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Review of Syed Nusrat Bukhari and Arshad Seemab Malik (eds.) (2023) 'Zauq: Khwajasira Number' (Zauq: Transgender Edition) Syed Nusrat Bukhari和Arshad Seemab Malik(编辑)评论(2023)“Zauq:Khwajasira数字”(Zauq:跨性别版)
IF 1.3 2区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-07-25 DOI: 10.1558/genl.26276
Muhammad Sheeraz
Zauq: Khwajasira Number (Zauq: Transgender Edition)Edited by Syed Nusrat Bukhari and Arshad Seemab Malik (2023)Zauq Publications, 176 pp.
Zauq:Khwajasira数字(Zauq:跨性别版),Syed Nusrat Bukhari和Arshad Seemab Malik编辑(2023)Zauq出版物,176页。
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引用次数: 0
Inclusive writing 包容性写作
IF 1.3 2区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-07-25 DOI: 10.1558/genl.20021
Julie Abbou
This article documents the linguistic, disciplinary, geographical and ideological circulation of the notion of ‘inclusive writing/d’écriture inclusive’ in order to understand the French controversy surrounding the term. The article shows that North American Protestant feminist theologists first spread the expression in the 1970s. The expression then circulated in feminist circles in English and French, in Europe and North America, but also in the fields of disability and pedagogy. Its success in the French space, however, is not only due to its Protestant roots but also to a republican definition of inclusion emerging in France in the 1990s. By the time the controversy shot up, the paradigm of inclusion was thus loaded with its French republican meaning as much as its English and/or North American meaning, creating an ideological paradox that limits inclusive writing’s critical capacity and fails to question relations of domination.
本文记录了“包容性写作/包容性标准”概念在语言、学科、地理和意识形态上的传播,以理解法国围绕该术语的争议。文章表明,北美新教女权主义神学家在20世纪70年代首次传播了这一表达。这一表述随后在英语和法语、欧洲和北美的女权主义圈子里流传,也在残疾和教育学领域流传。然而,它在法国空间的成功不仅归功于它的新教根源,还归功于20世纪90年代法国出现的共和主义包容定义。因此,当争议爆发时,包容的范式既充满了法国共和主义的含义,也充满了英国和/或北美的含义,造成了一种意识形态悖论,限制了包容写作的批判能力,也没有质疑统治关系。
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引用次数: 0
investigation into the representation of women on ‘intimate wellness’ websites 调查女性在“亲密健康”网站上的表现
IF 1.3 2区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-07-25 DOI: 10.1558/genl.22877
Alexandra Woodward
‘Intimate wellness’ is an offshoot of the wellness industry in which brands promote products to women for the practice of vulval and vaginal self-care. This niche, but growing, consumer category is worthy of feminist research as it is concerned with health, beauty and the contemporary trend of destigmatising female genitalia. This research explores the representation of women in a corpus of intimate wellness websites by examining the agency and associated processes of the participants. It identifies the coexistence of conflicting discourses: essentialist feminism, neoliberal postfeminism and patriarchal tradition. Through new concepts, termed ‘assisted agency’ and ‘assisted processes’, this study illuminates the represented relationship between female consumers and female brand personae. Ultimately, it finds that these websites represent women as (potentially) agentful but not autonomous, constructing the idea that female empowerment is contingent on consumption.
“亲密健康”是健康行业的一个分支,在该行业中,品牌向女性推广用于外阴和阴道自我护理的产品。这一小众但不断增长的消费者类别值得女权主义研究,因为它关注健康、美容和消除女性生殖器污名化的当代趋势。这项研究通过研究参与者的代理和相关过程,探讨了女性在亲密健康网站语料库中的代表性。它确定了冲突话语的共存:本质主义女权主义、新自由主义后女权主义和父权传统。通过“辅助代理”和“辅助过程”这两个新概念,本研究阐明了女性消费者与女性品牌人物之间的代表关系。最终,研究发现,这些网站将女性代表为(潜在的)代理人,但不是自主的,从而构建了女性赋权取决于消费的理念。
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引用次数: 0
Linguistic engagement as public health 作为公共卫生的语言参与
IF 1.3 2区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.1558/genl.25637
E. Russell
This short response reframes anti-genderist linguistic and discursive praxes as a viral pathogen, analogous to COVID-19. Accordingly, the four research contributions to this volume document and analyse the spread and virulence of anti-genderist forces. This response makes additional allusions to Gal’s framework accounting for enregisterment. Ultimately, this leads to a call for linguists to be more and more deeply active in the disruption of such semiotic ecosystems and their constituent parts, reconceiving of themselves as akin to public health officers, while also reasserting the place of linguistics and linguistic scholarship in the humanities.
这种简短的反应将反性别主义的语言和话语练习重新定义为一种病毒病原体,类似于新冠肺炎。因此,对本卷的四项研究贡献记录并分析了反性别主义力量的传播和毒力。这一回应进一步暗示了Gal的注册会计框架。最终,这呼吁语言学家越来越积极地破坏这种符号生态系统及其组成部分,重新认识自己类似于公共卫生官员,同时重申语言学和语言学学术在人文学科中的地位。
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引用次数: 1
Review of George Farrugia’s (2018) 'Grammatical Gender in Maltese' George Farrugia(2018)《马耳他语法性别》述评
IF 1.3 2区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.1558/genl.25907
Ashley Reilly-Thornton
Grammatical Gender in MalteseGeorge Farrugia (2018)Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton, 301 pp.
马耳他的语法性别乔治·法鲁贾(2018年)柏林:德格鲁伊特·穆顿,301页。
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引用次数: 0
‘We have the best gays, folks’ “我们有最好的同性恋,伙计们”
IF 1.3 2区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.1558/genl.18550
Chloe Brotherton
In the wake of the 2016 election of Donald Trump, users on the pro-Trump online forum thedonald.win engaged in violently homophobic and Islamophobic discourses. This study uses a critical discourse analytic approach to investigate how users on this forum contradictorily invoke homosexuality to construct Muslims as sexually deviant while also situating them as homophobic and therefore incompatible with the users’ brand of American nationalism. This is an example of homonationalism, using the United States’ supposed tolerance of homosexuality to uphold American exceptionalism and paint Muslims as anti-gay and thus anti-American. While this form of homonationalism was originally formulated in the immediate aftermath of 9/11, the presidency of Donald Trump has altered the way the homonationalist project is discursively constructed on an interactional level.
2016年唐纳德·特朗普当选后,亲特朗普的在线论坛thedonald.win上的用户进行了激烈的恐同和恐伊斯兰言论。本研究使用批判性话语分析方法来调查该论坛上的用户如何矛盾地援引同性恋来将穆斯林构建为性变态,同时将他们定位为恐同者,从而与用户的美国民族主义品牌不兼容。这是一个谐音主义的例子,利用美国对同性恋的所谓宽容来维护美国的例外主义,并将穆斯林描绘成反同性恋,从而反美。虽然这种形式的谐音最初是在9/11事件发生后不久制定的,但唐纳德·特朗普的总统任期改变了在互动层面上讨论构建谐音项目的方式。
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引用次数: 0
Tradwives and truth warriors 商人和真理战士
IF 1.3 2区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.1558/genl.18551
Catherine Tebaldi
The language of white identitarian traditionalist women, or ‘tradwives’, recontextualises white nationalism in the language of sexual politics. It creates images of the enemy other as a ‘societal sodomiser’ and of an idealised woman who represents and defends the threatened family and nation. These homophobic horror stories create deep affective investment in white nationalist nostalgia and subsume women’s individuality to the image of the nation. White womanhood stands in for the national body under threat, allowing these tradwives to portray themselves as idealised whiteness, pseudo-subversive dissidents who reinforce the social order, and mother-protectors of the nation. Yet even the most arch-feminine performance of white womanhood need not be inextricably linked to nationalist imaginaries, enabling the possibility of a truly subversive femininity.
白人身份主义传统主义女性的语言,或“传统妻子”,在性政治语言中重新文本化了白人民族主义。它塑造了一个“社会鸡奸者”的敌人形象,以及一个代表和捍卫受威胁的家庭和国家的理想化女性形象。这些恐同恐怖故事对白人民族主义怀旧情绪产生了深刻的情感投资,并将女性的个性融入了国家形象中。白人女性代表着受到威胁的国家机构,让这些传统女性将自己描绘成理想化的白人、强化社会秩序的伪颠覆异见人士和国家的母亲保护者。然而,即使是白人女性身份中最女性化的表现,也不必与民族主义想象密不可分,从而实现真正颠覆性的女性气质。
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引用次数: 1
Of tradwives and TradCaths 传统的妻子和传统的猫
IF 1.3 2区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.1558/genl.25635
Catherine Tebaldi, Dominika Baran
Building on Borba’s theorisation of the anti-genderism register, the articles in this special issue explore anti-genderism as a political tool for the global right in four cases: online ‘tradwives’ or traditional wives defending national and sexual purity (Tebaldi), homonationalism in the Islamophobic forum r/thedonald (Brotherton), the natalist chronopolitics of Bolsonaro in Brazil (Silva and Dziuba) and the invocation of the spectre of gender to place Poland at the centre of the white West (Baran). Together, they highlight new discursive elements in the nationalist far-right use of the anti-genderism register and the construction of morally marked figures through nationalist discourses of tradition, sexuality, temporality and place. Anti-genderism is not just a call for ‘traditional’ gender or marriage, but the evocation of a gendered nation, an idealised past and a strong future populated with warriors and mothers.
本期特刊的文章以博尔巴的反性别主义理论为基础,在四种情况下探讨了反性别主义作为全球右翼的政治工具:在线“传统妻子”或捍卫民族和性纯洁的传统妻子(Tebaldi)、仇视伊斯兰教论坛r/thedonald中的谐音主义(Brotherton)、,博索纳罗在巴西的出生时间政治(席尔瓦和齐乌巴),以及利用性别幽灵将波兰置于白人西方的中心(巴兰)。它们共同强调了民族主义极右翼使用反性别主义登记册的新话语元素,以及通过民族主义对传统、性、时间性和地点的论述来构建具有道德标记的人物。反性别主义不仅仅是对“传统”性别或婚姻的呼吁,而是对一个性别国家、一个理想化的过去和一个充满战士和母亲的强大未来的唤起。
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引用次数: 1
Reclaiming presence 回收存在
IF 1.3 2区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.1558/genl.18549
Daniel N. Silva, Allison Dziuba
Political actors’ embedding of the here-and-now of enunciation into constructions of gender, sexuality and race is a deictic practice that can be uncoupled from its context and projected into political fields. This article unpacks alternative invocations of the deictic field by Jair Bolsonaro’s new right in Brazil and by Marielle Franco, a queer Black councilwoman who was assassinated in 2018, the same year Bolsonaro was elected president. While Bolsonaro has vilified progressive tropes, such as gender equality, sex positive education and Marielle’s legacy, Marielle and later her mourning movement have mapped her here-and-now onto mottos such as ‘Marielle lives’, which defy chronologic time. Marielle’s central figure has thus been ‘present’ across the political spectrum – for progressives as a figure of immanence, and for white supremacists as a symbol of the Black gendered body whose life is not mournable but whose phantasmatic presence is a continuing threat.
政治行动者将此时此地的表述嵌入到性别,性和种族的结构中是一种指示性的实践,可以从其背景中分离出来,并投射到政治领域中。本文揭示了巴西雅伊尔·博尔索纳罗(Jair Bolsonaro)的新右翼和玛丽埃尔·佛朗哥(Marielle Franco)对指示领域的另类召唤,玛丽埃尔·佛朗哥是一名同性恋黑人女议员,于2018年被暗杀,同年博尔索纳罗当选总统。虽然博尔索纳罗诋毁了性别平等、积极的性教育和玛丽埃尔的遗产等进步主义的修辞,但玛丽埃尔和后来她的哀悼运动将她的此时此地映射到“玛丽埃尔生活”等座右铭上,这些座右铭违背了时间顺序。因此,玛丽埃尔的核心人物已经“存在”在政治光谱中——对于进步主义者来说,她是一个内在的人物,对于白人至上主义者来说,她是黑人性别身体的象征,他们的生活并不令人哀悼,但他们的幽灵般的存在是一种持续的威胁。
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引用次数: 1
Defending Christianity from the ‘rainbow plague’ 保护基督教免受“彩虹瘟疫”之害
IF 1.3 2区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.1558/genl.18548
Dominika Baran
Building on previous work on the anti-genderism register and moments of enregisterment, and adopting the Discourse-Historical Approach with its notion of topoi as an argumentation device used by right-wing populists, this article examines how the Catholic Church and right-wing politicians and media have mobilised against the alleged threat of ‘LGBT/gender ideology’ in Poland. Based on the analysis of 70 texts including homilies, political speeches, news articles and interviews, the article identifies three content-related topoi that are relayed across various anti-genderist actors. Together, these topoi and their repeated reuptake help to construct a historicised narrative of Poland as the defender of Christianity and of Europe, and to legitimise different actors’ anti-LGBT campaigns as they pursue their particular agendas. The article makes a contribution to exploring the processes through which the globally circulating anti-genderism register operates in a specific local context.
在之前关于反性别主义登记册和登记时刻的工作的基础上,并采用话语历史方法,将拓扑概念作为右翼民粹主义者使用的一种论证手段,本文考察了天主教会、右翼政客和媒体是如何动员起来反对波兰所谓的“LGBT/性别意识形态”的威胁的。基于对70篇文章的分析,包括布道、政治演讲、新闻文章和采访,文章确定了三个与内容相关的拓扑,这些拓扑在各种反性别行为者中传播。总之,这些地形和他们反复的重新接受有助于构建一个历史化的叙事,将波兰视为基督教和欧洲的捍卫者,并使不同行为者在追求其特定议程时的反LGBT运动合法化。这篇文章有助于探索全球流通的反性别主义登记册在特定的地方背景下运作的过程。
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引用次数: 0
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Gender and Language
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