This study illustrates and discusses how young gay Taiwanese men interact with straight and nonstraight people through humour and teasing on an LGBTQ-oriented YouTube entertainment variety show in Taiwan. The analytical framework of the study is informed by multimodal discourse analysis and interactional sociolinguistics. Four strategies used to create humour are identified: performing wúlítóu ‘nonsense’, using quadrisyllabic (non)formulaic expressions, using gender subversion and using indirect insults (towards close female friends). The analysis suggests that all four strategies rely on indexical disjuncture and are used by young gay Taiwanese men not only to create humour, but also as a means of voicing themselves through online media in an environment where they still face many obstacles. The study argues that, as a discursive strategy, indexical disjuncture is at the very heart of Taiwanese camp.
{"title":"Humour and teasing in gay Taiwanese men’s mediatised interaction on an LGBTQ-oriented YouTube entertainment variety show","authors":"L. Chen","doi":"10.1558/genl.18746","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1558/genl.18746","url":null,"abstract":"This study illustrates and discusses how young gay Taiwanese men interact with straight and nonstraight people through humour and teasing on an LGBTQ-oriented YouTube entertainment variety show in Taiwan. The analytical framework of the study is informed by multimodal discourse analysis and interactional sociolinguistics. Four strategies used to create humour are identified: performing wúlítóu ‘nonsense’, using quadrisyllabic (non)formulaic expressions, using gender subversion and using indirect insults (towards close female friends). The analysis suggests that all four strategies rely on indexical disjuncture and are used by young gay Taiwanese men not only to create humour, but also as a means of voicing themselves through online media in an environment where they still face many obstacles. The study argues that, as a discursive strategy, indexical disjuncture is at the very heart of Taiwanese camp.","PeriodicalId":44706,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47522987","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the applicability of trans terminology in non-Anglophone linguistic environments, particularly in Spanish and Modern Greek, two grammatical gender languages. The aim is to demonstrate the importance of cross-language comparisons that question the all-encompassing pretensions and universalist biases which still permeate the Western gender structure. Drawing on the methodological tools of double vision uncertainty, trans-crip-t time and translatxrsation, the article examines the particularities of both languages in terms of gender language scripts and representations, and offers a sociocultural analysis of how norms of the masculine generic, female semantic subordination and presumed binarism and cisgenderism have been consolidated, much to the detriment of sexual and gender diversity. Although this reflection stays within the Western paradigm, it focuses on peripheral models of gender diversity that help to deconstruct the binary and to queer gender in open dialogue with transnational realities, and calls for more cross-cultural and cross-language comparisons.
{"title":"Cross-cultural issues in trans terminology","authors":"Konstantinos Argyriou","doi":"10.1558/genl.21599","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1558/genl.21599","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the applicability of trans terminology in non-Anglophone linguistic environments, particularly in Spanish and Modern Greek, two grammatical gender languages. The aim is to demonstrate the importance of cross-language comparisons that question the all-encompassing pretensions and universalist biases which still permeate the Western gender structure. Drawing on the methodological tools of double vision uncertainty, trans-crip-t time and translatxrsation, the article examines the particularities of both languages in terms of gender language scripts and representations, and offers a sociocultural analysis of how norms of the masculine generic, female semantic subordination and presumed binarism and cisgenderism have been consolidated, much to the detriment of sexual and gender diversity. Although this reflection stays within the Western paradigm, it focuses on peripheral models of gender diversity that help to deconstruct the binary and to queer gender in open dialogue with transnational realities, and calls for more cross-cultural and cross-language comparisons.","PeriodicalId":44706,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46349370","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The anti-genderism register, which demonises the LGBTQ+ community as promoters of so-called 'gender ideology', has spread in recent decades across right wing populist discourses around the world. In Poland, it is an important resource in right wing constructions of national identity, which appeal to a historicised account of Poland as the guardian of European Christianity. However, there is also a counternarrative that envisions Poland as a progressive member of the European Union with secular politics and respect for diversity in all its forms. In this context, the Polish lexeme tecza 'rainbow' is a floating signifier whose meanings are struggled over by opposing discourses of LGBTQ+ rights and their place in Polish public life. Drawing on an analysis of 521 texts from five media outlet types on the right and left wing sides of the political spectrum, this article examines the contestation of tecza as a site where the very meaning of present-day Polishness is discursively negotiated.Rejestr antygenderyzmu, ktory demonizuje spolecznosc LGBTQ+ jako promotorow tak zwanej ,,ideologii gender", w ostatnich dziesiecioleciach rozprzestrzenil sie w prawicowych dyskursach populistycznych na calym swiecie. W Polsce stanowi on istotny element prawicowych konstrukcji tozsamosci narodowej, odwolujacych sie do uhistorycznionego ujecia Polski, postrzeganej jako straznika europejskiego chrzescijanstwa. Istnieje jednak kontrnarracja, prezentujaca Polske jako postepowego czlonka Unii Europejskiej, jako kraj zdolny do prowadzenia swieckiej polityki oraz poszanowania dla roznorodnosci we wszelkich jej przejawach. W takim kontekscie polski leksem ,,tecza" jest ,,plynna znaczaca", o ktorej rozumienie walcza przeciwstawne dyskursy praw LGBTQ+ i ich miejsca w polskim zyciu publicznym. W oparciu o analize 521 tekstow z pieciu rodzajow mediow, zarowno z prawicowej jak i lewicowej strony spektrum politycznego, niniejszy artykul analizuje kontestacje sensu ,,teczy" jako miejsca, w ktorym dyskursywnie negocjowane jest samo znaczenie wspolczesnej polskosci.
近几十年来，反性别主义登记册在世界各地的右翼民粹主义话语中蔓延开来，将LGBTQ+群体妖魔化为所谓“性别意识形态”的推动者。在波兰，它是右翼建构民族认同的重要资源，这吸引了波兰作为欧洲基督教守护者的历史性描述。然而，也有一种相反的说法，认为波兰是欧盟的一个进步成员，政治世俗，尊重各种形式的多样性。在这种背景下，波兰语的词素tecza“彩虹”是一个浮动的能指，其含义是由反对LGBTQ+权利的话语及其在波兰公共生活中的地位而斗争的。本文分析了来自政治光谱中左右两派的五种媒体类型的521篇文本，考察了tecza作为一个对当今波兰意义进行话语协商的场所的争论。抵制反性别主义，仇视仇视性取向，仇视仇视性取向，仇视仇视性取向，仇视仇视性取向，仇视仇视性取向，仇视仇视性取向。2 .警察对历史因素的研究:警察对历史因素的研究;警察对历史因素的研究;警察对历史因素的研究;警察对历史因素的研究;警察对历史因素的研究;Istnieje jednak kontrnarracja, prezentujaca Polske jako post - power - go - lonka uni europe - skiej, jako kraj zdolny do prowzenia sweckikij polizkiia poleckij polizodnosci we wszelkich jej przejawach。我们用kontekscie polski leksem，“jest”，“plynna znaczaca”，“ktorej rozumenie walcza przeiwstawne dyskursy praw LGBTQ+”，“我用polskim zyciu publicznym”。对521个信号的频谱分析方法进行了研究，其中，频谱分析方法为强谱分析，频谱分析方法为强谱分析，频谱分析方法为强谱分析，频谱分析方法为强谱分析，频谱分析方法为强谱分析，频谱分析方法为强谱分析，频谱分析方法为强谱分析，频谱分析方法为强谱分析，频谱分析方法为强谱分析，频谱分析方法为强谱分析，频谱分析方法为强谱分析，频谱分析方法为强谱分析。
{"title":"'Rainbow plague' or 'rainbow allies'?","authors":"Dominika Baran","doi":"10.1558/genl.21097","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1558/genl.21097","url":null,"abstract":"The anti-genderism register, which demonises the LGBTQ+ community as promoters of so-called 'gender ideology', has spread in recent decades across right wing populist discourses around the world. In Poland, it is an important resource in right wing constructions of national identity, which appeal to a historicised account of Poland as the guardian of European Christianity. However, there is also a counternarrative that envisions Poland as a progressive member of the European Union with secular politics and respect for diversity in all its forms. In this context, the Polish lexeme tecza 'rainbow' is a floating signifier whose meanings are struggled over by opposing discourses of LGBTQ+ rights and their place in Polish public life. Drawing on an analysis of 521 texts from five media outlet types on the right and left wing sides of the political spectrum, this article examines the contestation of tecza as a site where the very meaning of present-day Polishness is discursively negotiated.Rejestr antygenderyzmu, ktory demonizuje spolecznosc LGBTQ+ jako promotorow tak zwanej ,,ideologii gender\", w ostatnich dziesiecioleciach rozprzestrzenil sie w prawicowych dyskursach populistycznych na calym swiecie. W Polsce stanowi on istotny element prawicowych konstrukcji tozsamosci narodowej, odwolujacych sie do uhistorycznionego ujecia Polski, postrzeganej jako straznika europejskiego chrzescijanstwa. Istnieje jednak kontrnarracja, prezentujaca Polske jako postepowego czlonka Unii Europejskiej, jako kraj zdolny do prowadzenia swieckiej polityki oraz poszanowania dla roznorodnosci we wszelkich jej przejawach. W takim kontekscie polski leksem ,,tecza\" jest ,,plynna znaczaca\", o ktorej rozumienie walcza przeciwstawne dyskursy praw LGBTQ+ i ich miejsca w polskim zyciu publicznym. W oparciu o analize 521 tekstow z pieciu rodzajow mediow, zarowno z prawicowej jak i lewicowej strony spektrum politycznego, niniejszy artykul analizuje kontestacje sensu ,,teczy\" jako miejsca, w ktorym dyskursywnie negocjowane jest samo znaczenie wspolczesnej polskosci.","PeriodicalId":44706,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42869153","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Gender and Political Apology: When the Patriarchal State Says ‘Sorry’ by Emma Dolan","authors":"Weijia Shan, Dan Huang","doi":"10.1558/genl.23886","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1558/genl.23886","url":null,"abstract":"Gender and Political Apology: When the Patriarchal State Says ‘Sorry’ by Emma Dolan(2021). New York: Routledge, 165pp.","PeriodicalId":44706,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43419027","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Linguistic Perspectives on Sexuality in Education: Representations, Constructions and Negotiations edited by Lukasz Pakula(2021). Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, xxii + 444 pp.
{"title":"Linguistic Perspectives on Sexuality in Education: Representations, Constructions and Negotiations edited by Lukasz Pakula","authors":"Birong Huang","doi":"10.1558/genl.23887","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1558/genl.23887","url":null,"abstract":"Linguistic Perspectives on Sexuality in Education: Representations, Constructions and Negotiations edited by Lukasz Pakula(2021). Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, xxii + 444 pp.","PeriodicalId":44706,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45171757","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The debate on nonsexist or gender-sensitive language in Slovenia has been taking place since the mid-1990s. It intensified again in 2018 when the Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana, decided to use the feminine grammatical gender in its internal regulations as generic and inclusive for all genders. The decision provoked heated public reactions and media reports. Through critical frame analysis of 60 media texts published between May and December 2018, this article identifies four basic frames: the decision as impermissible linguistic engineering, as a sign of excessive political correctness, as a false solution to the actual existence of sexism in language, or finally, as a positive change. Whereas many of the arguments used in the Slovenian debate were found in similar debates elsewhere, a new discursive frame emerged that cannot be placed on the classical dichotomy of feminist and antifeminist, but is instead based on equality fatigue and the understanding that gender equality has allegedly already been achieved.Razprava o neseksisticni oziroma spolno obcutljivi rabi jezika v Sloveniji poteka ze od sredine 90. let prejsnjega stoletja. Ponovno se je okrepila leta 2018, ko je bil na Filozofski fakulteti UL sprejet sklep o genericni rabi zenskega slovnicnega spola kot vkljucujocega za vse spole v internih pravilnikih fakultete. Odlocitev je sprozila burne odzive javnosti in prav taksno porocanje medijev. S kriticno analizo okvirjev smo analizirali 60 medijskih besedil, objavljenih med majem in decembrom 2018, in v njih identificirali stiri osnovne okvire: odlocitev kot nedopusten jezikovni inzeniring, kot znak pretirane politicne korektnosti, kot napacno resitev za preseganje dejanskega obstoja seksizma v jeziku oziroma kot pozitivno spremembo. Medtem ko je mnoge argumente, uporabljene v slovenski razpravi, moc najti v podobnih razpravah drugod, se je v analiziranih medijskih porocilih pojavil tudi nov diskurzivni okvir, ki ga ni mogoce umestiti na klasicni feministicni ali protifeministicni kontinuum, saj temelji na zasicenosti z enakostjo in razumevanjem, da je enakost spolov domnevno ze dosezena.
{"title":"Women as a linguistic footnote","authors":"Roman Kuhar, Milica Antić Gaber","doi":"10.1558/genl.21680","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1558/genl.21680","url":null,"abstract":"The debate on nonsexist or gender-sensitive language in Slovenia has been taking place since the mid-1990s. It intensified again in 2018 when the Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana, decided to use the feminine grammatical gender in its internal regulations as generic and inclusive for all genders. The decision provoked heated public reactions and media reports. Through critical frame analysis of 60 media texts published between May and December 2018, this article identifies four basic frames: the decision as impermissible linguistic engineering, as a sign of excessive political correctness, as a false solution to the actual existence of sexism in language, or finally, as a positive change. Whereas many of the arguments used in the Slovenian debate were found in similar debates elsewhere, a new discursive frame emerged that cannot be placed on the classical dichotomy of feminist and antifeminist, but is instead based on equality fatigue and the understanding that gender equality has allegedly already been achieved.Razprava o neseksisticni oziroma spolno obcutljivi rabi jezika v Sloveniji poteka ze od sredine 90. let prejsnjega stoletja. Ponovno se je okrepila leta 2018, ko je bil na Filozofski fakulteti UL sprejet sklep o genericni rabi zenskega slovnicnega spola kot vkljucujocega za vse spole v internih pravilnikih fakultete. Odlocitev je sprozila burne odzive javnosti in prav taksno porocanje medijev. S kriticno analizo okvirjev smo analizirali 60 medijskih besedil, objavljenih med majem in decembrom 2018, in v njih identificirali stiri osnovne okvire: odlocitev kot nedopusten jezikovni inzeniring, kot znak pretirane politicne korektnosti, kot napacno resitev za preseganje dejanskega obstoja seksizma v jeziku oziroma kot pozitivno spremembo. Medtem ko je mnoge argumente, uporabljene v slovenski razpravi, moc najti v podobnih razpravah drugod, se je v analiziranih medijskih porocilih pojavil tudi nov diskurzivni okvir, ki ga ni mogoce umestiti na klasicni feministicni ali protifeministicni kontinuum, saj temelji na zasicenosti z enakostjo in razumevanjem, da je enakost spolov domnevno ze dosezena.\u0000 ","PeriodicalId":44706,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46985051","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Charting dominant views on gender-sensitive language in the Serbian public sphere, this article points to the ways sociopolitical transformations are grasped and dealt with in postsocialist Serbia. It looks at a case where the legislative action by the state, namely the adoption of the Gender Equality Bill in 2021, disrupted the usual pattern of mutual support between national linguistic experts and the nationalist politics of the state. The debate on the use of social femininatives in Serbian reveals the political force of language ideologies of authenticity, authority, legitimacy and naturalness that mobilise various expert, politicaland social actors whose views often converge in an unexpected manner. It shows that the issue of gender equality in Serbia and in postsocialist Europe in general cannot always be seen as resulting exclusively from the mutually conditioned processes of social movement and countermovement, or of gender mainstreaming and anti-gender backlash; neither can its understanding be reduced to binaries of progressiveness/openness/liberalism/Europeanness vs. conservatism/ nationalism/authoritarianism/anti-Europeanness. Rather, gender equality in these contexts must be seen as part of broader sociopolitical processes at both national and transnational levels.Mapirajuci preovladujuce poglede na rodno osetljiv jezik koji cirkulisu u javnoj sferi, clanak osvetljava nacine razumevanja i prihvatanja sociopolitickih promena u postsocijalistickoj Srbiji. Kroz uvid u debate oko Zakona o rodnoj ravnopravnosti donetog 2021. godine, clanak analizira slucaj kada je drzavnim zakonodajnim aktom prekinut uobicajeni obrazac medusobne podrske izmedu lingvistickih strucnjaka sa nacionalih akademskih institucija s jedne, i nacionalisticke drzavne politike s druge strane. Debata o upotrebi socijalnih femininativa u spskom jeziku ukazuje na politicku snagu jezickih ideologija autenticnosti, autoriteta, legitimnosti i prirodnosti i njihov kapacitet da mobilisu razilicite strucne, politicke i drustvene aktere ciji se pogledi na pitanja rodno osetljivog jezika cesto priblizavaju na neocekivan nacin. Pokazuje da pitanja rodne ravnopravnosti u Srbiji i sire u postsocijalistickoj Evropi nije uvek moguce razumeti kao rezultat dinamike izmedu drustvenih pokreta i kontra-pokreta ili urodnjavanja javnih politika i mobilizacije nazadnih i konzervativnih snaga, niti ih je moguce redukovati na binarne kategorije progresivnosti/otvorenosti/liberalizma/evropejstva i konzervativnosti/nacionalizma/autoritarnosti/anti-evropejstva, vec ih je neophodno posmatrati kao deo sirih, nacionalnih i transnacionalnih procesa.
本文阐述了塞尔维亚公共领域对性别敏感语言的主流观点，指出了后社会主义塞尔维亚如何把握和处理社会政治变革。它着眼于一个案例，即国家的立法行动，即2021年通过的《性别平等法案》，打破了国家语言专家与国家民族主义政治之间通常相互支持的模式。关于在塞尔维亚语中使用社会女权主义者的辩论揭示了真实性、权威性、合法性和自然性的语言意识形态的政治力量，这些意识形态动员了各种专家、政治和社会行动者，他们的观点往往以意想不到的方式趋同。它表明，塞尔维亚和整个后社会主义欧洲的性别平等问题不能总是被视为完全由社会运动和反运动，或性别主流化和反性别反弹的相互制约的过程造成的；它的理解也不能归结为进步性/开放性/自由主义/欧洲性与保守主义/民族主义/威权主义/反欧洲性的二元对立。相反，必须将这些背景下的性别平等视为国家和跨国层面更广泛的社会政治进程的一部分。通过绘制对公共领域流传的一种母语敏感语言的重叠观点，文章强调了理解和接受后社会主义时代塞尔维亚社会变革的方式。Kroz uvid u辩论了Zakona o rodnoj ravnorvnosti donetog 2021。本文分析了国家立法中断了国家学术机构语言专家与国家政策之间通常形式的相互支持的情况。关于社会女权主义者在西班牙语中的作用的辩论反映了真实性、权威性、合法性和性质的语言意识形态的政治力量，以及他们动员不同专家、政治和社会行动者的能力，这些专家、政治或社会行动者往往以一种意想不到的方式解决母语敏感语言的问题。它表明，在后社会主义欧洲的塞尔维亚和叙利亚，由于社会运动和反运动，或者公共政策的制定和后备和保守势力的动员，性别平等问题并不总是能够理解的，不可能将它们归结为进步/开放/自由主义/欧洲和保护/民族主义/权威/反欧洲的二元范畴，但有必要将它们视为系列、国家和跨国进程的一部分。
{"title":"Gender-sensitive language use in Serbia","authors":"T. Petrović","doi":"10.1558/genl.21190","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1558/genl.21190","url":null,"abstract":"Charting dominant views on gender-sensitive language in the Serbian public sphere, this article points to the ways sociopolitical transformations are grasped and dealt with in postsocialist Serbia. It looks at a case where the legislative action by the state, namely the adoption of the Gender Equality Bill in 2021, disrupted the usual pattern of mutual support between national linguistic experts and the nationalist politics of the state. The debate on the use of social femininatives in Serbian reveals the political force of language ideologies of authenticity, authority, legitimacy and naturalness that mobilise various expert, politicaland social actors whose views often converge in an unexpected manner. It shows that the issue of gender equality in Serbia and in postsocialist Europe in general cannot always be seen as resulting exclusively from the mutually conditioned processes of social movement and countermovement, or of gender mainstreaming and anti-gender backlash; neither can its understanding be reduced to binaries of progressiveness/openness/liberalism/Europeanness vs. conservatism/ nationalism/authoritarianism/anti-Europeanness. Rather, gender equality in these contexts must be seen as part of broader sociopolitical processes at both national and transnational levels.Mapirajuci preovladujuce poglede na rodno osetljiv jezik koji cirkulisu u javnoj sferi, clanak osvetljava nacine razumevanja i prihvatanja sociopolitickih promena u postsocijalistickoj Srbiji. Kroz uvid u debate oko Zakona o rodnoj ravnopravnosti donetog 2021. godine, clanak analizira slucaj kada je drzavnim zakonodajnim aktom prekinut uobicajeni obrazac medusobne podrske izmedu lingvistickih strucnjaka sa nacionalih akademskih institucija s jedne, i nacionalisticke drzavne politike s druge strane. Debata o upotrebi socijalnih femininativa u spskom jeziku ukazuje na politicku snagu jezickih ideologija autenticnosti, autoriteta, legitimnosti i prirodnosti i njihov kapacitet da mobilisu razilicite strucne, politicke i drustvene aktere ciji se pogledi na pitanja rodno osetljivog jezika cesto priblizavaju na neocekivan nacin. Pokazuje da pitanja rodne ravnopravnosti u Srbiji i sire u postsocijalistickoj Evropi nije uvek moguce razumeti kao rezultat dinamike izmedu drustvenih pokreta i kontra-pokreta ili urodnjavanja javnih politika i mobilizacije nazadnih i konzervativnih snaga, niti ih je moguce redukovati na binarne kategorije progresivnosti/otvorenosti/liberalizma/evropejstva i konzervativnosti/nacionalizma/autoritarnosti/anti-evropejstva, vec ih je neophodno posmatrati kao deo sirih, nacionalnih i transnacionalnih procesa.","PeriodicalId":44706,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44482158","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ogolnopolski Strajk Kobiet (All-Poland Women's Strike) is a grassroots campaign established in Poland in 2016 in response to the proposed tightening of abortion laws but which also engages with broader social, feminist and women's rights issues. Using a critical approach to multimodal discourse analysis, this article analyses the postings of the campaign on its main social media platform, Facebook, investigating closely the types of multimodal speech acts, referred to here as 'communicative acts', employed therein. The article examines the forms that such communicative acts take and the broader functions they fulfil within the (online and offline) context of the campaign. The observed communicative acts contribute towards and indeed enact the protest quite directly, forming an important part of the campaign's discourse of feminist dissent.Ogolnopolski Strajk Kobiet powstal we wrzesniu 2016, na fali protestow wywolanych propozycja prac nad zaostrzeniem polskiego prawa aborcyjnego. Ruch zajmuje sie rowniez szerzej pojetymi zagadnieniami spolecznymi i feministycznymi oraz prawami kobiet. Przedmiotem naszej analizy sa posty Ogolnopolskiego Strajku Kobiet na platformie spolecznosciowej Facebook. W odniesieniu do postow tego ruchu zastosujemy krytyczna analize dyskursu, skupiajac sie na multimodalnych aktach mowy, do ktorych bedziemy sie w tym artykule odnosic jako do 'aktow komunikacyjnych'. W kontekscie dyskursu Ogolnopolskiego Strajku Kobiet bedziemy obserwowac formy i funkcje niniejszych aktow komunikacyjnych. W naszym artykule postulowac bedziemy, ze posty Ogolnopolskiego Strajku Kobiet sa czesto bezposrednia forma protestu, tworzac wazna czesc dyskursu masowego zrywu i buntu feministycznego.
{"title":"Discursive acts of resistance","authors":"Małgorzata Chałupnik, Gavin Brookes","doi":"10.1558/genl.20148","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1558/genl.20148","url":null,"abstract":"Ogolnopolski Strajk Kobiet (All-Poland Women's Strike) is a grassroots campaign established in Poland in 2016 in response to the proposed tightening of abortion laws but which also engages with broader social, feminist and women's rights issues. Using a critical approach to multimodal discourse analysis, this article analyses the postings of the campaign on its main social media platform, Facebook, investigating closely the types of multimodal speech acts, referred to here as 'communicative acts', employed therein. The article examines the forms that such communicative acts take and the broader functions they fulfil within the (online and offline) context of the campaign. The observed communicative acts contribute towards and indeed enact the protest quite directly, forming an important part of the campaign's discourse of feminist dissent.Ogolnopolski Strajk Kobiet powstal we wrzesniu 2016, na fali protestow wywolanych propozycja prac nad zaostrzeniem polskiego prawa aborcyjnego. Ruch zajmuje sie rowniez szerzej pojetymi zagadnieniami spolecznymi i feministycznymi oraz prawami kobiet. Przedmiotem naszej analizy sa posty Ogolnopolskiego Strajku Kobiet na platformie spolecznosciowej Facebook. W odniesieniu do postow tego ruchu zastosujemy krytyczna analize dyskursu, skupiajac sie na multimodalnych aktach mowy, do ktorych bedziemy sie w tym artykule odnosic jako do 'aktow komunikacyjnych'. W kontekscie dyskursu Ogolnopolskiego Strajku Kobiet bedziemy obserwowac formy i funkcje niniejszych aktow komunikacyjnych. W naszym artykule postulowac bedziemy, ze posty Ogolnopolskiego Strajku Kobiet sa czesto bezposrednia forma protestu, tworzac wazna czesc dyskursu masowego zrywu i buntu feministycznego.","PeriodicalId":44706,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46695523","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Societies of central and eastern Europe are increasingly described as the hub of broader ‘antigender’ mobilisations, which has made them a locus of interest in political science and gender studies, yet they curiously remain among the least represented in gender and language scholarship to date. Recent developments in the region tap into some urgent foci for the sociolinguistic study of gender and sexuality, encompassing not only growing frames of right-wing nationalism and antigenderism, but also burgeoning forms of feminist and queer resistance, whose intricacies and paradoxes complicate dominant perspectives in the field. Following a brief overview of the region's developments and contributions to the field, the present article uses this backdrop for an outline of several linguistic semiotic processes pertinent for tracing the dynamics of ‘gender ideology’ in discourse. More broadly, based on the complexities observed, the article emphasises the value of insights from postsocialist societies for rethinking the possibilities of true gender equality, within the wider struggles against the exploitation, marginalisation and dehumanisation pervasive in our current social reality. O drustvima centralne i istocne Evrope cesto se govori kao o zaristu 'antirodnih' mobilizacija, zbog cega privlace sve vise interesovanja u oblasti politickih nauka i rodnih studija, te iznenaduje da ova drustva spadaju medu najslabije zastupljene u oblasti jezika i roda. Skorasnja dogadanja u ovom regionu ukazuju na vazna pitanja za sociolingvisticko izucavanje roda i seksualnosti, unutar danas rasprostranjenih okvira desnicarskog nacionalizma i anti-rodnih pokreta, ali i novih oblika feministickog i kvir otpora, cije nijanse i paradoksi komplikuju neke ustaljene perspektive u ovoj naucnoj oblasti. Nakon kratkog pregleda postojecih tendencija u izucavanjima jezika i roda u regionu, te teorijske diskusije o lingvistickim semiotickim procesima koji su u osnovi dinamika rodnih ideologija u javnom diskursu, u radu se istice znacaj nalaza iz postsocijalistickih drustava za promisljanje mogucnosti stvarne rodne emancipacije u sklopu sirih borbi protiv eksploatacije, marginalizacije i dehumanizacije kakve odlikuju nasu sadasnju drustvenu realnost.
中欧和东欧社会越来越多地被描述为更广泛的“反性别”动员的中心，这使它们成为政治科学和性别研究的兴趣所在，然而奇怪的是，迄今为止，它们在性别和语言研究中仍然是最少被代表的。该地区最近的发展触及了性别和性行为的社会语言学研究的一些紧迫焦点，不仅包括右翼民族主义和反性别主义的框架，还包括新兴的女权主义和酷儿抵抗形式，其复杂性和悖论使该领域的主流观点复杂化。在简要概述该地区的发展和对该领域的贡献之后，本文利用这一背景概述了与追踪话语中的“性别意识形态”动态相关的几种语言符号学过程。更广泛地说，基于观察到的复杂性，本文强调了后社会主义社会的见解的价值，它有助于在反对当前社会现实中普遍存在的剥削、边缘化和非人化的更广泛斗争中，重新思考真正的性别平等的可能性。因此，欧洲的医药卫生中心(drstvima central)对“反药品卫生动员”(govori kao)、“州政治动员”(interesovanja)、“州政治动员”(interesovanja)、“州政治动员”(interesovanja)、“州政治动员”(nejenaduje)、“州政治动员”(nejslabije)、“州政治动员”(nejslabije)、“州政治动员”(nejslabije)、“州卫生动员”(nejslabije)等问题进行了讨论。Skorasnja dogadanja u from regionu ukazju na vazna pitanja za sociolingvisticko izucavanje roda i seksusunosti, unutar danas prostranjeni okvira desnicarskog nacalizogi i anti- rokpokreta, ali novika oblika feministicg i kvirovita otporta, cije nijanse i paroksi komplikuju neke ustaljene透视u ovoj nachnoj oblasti。Nakon kratkog pregleda postojeih tendencija u izucavanjima jezika i roda u regionu, theorijskki diskusije to lingtictickim符号学过程koesma koji su osnovi dinamika ronih ideologizja u javnom diskursu, uradu use isticticznacaj nalizizi postsocial - jalistich drustava za promisljanje mogucnosti stvarne rodneliberacje u sklopu sirih proprotivesksploatacje, marginizizizje dehumanizacje kakve odlikuju nasasju drustvenu realnost。
{"title":"Politics of resignification","authors":"Ksenija Bogetić","doi":"10.1558/genl.23885","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1558/genl.23885","url":null,"abstract":"Societies of central and eastern Europe are increasingly described as the hub of broader ‘antigender’ mobilisations, which has made them a locus of interest in political science and gender studies, yet they curiously remain among the least represented in gender and language scholarship to date. Recent developments in the region tap into some urgent foci for the sociolinguistic study of gender and sexuality, encompassing not only growing frames of right-wing nationalism and antigenderism, but also burgeoning forms of feminist and queer resistance, whose intricacies and paradoxes complicate dominant perspectives in the field. Following a brief overview of the region's developments and contributions to the field, the present article uses this backdrop for an outline of several linguistic semiotic processes pertinent for tracing the dynamics of ‘gender ideology’ in discourse. More broadly, based on the complexities observed, the article emphasises the value of insights from postsocialist societies for rethinking the possibilities of true gender equality, within the wider struggles against the exploitation, marginalisation and dehumanisation pervasive in our current social reality.\u0000O drustvima centralne i istocne Evrope cesto se govori kao o zaristu 'antirodnih' mobilizacija, zbog cega privlace sve vise interesovanja u oblasti politickih nauka i rodnih studija, te iznenaduje da ova drustva spadaju medu najslabije zastupljene u oblasti jezika i roda. Skorasnja dogadanja u ovom regionu ukazuju na vazna pitanja za sociolingvisticko izucavanje roda i seksualnosti, unutar danas rasprostranjenih okvira desnicarskog nacionalizma i anti-rodnih pokreta, ali i novih oblika feministickog i kvir otpora, cije nijanse i paradoksi komplikuju neke ustaljene perspektive u ovoj naucnoj oblasti. Nakon kratkog pregleda postojecih tendencija u izucavanjima jezika i roda u regionu, te teorijske diskusije o lingvistickim semiotickim procesima koji su u osnovi dinamika rodnih ideologija u javnom diskursu, u radu se istice znacaj nalaza iz postsocijalistickih drustava za promisljanje mogucnosti stvarne rodne emancipacije u sklopu sirih borbi protiv eksploatacije, marginalizacije i dehumanizacije kakve odlikuju nasu sadasnju drustvenu realnost.","PeriodicalId":44706,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47978038","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
As a morphologically rich Slavic language, Czech contains many possibilities for nonbinary language use. The broad aim of this article is to provide insights into existing and emerging nonbinary language strategies and the metadiscourses that surround them. After outlining the available means of gender-fair language, the analysis turns to possibilities for expressing nonbinarity, presenting emic insights regarding nonbinary community members’ own language use, choices, innovations and metalinguistic reflections, as well as wider out-group responses. Discourses coming from the nonbinary community draw attention to less understood connections of language, self-expression, authenticity and social perception, whereas outgroup discourses draw on broad views of what is ‘natural’ in language and society. Emerging voices suggest that despite the general absence of debates surrounding nonbinary language in Czech academia and public discourse, much is happening ‘underground’ in personal language use and community interactions, reflecting the ongoing negotiation of tensions between gender-normative structures and the range of feasible agentive practices used to subvert them.Cestina jako morfologicky bohaty slovansky jazyk nabizi mnoho moznosti pro nebinarni vyjadrovani. Sirsim cilem clanku je poskytnout vhled do vznikajicich i jiz existujicich jazykovych strategii a taktez do metadiskurzu, ktere je obklopuji. Po nastineni dostupnych prostredku genderove vyvazeneho jazyka se analyza zameruje na moznosti vyjadreni nebinarity a predstavuje emicke poznatky tykajici se vlastniho uzivani jazyka nebinarni komunitou, jejich volby, inovace a metajazykove reflexe, stejne jako sirsi reakce mimo komunitu. Diskurzy vychazejici z nebinarni komunity se venuji predevsim mene znamym souvislostem jazyka, sebevyjadreni, autenticity a socialni percepce, zatimco diskurzy pochazejici mimo tuto skupinu venuji pozornost predevsim sirsimu kontextu toho, co je a neni v jazyce a spolecnosti ,,prirozene". Objevujici se hlasy naznacuji, ze navzdory obecne absenci debat o nebinarnim jazyce v ceskem akademickem prostredi a verejnem diskurzu se toho hodne deje ,,pod povrchem", tj. v osobnim uzivani jazyka, v interakcich dane komunity, coz odrazi probihajici obrusovani hran mezi genderove normativnimi strukturami a skalou moznych agentivnich praktik k jejich prekonani.
作为一种形态丰富的斯拉夫语，捷克语包含了许多非二元语言使用的可能性。本文的主要目的是提供对现有的和新兴的非二元语言策略以及围绕它们的元话语的见解。在概述了性别公平语言的可用手段之后，分析转向表达非二元性的可能性，提出了关于非二元社区成员自己的语言使用、选择、创新和元语言反思以及更广泛的外群体反应的主题见解。来自非二元群体的话语将注意力集中在语言、自我表达、真实性和社会感知之间不太为人所知的联系上，而外群体话语则利用了语言和社会中“自然”的广泛观点。新出现的声音表明，尽管在捷克学术界和公共话语中普遍缺乏关于非二元语言的辩论，但在个人语言使用和社区互动中，“地下”发生了很多事情，反映了性别规范结构与用于颠覆它们的可行代理实践之间紧张关系的持续谈判。从形态学上看，这是一种非常危险的现象。他说:“我不知道，我不知道。我不知道。我不知道。我不知道。”研究结果表明:一种新的研究方法能够有效地促进两性关系的发展;一种新的研究方法能够促进两性关系的发展;一种新的研究方法能够有效地促进两性关系的发展。Diskurzy pochazejici z nebinarni community se venuzy predevsim menme znamym souvissystem jazyka, sebevyjipi, authenticity a social知觉，zatimco Diskurzy pochazejici mimo tuto skupinu venuji poznost predevsim sisimu conttextu toho, co je nenezy v jazyce a spolecnosti,prirozene”。“目的”:对我国经济发展的现状进行分析，并对我国经济发展的现状进行分析，分析了我国经济发展的现状。V osobnim uzivani jazyka, V interakchi Dane社区，coz odrazi probihajii obrusovani hran mezi性别正常化，nimi strukturami, skalou moznych代理praktik k jejich prekonani。
{"title":"Nonbinary Czech language","authors":"V. Kolek","doi":"10.1558/genl.20657","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1558/genl.20657","url":null,"abstract":"As a morphologically rich Slavic language, Czech contains many possibilities for nonbinary language use. The broad aim of this article is to provide insights into existing and emerging nonbinary language strategies and the metadiscourses that surround them. After outlining the available means of gender-fair language, the analysis turns to possibilities for expressing nonbinarity, presenting emic insights regarding nonbinary community members’ own language use, choices, innovations and metalinguistic reflections, as well as wider out-group responses. Discourses coming from the nonbinary community draw attention to less understood connections of language, self-expression, authenticity and social perception, whereas outgroup discourses draw on broad views of what is ‘natural’ in language and society. Emerging voices suggest that despite the general absence of debates surrounding nonbinary language in Czech academia and public discourse, much is happening ‘underground’ in personal language use and community interactions, reflecting the ongoing negotiation of tensions between gender-normative structures and the range of feasible agentive practices used to subvert them.Cestina jako morfologicky bohaty slovansky jazyk nabizi mnoho moznosti pro nebinarni vyjadrovani. Sirsim cilem clanku je poskytnout vhled do vznikajicich i jiz existujicich jazykovych strategii a taktez do metadiskurzu, ktere je obklopuji. Po nastineni dostupnych prostredku genderove vyvazeneho jazyka se analyza zameruje na moznosti vyjadreni nebinarity a predstavuje emicke poznatky tykajici se vlastniho uzivani jazyka nebinarni komunitou, jejich volby, inovace a metajazykove reflexe, stejne jako sirsi reakce mimo komunitu. Diskurzy vychazejici z nebinarni komunity se venuji predevsim mene znamym souvislostem jazyka, sebevyjadreni, autenticity a socialni percepce, zatimco diskurzy pochazejici mimo tuto skupinu venuji pozornost predevsim sirsimu kontextu toho, co je a neni v jazyce a spolecnosti ,,prirozene\". Objevujici se hlasy naznacuji, ze navzdory obecne absenci debat o nebinarnim jazyce v ceskem akademickem prostredi a verejnem diskurzu se toho hodne deje ,,pod povrchem\", tj. v osobnim uzivani jazyka, v interakcich dane komunity, coz odrazi probihajici obrusovani hran mezi genderove normativnimi strukturami a skalou moznych agentivnich praktik k jejich prekonani.","PeriodicalId":44706,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45373809","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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