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La Nueva Izquierda y la competencia por la revolución en el Perú durante el gobierno de Velasco. 1968 - 1975 1968 - 1975年贝拉斯科政府时期秘鲁的新左派和革命竞争
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-50492022000100201
Mario Meza-Bazán
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引用次数: 1
Configuración y legitimación del campo de los colegios de élite en Chile ¿Quiénes son y que dinámicas han posibilitado su acceso a posiciones de poder en el campo educativo? 智利精英学校领域的配置和合法化他们是谁,是什么动力使他们能够在教育领域获得权力职位?
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-50492022000100220
Tomas Andres Ilabaca Turri, Javier Corvalán Rodriguez
The article consists of an analysis of the constitution, legitimization and changes of elite schools in Chile. By Pierre Bourdieu's theory, this analysis is carried out based on a review of literature and documents about the country's education system and elites, giving account of the internal and external dynamics of the educational field, which made possible the constitution, legitimacy and changes in these schools. We observe the existence of a paradox between certain an atmosphere of concern for reducing school social segregation and these dynamics of the field and of the elites that operate towards the constitution of a group of institutions that generate dynamics of segregation.
这篇文章分析了智利精英学校的宪法、合法性和变化。根据皮埃尔·布迪厄的理论,这一分析是在对有关国家教育制度和精英的文献和文件进行回顾的基础上进行的,考虑到教育领域的内部和外部动态,这使得这些学校的宪法,合法性和变化成为可能。我们观察到,在某些关注减少学校社会隔离的氛围与这些领域的动态以及精英们对产生隔离动态的一组机构的构成进行操作之间存在着一种悖论。
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引用次数: 1
Mujeres militantes, combatientes y revolucionarias: la Operación Siglo XX y el rol de las mujeres en el Frente Patriótico Manuel Rodríguez 妇女武装分子、战士和革命者:20世纪行动和妇女在爱国阵线中的作用曼纽尔rodriguez
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-50492022000100211
Valentina Jorquera-Peñailillo
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引用次数: 0
La trayectoria de Alfonso Corona Martínez, o cómo mirar el bosque a través de un árbol. Redes intelectuales, accionar político y crisis interna del Partido Socialista pampeano (1924-1945) 阿方索·科罗娜martinez的轨迹,或者如何透过一棵树看森林。知识分子网络、政治行动和潘皮亚诺社会党内部危机(1924-1945)
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-50492022000100216
Federico Martocci
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引用次数: 0
Memorias y representaciones de trabajadores desaparecidos y asesinados por el terrorismo de Estado de la década de 1970 en la ciudad de Ensenada, provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina. 20世纪70年代在阿根廷布宜诺斯艾利斯省恩塞纳达市被国家恐怖主义杀害和失踪的工人的记忆和代表。
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-50492022000100229
Melina Jean-Jean
The historiographic productions on the memories of the workers victims of the State terrorism of the 1970s in Argentina, have been very scarce. This article shows, in regional-local key (city of Ensenada, Buenos Aires province), the ways to elaborate absences of those who have constituted the highest percentage of disappeared and murdered in Argentina (2003-2015). Their representations are described and analyzed through territorial marks, warning that they function as tributes, commemorations and rituals, at the same time that they act as symbolic reparations for their relatives and close friends.
关于20世纪70年代阿根廷国家恐怖主义的工人受害者的记忆的历史编纂作品非常少。本文展示了在区域-地方关键(布宜诺斯艾利斯省恩塞纳达市),如何详细说明在阿根廷(2003-2015年)失踪和被谋杀比例最高的人的缺席。他们的表现是通过领土标记来描述和分析的,警告他们作为贡品、纪念和仪式的功能,同时它们也是对他们的亲戚和亲密朋友的象征性赔偿。
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引用次数: 0
¿Hay sindicatos en La Araucanía? Problemas organizacionales en experiencias de investigación y acción. araucania有工会吗?研究和行动经验中的组织问题。
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-50492022000100224
Cristian Alister-Sanhueza, Luz Bravo-Armazabal, Álvaro Galliorio-Jorquera, Dasten Julian-Vejar, Felipe Marchant-Fuentes
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引用次数: 0
La extraordinaria acción política protagonizada por el Movimiento pro-Emancipación de las Mujeres de Chile, (MEMCH): 1935-1949 智利妇女解放运动(MEMCH)的非凡政治行动:1935-1949
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-50492022000100209
Claudia Rojas-Mira, Ximena Jiles-Moreno
Resumen: En el presente texto describiremos y analizaremos la acción política del MEMCH, así como su influencia en la sociedad chilena, entre los años 1935-1949. Revisaremos su alcance geográfico; su masividad y pluralidad en términos de adherentes y su programa emancipador y visionario, con el uso polifacético de determinadas y eficaces estrategias de acción, sobre las que la historiografía no ha reparado suficientemente hasta el presente. Entre ellas: su orgánica, a través de la formación de comités locales en diversos puntos del país, sus relaciones con el Comité Central; el intercambio epistolar asiduo, sostenido entre las integrantes de éstos y la dirigencia; los viajes en tren de sus delegadas con el propósito de desplegarse en las provincias, tanto del Norte como del Sur del país, para acercarse y capacitar a las mujeres; los Congresos Nacionales ampliados, que escucharon la voz de dirigentes y militantes; los liderazgos emblemáticos; las manifestaciones públicas; las alianzas con organizaciones fraternales, partidos políticos, gremios, sindicatos y personeros influyentes en la esfera política; la creación y uso de elementos identitarios; las campañas específicas marcadas por la contingencia nacional e internacional y la difusión de su línea editorial a través del periódico “La Mujer Nueva”. Se subraya además como atributos articuladores de la acción política del MEMCH: la fraternidad entre sus militantes, la pluralidad de ideas, credos y clases sociales presentes en sus filas. Dentro de un contexto político particular, no solo se avocaron a la lucha por lograr el voto femenino sino que desarrollaron estrategias de comunicación y organización que resultaron muy efectivas, tales como la comunicación epistolar y las visitas de sus delegadas al norte y sur. Como hipótesis formulamos que el MEMCH articuló sus actividades creando y usando una pluralidad de estrategias que hicieron posible masificar el movimiento. Estableció una fuerte y sostenida vinculación entre sectores de mujeres ilustradas y populares, y en pro de un programa integral de reivindicaciones femeniles, cuya eficiencia se debió, a pesar de las tensiones inter-clases, a que la autonomía de la organización fue el principio fundamental, así como la construcción de una identidad propia. No solo fue un movimiento político sino que planteó problemas que todavía están vigentes y forman parte de las demandas de los movimientos feministas actuales.
摘要:本文将描述和分析1935-1949年间MEMCH的政治行动及其对智利社会的影响。我们将审查其地理范围;它在追随者方面的庞大和多元化,以及它的解放和有远见的计划,以及对某些和有效的行动策略的多方面使用,这些都是史学到目前为止还没有充分注意到的。(二)在全国各地设立地方委员会的组织,与中央委员会的关系;这些组织的成员与管理人员之间定期和持续的信件交流;其代表乘坐火车前往该国北部和南部各省,以便接触和培训妇女;扩大了全国代表大会,听取了领导人和武装分子的声音;象征性的领导;公众示威;与兄弟组织、政党、行会、工会和政治领域有影响力的人士结成联盟;创造和使用身份元素;以国家和国际突发事件为标志的具体运动,并通过《新妇女报》传播其编辑路线。它还强调了MEMCH政治行动的明确属性:其武装分子之间的兄弟情谊,其队伍中存在的思想、信仰和社会阶层的多元性。在特定的政治背景下,她们不仅致力于争取妇女投票权,而且还制定了非常有效的沟通和组织策略,如书信沟通和她们的代表访问北方和南方。在这篇文章中,我们提出了一个假设,即MEMCH通过创造和使用多种策略来阐明其活动,使大规模运动成为可能。群体之间建立了一种持续而有力的联系、菜和民间妇女和寻求一个全面的方案产出效率的要求感到兴奋,尽管inter-clases紧张自治组织是基本原则,以及构建身份。这不仅是一场政治运动,而且提出了一些问题,这些问题仍然存在,也是当今女权运动要求的一部分。
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引用次数: 2
Cuerpos para armar. Enfoques culturales para el análisis de las militancias revolucionarias del Cono Sur latinoamericano. 尸体武装。分析拉丁美洲南锥体革命斗争的文化方法。
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-50492022000100221
María Olga Ruiz-Cabello, Tamara Vidaurrázaga-Aránguiz
This article analyzes the experience of the conosureña revolutionary militancy in the sixties and seventies of the twentieth century, focusing on three organizations: the Revolutionary Left Movement, the Revolutionary Workers Party-People's Revolutionary Army and the Liberation Movement Nacional-Tupamaros. The approach is made from the approaches proposed by the New Cultural History and Gender Studies and considers the analysis of specific bibliography, testimonies of ex-militants and a wide and diverse documentary body produced by organizations
本文分析了20世纪六七十年代conosureña革命斗争的经验,重点分析了三个组织:革命左派运动、革命工人党-人民革命军和民族解放运动-图帕马罗斯。该方法是根据《新文化历史与性别研究》提出的方法制定的,并考虑了对具体书目、前武装分子的证词和各组织制作的广泛而多样化的纪录片的分析
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引用次数: 0
Transición chilena a la democracia. El tiempo histórico del acontecimiento plebiscitario entre 1987-1988. 智利向民主过渡。1987-1988年公民投票的历史时期。
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-50492022000100203
Cristina Moyano-Barahona
: The main objective of this article is to recover the immediate historicity of the categories of "consensus, pact and agreement" during the years 1987-1989, placing special emphasis on three elements: a) the policies of failed alliances; b) the meaning constructed by some intellectuals of the opposition to the military dictatorship and c) the “situated receptions” of the transition processes from other latitudes, particularly that of Spain. With the above, it seeks to investigate the horizons of possibilities of the present-past and through there, rethink the complexities of a time of high uncertainty, forgotten in the present criticisms of the Transition carried out, which decontextualizes the meaning of the substantial categories that guided the imaginary of the process.
本文的主要目的是恢复1987-1989年间“共识、协定和协议”类别的直接历史性,并特别强调三个要素:a)失败联盟的政策;b)一些知识分子构建的反对军事独裁的意义和c)来自其他纬度的过渡过程的“定位接受”,特别是西班牙。通过以上,它试图调查现在-过去的可能性的视野,并通过那里,重新思考高度不确定时期的复杂性,在目前对过渡进行的批评中被遗忘了,它脱离了指导过程想象的实质性范畴的意义。
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引用次数: 1
Conservadores, Radicales y el “interés nacional”: las redes de apoyo al Imperio de Japón en Chile durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial. 保守派、激进派和“国家利益”:二战期间日本帝国在智利的支持网络。
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-50492022000100204
Pedro Lacobelli
This investigation is framed within the scholarship that examines Latin American politics during WWII. We aim to reassess the Chilean experience departing from an analysis of those who supported neutrality and the activities of the Japanese legation in the country. From a methodological pint of view, we shed light on less studied actors and reveal important elements for the understanding of the Chilean situation during the War. This paper concludes that the argument for neutrality lay on a specific idea of the “national interest” which was supported by various politician, some of those were also supportive to the pro Japanese networks. This is an original study that uses archival information from the U.S., Chile and Japan in order to reveal the ideas and interests behind the support for neutrality among some conservatives and popular front members.
这项调查是在研究二战期间拉丁美洲政治的学术框架内进行的。我们的目的是从分析那些支持中立的人和日本驻智利公使馆的活动出发,重新评估智利的经验。从方法论的角度来看,我们揭示了较少研究的参与者,并揭示了了解战争期间智利局势的重要因素。本文的结论是,中立的论点建立在“国家利益”的具体概念上,这一概念得到了各种政治家的支持,其中一些人也支持亲日网络。这是利用美国、智利、日本的档案资料,揭示部分保守和国民阵线成员支持中立背后的思想和利益的原创性研究。
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引用次数: 1
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Izquierdas
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