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Reading (in) a Quadriform Cosmos: Gospel Books in the Early Christian Bibliographic Imagination 阅读四边形的宇宙:早期基督教书目想象中的福音书
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2023.0004
J. Coogan
Abstract:Early Christian thinkers developed the widespread linguistic cosmology of the Roman Mediterranean in a novel way in order to advance a specific bibliographic project: aligning the emergent fourfold Gospel with the structure of the physical cosmos. Employing interlocking concepts from the disciplines of meteorology, geography, music, mathematics, and astronomy, a number of figures—including Irenaeus, Origen, Ephrem, Eusebius, Fortunatianus, Augustine, and Maximus—imagined a Gospel corpus consisting of precisely four texts. Number provided a way to articulate the coherence of the fourfold Gospel—both with itself and with the rest of the world. By situating both familiar and neglected evidence in the context of ancient cosmology, I argue that early Christians theorized a divinely ordained correspondence between fourfold Gospel and quadriform cosmos.
摘要:早期基督教思想家以一种新颖的方式发展了罗马地中海地区广泛的语言宇宙论,以推进一个特定的书目项目:将新兴的四重福音与物质宇宙结构结合起来。利用气象学、地理学、音乐、数学和天文学等学科中相互关联的概念,许多人物——包括爱伦纽、奥利金、Ephrem、优西比乌斯、福图纳提亚努斯、奥古斯丁和马克西姆斯——想象了一个由四个文本组成的福音语料库。《数》提供了一种表达四重福音的一致性的方式——既与它自己,也与世界其他地方。通过在古代宇宙学的背景下放置熟悉的和被忽视的证据,我认为早期基督徒在四重福音和四重宇宙之间建立了一种神圣的对应关系。
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引用次数: 2
Augustine on the Will: A Theological Account by Han-luen Kantzer Komline (review) 奥古斯丁论遗嘱:韩的神学记述(综述)
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2023.0006
Christopher R. Mooney
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引用次数: 0
In Search of Clement of Alexandria’s Hypotyposes 寻找亚历山大伪君子克莱门特
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2023.0001
Vit Husek
Abstract:This article aims to contribute to the discussion about Clement of Alexandria’s Hypotyposes and the alleged existence of the manuscript of this work. The only modern witness of the manuscript was Louis-Alexandre d’Antraigues, who claims to have seen it in the Monastery of Saint Macarius in Wadi Natrun in 1779. The article re-examines Eric Osborn’s remarkable efforts to follow d’Antraigues’s testimony and find the manuscript in the last decades of the twentieth century. Osborn’s dedicated account is supplemented by a survey of skeptical reactions to d’Antraigues’s testimony and brief comments on the manuscript of d’Antraigues’s testimony. The article concludes that doubts about d’Antraigues’s veracity are well substantiated and that d’Antraigues’s testimony about the manuscript should be counted among the fictional elements of his report.
摘要:本文旨在对亚历山大港的克莱门特的《假设》及其所谓的手稿的存在进行讨论。该手稿的唯一现代证人是路易斯-亚历山大·德·安特拉伊格,他声称于1779年在瓦迪纳特伦的圣马卡留斯修道院看到过它。这篇文章重新审视了埃里克·奥斯本在20世纪最后几十年跟随德·安特拉格的证词并找到手稿的非凡努力。奥斯本的专门叙述补充了对德·安特拉格证词的怀疑反应的调查和对德·安特拉格证词手稿的简短评论。文章的结论是,对d 'Antraigues的真实性的怀疑是有充分证据的,d 'Antraigues关于手稿的证词应该被算作他报告中的虚构元素。
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引用次数: 0
Deification and Defecation: Valentinus Fragment 3 and the Physiology of Jesus’s Digestion 神化与叛离:华伦天奴片段3与耶稣消化生理学
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2023.0000
M. D. Litwa, Vit Husek, Elizabeth Sunshine Koroma, Brendan A. Harris, J. Coogan, Adrien Palladino, Christopher R. Mooney, C. Berglund, Carson Bay
Abstract:The aim of this article is to shed light on the physiological (digestive) background of Valentinus fragment 3 (Layton frag. E). When Valentinus claimed that Jesus did not excrete waste, he assumed that the regular process of human digestion included a stage in which food was putrefied in the gut. For Valentinus (and later Epiphanius of Salamis), it was unholy—and thus wrong—for Jesus to contain putrefaction (i.e., corruption). Instead, “Jesus produced divinity.” This means that Jesus produced his own immortal body (including intestines). Valentinus’s comment did not undermine Jesus’s humanity; it creatively worked out what divine humanity meant in a physiological sense. According to Valentinus, Jesus’s body was both the same as and different from (fallen) human bodies. Jesus had all the digestive organs that present humans have, but they did not work in the same way because Jesus’s self-control had changed the nature of his body, immortalizing and deifying it.
摘要:本文的目的是阐明华伦天奴片段3(Layton frag.E)的生理(消化)背景。当华伦天奴声称耶稣不会排泄废物时,他认为人类消化的正常过程包括食物在肠道中腐烂的阶段。对瓦伦提努斯(以及后来的萨拉米斯的主显节)来说,耶稣遏制腐败(即腐败)是不道德的,因此也是错误的。相反,“耶稣创造了神性。”这意味着耶稣创造了自己不朽的身体(包括肠道)。华伦天奴的评论并没有破坏耶稣的人性;它创造性地阐明了神圣人性在生理意义上的含义。根据华伦天奴的说法,耶稣的身体与(堕落的)人体既相同又不同。耶稣拥有现在人类所拥有的所有消化器官,但它们的工作方式不同,因为耶稣的自我控制改变了他的身体的性质,使其不朽和神化。
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引用次数: 0
Imprecatory Psalms as Prophecy: How John Chrysostom’s Commentary on the Psalms Addresses the Moral Problem of Anger 作为预言的令人印象深刻的诗篇:约翰·克里索斯托姆对诗篇的评论如何解决愤怒的道德问题
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2023.0002
Elizabeth Sunshine Koroma
Abstract:John Chrysostom’s Commentary on the Psalms, typically dated to his time in Antioch between 386 and 398 c.e., aims to shape the moral character of his congregants, which also involves directing their emotional lives. In this commentary, which was probably delivered orally, Chrysostom usually interprets the Psalms as expressing salutary emotions, feelings which, even if painful, encourage virtue. These salutary emotions include grief, which accompanies repentance as a response to one’s own sin, and anger, which responds to the sin of others, encouraging them to repent. Yet certain expressions of grief and especially anger within the Psalms create ethical difficulties in that these expressions do not always appear admirable. Drawing on the tradition that David was a prophet and authored all of the Psalms, Chrysostom justifies the psalmist’s words as prediction phrased as cursing to heighten the language’s emotional effects, or as speech on behalf of others. These interpretations not only absolve David of the charge of animosity but also depict the Psalms’ words as admirable either because they encourage virtue or because they express compassion for those who are oppressed. Thus, Chrysostom’s theological beliefs about the nature of sacred texts and their author give him warrant to explain some morally problematic texts.
摘要:约翰·克里索斯托姆对《诗篇》的评论,通常可以追溯到公元前386年至398年他在安条克的时代,旨在塑造他的会众的道德品质,这也涉及到指导他们的情感生活。在这篇可能是口头发表的评论中,Chrysostom通常将《诗篇》解释为表达有益的情感,这种情感即使痛苦,也会鼓励美德。这些有益的情绪包括悲伤,它伴随着对自己罪行的忏悔,以及愤怒,它回应他人的罪行,鼓励他们忏悔。然而,《诗篇》中某些悲伤的表达,尤其是愤怒的表达,造成了道德上的困难,因为这些表达并不总是令人钦佩的。根据大卫是先知并撰写了所有诗篇的传统,克里索斯托姆认为诗人的话是预测,是诅咒,以增强语言的情感效果,或者是代表他人的言论。这些解释不仅免除了大卫的仇恨指控,而且将《诗篇》的文字描述为令人钦佩的,因为它们鼓励美德,或者因为它们表达了对那些被压迫者的同情。因此,克里索斯托姆对神圣文本及其作者性质的神学信仰使他有理由解释一些道德上有问题的文本。
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引用次数: 1
Making Christian History: Eusebius of Caesarea and His Readers by Michael J. Hollerich (review) 缔造基督教历史:凯撒利亚的优西比乌和他的读者迈克尔·j·霍勒里奇著(评论)
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2023.0008
Carson Bay
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引用次数: 0
Nemesius of Emesa on Human Nature: A Cosmopolitan Anthropology from Roman Syria by David Lloyd Dusenbury (review) 埃米萨的复仇女神论人性:来自罗马叙利亚的世界性人类学作者:大卫·劳埃德·杜森伯里(书评)
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2022.0043
Yu. V. Minets
erence (“DFCN” should be “DDCV,” 192n16), and “Philosophical” should be “Theological” for the GOTR journal title (332), for example. Sectarians in late antiquity failed to resolve Christological controversy, but their theologies and philosophic foundations evolved. Zachhuber shines a light on the philosophic portion of their programs, even if they themselves might have found such embarrassing. He successfully traces those developments in the concept of the universal made necessary by competing theological polemics. Canvassing nearly sixty ancient authors, Zachhuber has played his cards well and laid a winning hand on the table. It is not the last hand by any means, but in my view, his is now the hand to beat. Scott Ables, Oregon State University
例如,对于GOTR期刊标题(332),“DFCN”应为“DDCV”,192n16),“哲学”应为《神学》。古代晚期的宗派主义者未能解决基督论的争议,但他们的神学和哲学基础不断发展。Zachhuber揭示了他们节目中的哲学部分,即使他们自己可能会觉得如此尴尬。他成功地追溯了普遍性概念的发展,这是相互竞争的神学辩论所必需的。Zachuber结交了近60位古代作家,他打得很好,赢得了胜利。无论如何,这不是最后一只手,但在我看来,他的手现在是要打败的。Scott Ables,俄勒冈州立大学
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引用次数: 0
The Rise of Christian Theology and the End of Ancient Metaphysics: Patristic Philosophy from the Cappadocian Fathers to John of Damascus by Johannes Zachhuber (review) 基督教神学的兴起与古代形而上学的终结:从卡帕多西亚的父亲到大马士革的约翰的父权哲学,Johannes Zachuber(综述)
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2022.0035
S. Ables
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引用次数: 0
Rhetoric and Scripture in Augustine's Homiletic Strategy: Tracing the Narrative of Christian Maturation by Michael Glowasky (review) 奥古斯丁说教策略中的修辞学与圣经:追溯基督教成熟的叙事迈克尔·格洛瓦斯基(书评)
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2022.0044
Brian Gronewoller
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引用次数: 0
With or without Candles? Manipulating Cyril of Alexandria's Third Homily In Lucam: Three Versions for One Text 有蜡烛还是没有蜡烛?操纵亚历山大在《鲁坎》中的第三首诗西里尔:一个文本的三个版本
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2022.0038
Barthélémy Enfrein
Abstract:The 156 homilies that Cyril of Alexandria dedicated to Luke's Gospel have experienced a turbulent textual history. In this corpus, the third homily, commenting on Luke 2.21–24, enjoys a special position. Indeed, we can read some fragments of it in the catenae; like two other of the 156 homilies, the third homily is transmitted through a Greek liturgical tradition; and, since Joseph-Marie Sauget discovered the Damascus Patr. 12/20, we have access to a Syriac translation. These three different forms sustain complex relationships with the original text, but all of them are, in various ways, vestigia, manipulations, and rewritings of it. This article thus proposes to focus on the phenomena of manipulating the text of Cyril's third homily, which depends on various needs, either exegetical in the catenae, or liturgical in the Greek tradition. This enables us to get a clearer view of the original text and its reception. The Syriac translation is the most faithful to the hypotext. The catenists, for sure, selected passages and rewrote them, but sometimes they preserved a more conservative text in comparison with the direct tradition. Finally, the liturgical tradition does not hesitate to add a liturgical incipit and to cut the explicit of the homily in the process of fusion with the fourth homily.
摘要:亚历山大的西里尔为路加福音所作的156次布道经历了一段动荡的文本历史。在这个语料库中,第三个布道,评论路加福音2.21-24,享有特殊的地位。事实上,我们可以在连环中读到它的一些片段;像156个布道中的另外两个一样,第三个布道是通过希腊礼拜传统传播的;自从Joseph-Marie Sauget发现大马士革Patr之后。12/20,我们可以获得叙利亚语翻译。这三种不同的形式与原文保持着复杂的关系,但它们都是对原文的保留、操纵和改写。这使我们能够更清楚地了解原文及其接受情况。叙利亚语的翻译是最忠实的海波文本。当然,连环作家们选择了段落并重写了它们,但与直接传统相比,有时他们保留了更保守的文本。最后,礼拜仪式传统在与第四次布道融合的过程中,不惜增加一个礼拜仪式的小切口,并切割布道的显性。
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JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES
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