分析的重点是父母为子女参与残疾服务系统所做的工作,以及家庭的社会特权和/或边缘化对他们经历的影响。在这些采访中,人们特别关注“家长倡导”的处理、回应和批评方式。“家长倡导”被发现是多萝西·史密斯所说的“意识形态密码”(Smith,1999年),将系统性责任推卸给家长,保护不公平现象,并促进服务用户之间的个性化竞争。这项研究表明,使“父母倡导”成为必要的系统性组织也使父母的相对特权或边缘性成为他们孩子所获得的核心。
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引用次数: 0
Public benefits, recognition, and the same old materialist conclusion: a lyric essay 公众利益,认可,以及同样的唯物主义结论:一篇抒情文章
IF 2.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-10-17 DOI: 10.1080/10428232.2018.1525237
E. Segal
ABSTRACT In this lyric essay, the author uses auto-ethnographic inquiry to re-contextualize a qualitative study of Latina parents’ experiences of safety net services, benefits, and programs. That study concluded that at the heart of service use was ambivalence about dependency; at the heart of ambivalence about dependency was the desire for recognition. The purpose of this article is to express and explore that finding intersectionally, i.e. in the context of gender, race, and class. The author deliberately avoids narrative coherence, yet relies on Axel Honneth’s theory of recognition as an orienting framework.
摘要在这篇抒情文章中,作者使用自动民族志调查,对拉丁裔父母在安全网服务、福利和计划方面的经历进行了定性研究。该研究得出结论,服务使用的核心是对依赖的矛盾心理;对依赖的矛盾心理的核心是对认可的渴望。本文的目的是交叉表达和探索这一发现,即在性别、种族和阶级的背景下。作者有意避免叙事连贯性,但以阿克塞尔·洪内斯的认知理论为指导框架。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Progressive Human Services
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