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Discussing Maritime Defence Programmes During the Interwar Period: Argentine Navy Officers and the Lessons of the First World War (1919-1924) 讨论两次世界大战期间的海上防御计划:阿根廷海军军官和第一次世界大战的教训(1919-1924)
IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-05-18 DOI: 10.1177/09683445221087744
Agustín Daniel Desiderato
This article focuses on the Argentine Navy’s situation during the years after the Great War. It explores some of the issues discussed within the institution and their connection to the national and international political context of the time. The technological backwardness and material obsolescence of the Navy was the focus of criticisms and claims made by some of its officers. The experience of the First World War was a prevailing element in these discussions and in designing projects to modernize the Argentine naval forces.
这篇文章关注的是二战后几年阿根廷海军的情况。它探讨了该机构内部讨论的一些问题及其与当时国家和国际政治背景的联系。海军的技术落后和物资陈旧是一些军官批评和声称的焦点。第一次世界大战的经验是这些讨论和设计阿根廷海军现代化项目的主要因素。
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引用次数: 1
Clausewitz and the Personality Characteristics of the Battlefield Commander in British and German Military Doctrine, 1918–1941 克劳塞维茨与英德军事理论中战场指挥官的人格特征,1918-1941
IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-05-18 DOI: 10.1177/09683445221084141
M. Samuels
Even after the First World War, the British and German armies remained strongly influenced by Clausewitz, for whom personality rather than mass was the best means to reduce friction. This article explores how this was reflected in their military doctrine between the two world wars. The German regulations showed a clear alignment with Clausewitz's thinking. The British tended to focus on the characteristics Clausewitz had argued were necessary for the troops, rather than for their commanders. The campaigns of 1939/40 caused the Germans to place even greater emphasis on boldness, while the British focused on steadiness and caution.
即使在第一次世界大战后,英国和德国军队仍然深受克劳塞维茨的影响,对他来说,个人而不是群众是减少摩擦的最佳手段。本文探讨了这一点在两次世界大战之间的军事学说中是如何反映出来的。德国的规章制度与克劳塞维茨的思想明显一致。英国人倾向于把重点放在克劳塞维茨所说的部队所必需的特征上,而不是他们的指挥官。1939年至1940年的战争使德国人更加强调大胆,而英国人则注重稳定和谨慎。
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引用次数: 0
A War of Information: Spanish Naval Intelligence During the American Revolutionary War (1775–83) 信息战:美国独立战争期间的西班牙海军情报(1775-83)
IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-05-16 DOI: 10.1177/09683445221078058
Pablo Ortega-del-Cerro
Early-Modern war absorbed large material resources, including manpower, warships, guns, ammunition and supplies, but there was one key element of warfare that was quite immaterial: information. This article analyses Spanish naval intelligence and deals with the production, collection, and management of information within and through the navy. To examine this complex issue this paper will focus on the Spanish naval intelligence system during the American Revolutionary War (1776–83). By the 1770s and the 1780s the Spanish navy had developed and improved an efficient framework that provided decisive information for the mobilisation of its naval forces.
近代早期的战争吸收了大量的物质资源,包括人力、军舰、枪支、弹药和补给,但战争中有一个关键因素是相当非物质的:信息。本文分析了西班牙海军情报,并讨论了海军内部和通过海军的信息的生产、收集和管理。为了研究这个复杂的问题,本文将重点关注美国独立战争(1776-83)期间的西班牙海军情报系统。到18世纪70年代和80年代,西班牙海军已经发展和改进了一个有效的框架,为其海军部队的动员提供了决定性的信息。
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引用次数: 0
Massacre at Tambach: American War Criminals and the Limits of Military Justice, 1945 《坦巴赫大屠杀:美国战犯与军事司法的极限》,1945年
IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-05-16 DOI: 10.1177/09683445221084169
Benjamin M. Schneider
In April of 1945, members of the U.S. army massacred twenty unarmed prisoners near Tambach, Germany. This paper examines the army's response, and why despite abundant evidence and multiple confessions the military justice system failed to convict anyone for the crime. The system faltered due to an incomplete shift in the nature of military justice, one that sought to turn it from a disciplinary tool into one capable of punishing war criminals. The incident at Tambach was not unique, and instead shows a system in crisis – one unable to hold soldiers accountable for illegal violence on the battlefield.
1945年4月,美国军队成员在德国坦巴赫附近屠杀了20名手无寸铁的囚犯。本文考察了军队的反应,以及为什么尽管有大量证据和多次供词,军事司法系统仍未能将任何人定罪。由于军事司法的性质发生了不彻底的转变,该系统摇摇欲坠,试图将其从一种纪律工具转变为一种能够惩罚战犯的工具。坦巴赫事件并不是唯一的,相反,它表明了一个处于危机中的系统——一个无法让士兵对战场上的非法暴力负责的系统。
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引用次数: 0
Franco-British military co-operation in the Great Gas War 1915-1918 1915-1918年天然气大战中的法英军事合作
IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/0968344520963311
Hanene Zoghlami
Because the Anglophone historiography has tended to marginalize the French contribution to the allied chemical war during the Great War 1914-1918, this study has attempted to re-balance the historical narrative by emphasizing the collective nature and importance of this joint Franco-British enterprise. By interrogating a raft of under-utilized primary evidence in the French and British archives, elements of the two armies’ defensive and offensive gas warfare performance have been reassessed through the co-operation prism. The investigation demonstrates how closely, comprehensively, and effectively the two allies worked together in chemical weapon production and exchange, research and development, anti-gas protection, and indirect battlefield applications.
由于英语史学倾向于边缘化1914-1918年第一次世界大战期间法国对盟军化学战争的贡献,本研究试图通过强调这一法英联合事业的集体性质和重要性来重新平衡历史叙事。通过询问法国和英国档案中大量未被充分利用的主要证据,通过合作棱镜重新评估了两国军队的防御和进攻气体战表现。调查表明,这两个盟国在化学武器生产和交换、研发、防毒气保护和间接战场应用方面是如何紧密、全面和有效地合作的。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: The 1945 Burma Campaign and the Transformation of the British Indian Army by Raymond A. Callahan and Daniel Marston Raymond A.Callahan和Daniel Marston的书评:《1945年缅甸战役与英属印度军队的转型》
IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/09683445221088574e
A. Wilson
security crises caused by the war to an end. One means to that end was armaments limitation. In the League of Nations Covenant, the member states committed themselves to match Germany’s forced disarmament under the Treaty of Versailles by disarming to the lowest level consistent with national security. Although the preparations in Geneva for the much-delayed World Disarmament Conference were complex, tedious, and slow,Webster is correct that the military experts succeeded in identifying all the technical obstacles to disarmament – even if they failed to find ways around them. That goal would of course ultimately come down to a political agreement among the great powers on a mutually acceptable distribution of land, sea, and air forces combined with a legal regime to enable collective action against ‘aggressors’, the compulsory arbitration of disputes, and perhaps some limited international supervision or control of armaments. AsWebster argues, if general disarmament had any chance of success, then the critical first step was an Anglo-French consensus. As we know, that unanimity never emerged. For Webster, the explanation for the lack of agreement lies in different conceptions of international security. France, fearful of its relative weakness in relation to Germany, needed a security commitment from London or risk cutting its forces and/or allowing Germany some measure of rearmament. For Britain, preoccupied with its globe-spanning empire, France appeared both over-armed and overbearing in Europe. Despite changes in governments and the knowledge that no British government could ever allow France to fall to a German invasion, British officials dodged every French attempt to obtain a commitment from London to assist France in the event of an unprovoked German attack in exchange for compromises on all other security issues. When the World Disarmament Conference opened in February 1932, Britain played the role of honest broker between Paris and Berlin instead of an interested party. At the same time, France proposed disarmament schemes that would perpetuate its military superiority on the continent, Germany demanded not just the right to rearm but genuine equality in military strength, the Soviet Union (cynically) proposed the total abolition of armaments, the United States somewhat naively called for a general cut to defence spending and military strength, and Italy demanded equality with France, particularly in warships. In December 1932, Britain, France, and Italy recognised Germany’s equality of rights in armaments, but by then that limited concession was too little too late. To his credit, Webster speculates as to whether London and Paris had missed an opportunity to stabilise Europe through disarmament, but does not place much weight on that implausible counterfactual. Certainly, had Britain offered France a security guarantee, then France might have been more willing to accept limited German rearmament. But by 1932 Germany’s traditional politi
安全危机导致战争结束。为此目的的一种手段是军备限制。在《国际联盟公约》中,成员国承诺将解除武装至符合国家安全的最低水平,以与德国根据《凡尔赛条约》强制解除武装相匹配。尽管在日内瓦为拖延已久的世界裁军谈判会议做的准备工作复杂、乏味、缓慢,但韦伯斯特是正确的,军事专家们成功地确定了裁军的所有技术障碍——即使他们没有找到绕过这些障碍的方法。当然,这一目标最终将归结为大国之间就陆、海、空部队的相互接受的分配达成政治协议,并结合法律制度,对“侵略者”采取集体行动,对争端进行强制性仲裁,或许对军备进行一些有限的国际监督或控制。阿斯韦伯斯特认为,如果全面裁军有任何成功的机会,那么关键的第一步就是英法达成共识。正如我们所知,这种一致意见从未出现过。韦伯斯特认为,缺乏协议的原因在于不同的国际安全概念。法国担心自己在与德国的关系上相对软弱,需要伦敦做出安全承诺,否则就有可能削减兵力和/或允许德国进行某种程度的重新武装。对于专注于其遍布全球的帝国的英国来说,法国在欧洲显得既过度武装又专横。尽管政府发生了变化,而且英国政府知道任何一个政府都不可能允许法国落入德国的入侵,但英国官员避开了法国试图从伦敦获得的在德国无端袭击时援助法国的承诺,以换取在所有其他安全问题上的妥协。1932年2月世界裁军谈判会议开幕时,英国扮演了巴黎和柏林之间诚实的中间人的角色,而不是感兴趣的一方。与此同时,法国提出了将使其在欧洲大陆的军事优势永久化的裁军计划,德国不仅要求重新武装的权利,而且要求真正的军事力量平等,苏联(冷嘲热讽地)提议彻底废除军备,美国有点天真地呼吁全面削减国防开支和军事力量,意大利要求与法国平等,尤其是在军舰方面。1932年12月,英国、法国和意大利承认德国在军备方面的平等权利,但到那时,这种有限的让步已经太少太晚了。值得称赞的是,韦伯斯特推测伦敦和巴黎是否错过了通过裁军稳定欧洲的机会,但并没有对这种难以置信的反事实给予太多重视。当然,如果英国向法国提供安全保障,那么法国可能会更愿意接受德国有限的重新武装。但到1932年,德国的传统政治精英彻底破坏了魏玛共和国,并很快邀请阿道夫·希特勒担任总理。韦伯斯特在他的优秀著作中证明,裁军和安全外交为历史学家提供了一种令人信服的方式来探索1919年后英国和法国之间陷入困境的关系,这种奇怪的联盟将在1940年夏天以军事灾难告终。
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引用次数: 0
‘A kind of useless man’? An evaluation of AIF cooks and cookery, 1914–1918 “一个没用的人”?1914–1918年AIF厨师和烹饪评估
IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/09683445211002554
D. Reynaud, E. Reynaud
While the Australian Imperial Force of 1914–1918 experienced a significant shift from amateurism to professionalism over the course of the war in most areas, one crucial role not yet examined in the literature on the Australian Imperial Force is that of army cook. This article argues that their role was not taken sufficiently seriously during the Great War, leaving them effectively still amateurs at the end of the war. It explores the regulations for army cooks, the processes of selection, training and monitoring, as well as their performance in camps and in the field, and draws the conclusion that the army failed to professionalize role.
虽然1914年至1918年的澳大利亚帝国军队在大多数地区的战争过程中经历了从业余到专业的重大转变,但关于澳大利亚帝国军队的文献中尚未研究的一个关键角色是陆军厨师。这篇文章认为,在第一次世界大战期间,他们的角色没有得到足够的重视,在战争结束时,他们实际上仍然是业余爱好者。它探讨了军队厨师的规定、选拔、培训和监督过程,以及他们在营地和实地的表现,并得出结论,军队未能使角色专业化。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: The EOKA Cause. Nationalism and the Failure of Cypriot Enosis by Andrew R. Novo 书评:EOKA事业。民族主义与塞浦路斯一体化的失败,作者:安德鲁·r·诺沃
IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/09683445221088574i
D. French
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Another Kind of War: The Nature and History of Terrorism by John A. Lynn II 书评:《另一种战争:恐怖主义的本质和历史》,作者:约翰·林恩二世
IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/09683445221088574b
S. Zoller
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: British Battles 493–937. Mount Badon to Brunanburh by Andrew Breeze 书评:英国战役493-937。Andrew Breeze的《巴登山到布鲁南布尔》
IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/09683445221088574
G. Halsall
‘... Professor Clarke was cavalier with the facts. Oswald’s army was Anglian, not Saxon;* its Welsh enemies were Christians not pagans; the battle was fought not at Heavenfield but several miles away;* and it took place in the Winter of 634-5 not 642. Her ‘vocantur’ is a mistake for Bede’s vocatur. Battles and Latin grammar are not the strong point of Catherine Clarke, or (it seems) of Southampton University, where she now has a Chair of English.’ (p. 80: asterisks added)
'。。。克拉克教授对事实漠不关心。奥斯瓦尔德的军队是盎格鲁人,而不是撒克逊人;*其威尔士敌人是基督徒而非异教徒;这场战斗不是在海文菲尔德,而是在几英里外;*它发生在634-5年的冬天,而不是642年。她的“vocatur”是贝德的vocatur的一个错误。战斗和拉丁语法不是凯瑟琳·克拉克的强项,也不是南安普顿大学的强项,她现在在那里担任英语教授(第80页:添加星号)
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引用次数: 0
期刊
War in History
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