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Pandemic Micropolitics in Latin America: Small Business and the Governance of Crisis From Above and Below in El Salvador 拉丁美洲的流行病微观政治:萨尔瓦多的小企业和自上而下的危机治理
IF 1.3 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-02 DOI: 10.1177/1866802X231159686
B. Bull, K. Hoelscher
The COVID-19 pandemic had severe impacts in Latin America, with small businesses intensely affected. Beyond its economic consequences, the pandemic also exacerbated structural flaws in some of the region's weakly institutionalised democracies, diminishing State legitimacy and expanding that of organised criminal groups. In considering how State governance from above is challenged by non-state governance from below, this article examines a “pandemic micropolitics” as seen through the lens of support to the small business sector. We outline a framework to understand co-governance in hybrid political orders during crises; and examine this using case studies of urban informal markets and the transport sector in El Salvador. In showing that the pandemic contributed to a renegotiation of co-governance between the State, criminal organisations, and business associations, we contribute to understandings of the dynamics of distributive politics and the co-governance of crisis; and the potential implications for a post-COVID-19 political economy in Latin America.
2019冠状病毒病大流行对拉丁美洲造成了严重影响,小企业受到严重影响。除了经济后果之外,这一流行病还加剧了该区域一些体制薄弱的民主国家的结构性缺陷,削弱了国家的合法性,扩大了有组织犯罪集团的合法性。在考虑自上而下的国家治理如何受到自下而上的非国家治理的挑战时,本文从支持小企业部门的角度考察了一种“流行病微观政治”。我们概述了一个框架,以理解危机期间混合政治秩序下的共同治理;并利用萨尔瓦多城市非正规市场和运输部门的案例研究来检验这一点。我们表明,大流行病促使重新谈判国家、犯罪组织和商业协会之间的共同治理,有助于理解分配政治的动态和危机的共同治理;以及对拉丁美洲后covid -19政治经济的潜在影响。
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引用次数: 1
The AMLO Voter: Affective Polarization and the Rise of the Left in Mexico AMLO选民:情感两极分化与墨西哥左翼的崛起
IF 1.3 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-27 DOI: 10.1177/1866802X221147067
Rodrigo Castro Cornejo
What prompted so many voters in Mexico to abandon the traditional parties and support MORENA and its candidate, Andrés Manuel López Obrador? This research relies on data from Mexico's National Electoral Study (2018). The results show that support for López Obrador is strongly associated with affective polarization and the perception that the PRI and PAN represented the same political alternative. In turn, retrospective evaluations and ideology were not associated with López Obrador's victory. This research note contributes to our understanding of Mexico's historical elections as well as to the broader literature on the Latin American left. The success of the political left in Mexico is not rooted on voters’ programmatic preferences. Similar to the decay of mainstream political parties in other Latin American countries, in 2018, Mexican voters rejected the mainstream political establishment by supporting Lopez Obrador's third bid for the Presidency.
是什么促使墨西哥如此多的选民放弃传统政党,支持莫雷纳及其候选人安德烈斯·曼努埃尔·洛佩斯·奥夫拉多尔?这项研究依赖于墨西哥国家选举研究(2018)的数据。结果表明,对洛佩斯·奥夫拉多尔的支持与情感两极分化以及PRI和PAN代表相同政治选择的看法密切相关。反过来,回顾性评价和意识形态与洛佩斯·奥夫拉多尔的胜利无关。这份研究报告有助于我们理解墨西哥的历史选举,也有助于了解更广泛的拉丁美洲左翼文献。墨西哥政治左派的成功并非源于选民的纲领偏好。与其他拉丁美洲国家主流政党的衰落类似,2018年,墨西哥选民支持洛佩斯·奥夫拉多尔第三次竞选总统,拒绝了主流政治体制。
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引用次数: 1
Social Assistance Expansion and Political Inclusion in Latin America 拉丁美洲社会援助扩张与政治包容
IF 1.3 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-05 DOI: 10.1177/1866802X221143141
A. Barrientos
Has social assistance expansion contributed to political inclusion in Latin America? The current literature favours a “policy exchange” approach, hypothesising that social assistance is an electoral asset exploited by governing coalitions. The findings from this literature are mixed. The article proposes an alternative approach emphasising political inclusion. In unequal societies where economic cooperation is regulated by institutions generating inequality and disadvantage, social assistance contributes to the political inclusion of disadvantaged groups. Analysis of Latin American Public Opinion Project data for 2010 to 2019 data finds support for this hypothesis.
扩大社会援助是否有助于拉丁美洲的政治包容?目前的文献倾向于“政策交换”的方法,假设社会援助是执政联盟利用的选举资产。这篇文献的研究结果喜忧参半。文章提出了一种强调政治包容性的替代方法。在不平等的社会中,经济合作由产生不平等和劣势的机构监管,社会援助有助于弱势群体的政治包容。对拉丁美洲民意项目2010年至2019年数据的分析发现,这一假设得到了支持。
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引用次数: 0
Happy Winners, Sore Partisans? Political Trust, Partisanship, and the Populist Assault on Electoral Integrity in Mexico 快乐的赢家,痛苦的党派?墨西哥的政治信任、党派关系和民粹主义对选举诚信的攻击
IF 1.3 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-07 DOI: 10.1177/1866802X221136147
Alejandro Monsiváis-Carrillo
Winning elections usually make partisan voters more politically satisfied and confident. However, if they voted for a president that actively undermines the legitimacy of democratic institutions, they will be compelled to accommodate their views and update their judgment on a selective basis. They will support the regime's performance and yet distrust the institutions denounced by the government. This claim is tested using data from a representative survey conducted in Mexico. In this country, the president is a populist leader who consistently denounces all constraints on the executive. In particular, the president frequently undermines the institutions safeguarding free and fair elections. The analysis reveals that the gap in political trust reflects the opposite reactions from partisan winners and losers to the executive's antagonizing behavior. Voters supporting the winning party are more satisfied with democracy. However, they are less likely to trust the integrity of elections than the partisan losers.
赢得选举通常会使党派选民在政治上更加满意和自信。然而,如果他们投票给一位积极破坏民主制度合法性的总统,他们将被迫调整自己的观点,并有选择地更新自己的判断。他们将支持现政权的表现,但不信任政府所谴责的机构。这一说法得到了在墨西哥进行的一项代表性调查数据的检验。在这个国家,总统是一位民粹主义领导人,他一贯谴责对行政部门的所有限制。特别是,总统经常破坏维护自由公正选举的机构。分析表明,政治信任的差距反映了党派赢家和输家对行政部门对抗行为的相反反应。支持获胜政党的选民对民主更满意。然而,与党派失败者相比,他们更不可能信任选举的公正性。
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引用次数: 2
Human Rights During Transition: Accountability Mechanisms in Mexican States 1997–2008 过渡时期的人权:墨西哥国家的问责机制
IF 1.3 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-13 DOI: 10.1177/1866802X221127711
B. Brennan, Kristin Johnson, Ashlea Rundlett
This paper assesses the impact of political and fiscal accountability mechanisms on the severity and scope of human rights violations in Mexico's states during its democratic transition. First, we argue that elites in states with lower levels of electoral accountability are free of constraints that would normally result in their removal from office should they engage in human rights violations. Similarly, we argue that local elites maintain power while evading accountability when supported by transfers from the central government, and are thereby freer to use force. We find statistical support for our claims that lower levels of procedural democracy and higher levels of central transfers are associated with higher levels of human rights and physical integrity rights violations. These results are robust to subsample and numerous economic and other factors. Our findings suggest that particularly during democratic transitions, subnational institutions are salient in explaining the frequency of human rights violations.
本文评估了政治和财政问责机制对墨西哥民主过渡期间各州侵犯人权行为的严重程度和范围的影响。首先,我们认为,选举问责制较低的州的精英们没有受到限制,如果他们侵犯人权,通常会被免职。同样,我们认为,地方精英在得到中央政府移交的支持时,在逃避责任的同时保持权力,从而更自由地使用武力。我们发现,统计数据支持我们的说法,即程序民主程度越低,中央转移程度越高,侵犯人权和人身完整权的情况就越严重。这些结果对子样本和许多经济和其他因素都是稳健的。我们的调查结果表明,特别是在民主过渡期间,国家以下机构在解释侵犯人权的频率方面表现突出。
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引用次数: 0
Is it Worth the Risk? Grievances and Street Protest Participation During the COVID-19 Pandemic in Chile 值得冒险吗?智利新冠肺炎大流行期间的冤情和街头抗议参与
IF 1.3 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-23 DOI: 10.1177/1866802X221127712
Sofía Donoso, Ismael Puga, C. Moya, Monica M. Gerber
The COVID-19 pandemic started in Chile as the country was experiencing massive protests and a deep political crisis. Sanitary measures restricting movement and gatherings were implemented while the process of constitutional change responding to this crisis developed. In this context of conflict, we study why people continued participating in street protests despite the restrictions and the health risks involved. Using two surveys, we test key factors addressed in extant scholarship: biographical availability, perceived risks, and grievances. We find that grievances related to the pandemic were the most important factor, while biographical availability was much less relevant in the pandemic context. There is no evidence that perceived health risks mattered when deciding whether to join a street protest or not. These results suggest that under conditions of political crisis, grievances related to the administration of the pandemic can motivate political participation even when the latter put people's health at risk.
新冠肺炎疫情始于智利,当时该国正经历大规模抗议和严重的政治危机。在应对这场危机的宪法改革进程发展的同时,实施了限制行动和集会的卫生措施。在这种冲突的背景下,我们研究了为什么人们不顾限制和健康风险继续参加街头抗议活动。通过两项调查,我们测试了现有学术中涉及的关键因素:传记可用性、感知风险和不满。我们发现,与疫情有关的不满是最重要的因素,而传记在疫情背景下的相关性要小得多。没有证据表明,在决定是否参加街头抗议时,感知到的健康风险很重要。这些结果表明,在政治危机的情况下,与疫情管理有关的不满情绪可以激励政治参与,即使后者将人们的健康置于危险之中。
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引用次数: 1
Minimalist Storytelling: The Natural Framing of Electoral Violence by Mexican Media 极简主义叙事:墨西哥媒体选举暴力的自然框架
IF 1.3 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-07 DOI: 10.1177/1866802X221124032
Andreas Schedler
During the first two decades of the twenty-first century, Mexico’s so-called drug war claimed around a quarter of a million lives. Adapting to this enduring epidemic of violence, the print media have adopted a minimalist reporting style that gives only thin, formulaic accounts of violent events. As I argue, established journalistic minimalism does more than provide little information about violence. With practised impassiveness, it frames violence in a way that creates a certain narrative: not of social actors to be understood but of natural events to be endured. Through a qualitative content analysis of over 1200 news reports, I examine the persistent force of this “natural” frame in the face of an extraordinary development: the unprecedented intrusion of political violence into the 2018 general elections, when forty-eight candidates were assassinated.
在二十一世纪的头二十年里,墨西哥所谓的毒品战争夺去了大约25万人的生命。为了适应这种持久的暴力流行,印刷媒体采用了一种极简主义的报道风格,只对暴力事件进行单薄、公式化的报道。正如我所说的那样,既定的新闻极简主义不仅仅是提供很少关于暴力的信息。通过练习的冷漠,它以一种创造某种叙事的方式来构建暴力:不是要理解的社会行动者,而是要忍受的自然事件。通过对1200多篇新闻报道的定性内容分析,我研究了这种“自然”框架在面对一种非同寻常的发展时的持久力量:2018年大选中前所未有的政治暴力入侵,48名候选人被暗杀。
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引用次数: 0
Income and Social Trust in Latin America 拉丁美洲的收入和社会信任
IF 1.3 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-24 DOI: 10.1177/1866802X221122295
Juan-Pablo González
How do economic conditions affect trust? In this paper, I analyze the effect of natural resource shocks on social trust in Latin American regions. To deal with the endogeneity between income and trust, I use an identification strategy that relies on the exogeneity of the international prices of commodities. I show that income shocks have a positive effect on social trust, a result that is robust to a number of checks. I present evidence that points to two mechanisms: increases in life satisfaction and a reduction in crime victimization. I do not find that inequality is moderating this effect nor that extractive commodities are detrimental to social trust. These results are consistent with the decline in social trust on the continent during the last decade of sluggish growth and economic turmoil.
经济状况如何影响信任?本文分析了拉丁美洲地区自然资源冲击对社会信任的影响。为了处理收入和信任之间的内生性,我使用了一种依赖于国际商品价格的外生性的识别策略。我表明,收入冲击对社会信任有积极影响,这一结果经得起一系列检验。我提出的证据指向两个机制:生活满意度的提高和犯罪受害的减少。我没有发现不平等正在缓和这种影响,也没有发现采掘商品对社会信任有害。这些结果与过去十年增长缓慢和经济动荡期间非洲大陆社会信任度的下降是一致的。
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引用次数: 0
Radical, Nativist, Authoritarian—Or All of These? Assessing Recent Cases of Right-Wing Populism in Latin America 激进派、本土主义者、威权主义者——还是所有这些?评估拉丁美洲右翼民粹主义的近期案例
IF 1.3 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-04 DOI: 10.1177/1866802X221117565
T. Kestler
In the light of a series of right-wing populist successes, some observers concluded that there is a kind of populist contagion going on and that the global wave of radical right populism (RRP) has finally reached Latin America. Yet, a premature categorization based on outward similarities eventually leads to omitting important differences. The aim of this article is a typological assessment of four recent cases of right-wing populism in Latin America—Jair Bolsonaro (Brazil), José António Kast (Chile), Guido Manini Ríos (Uruguay), and Javier Milei (Argentina)—to clarify their correspondence with Cas Mudde’s concept of RRP. The questions to be addressed are the following: Are these four leaders and their parties radically right? Are they right-wing in cultural terms (nativist and authoritarian)? Are they populist? And do they have sufficient features in common to speak of a right-wing populist wave?
鉴于右翼民粹主义的一系列成功,一些观察家得出结论,民粹主义正在蔓延,全球激进右翼民粹主义浪潮终于到达了拉丁美洲。然而,基于外表相似性的过早分类最终会导致忽略重要的差异。本文的目的是对拉丁美洲最近的四个右翼民粹主义案例——Jair Bolsonaro(巴西)、JoséAntónio Kast(智利)、Guido Manini Ríos(乌拉圭)和Javier Milei(阿根廷)——进行类型学评估,以澄清它们与Cas Mudde的RRP概念的对应关系。需要解决的问题如下:这四位领导人及其政党是否完全正确?他们在文化上是右翼的吗(本土主义者和独裁主义者)?他们是民粹主义者吗?他们有足够的共同点来谈论右翼民粹主义浪潮吗?
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引用次数: 1
The Limits of Neoliberal Policy Feedback: Private Pension Fund Reforms in Peru (2014–2021) 新自由主义政策反馈的局限性:秘鲁的私人养老基金改革(2014-2011)
IF 1.3 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/1866802X221107147
Eduardo Dargent Bocanegra
A growing literature in comparative Latin American Politics highlights how policy feedback effects help explain the resilience of neoliberal reforms in the region. These works emphasize private actors/interest groups to explain neoliberal policy continuity. Nonetheless, given their focus on continuity, these works do little to explore other instances in which neoliberal feedback cannot preclude change. This paper presents an instance in which powerful private actors favored by neoliberal reforms were incapable of resisting change. An Act of the Peruvian Congress adopted in 2016 opened the door for individual pensioners to withdraw up to 95.5 percent of all their accumulated savings at the point of retirement. Ensuing reforms approved by Congress during the COVID-19 emergency (2020–2021) further weakened private administrators of these pension funds (AFPs). The case shows how the conflicting interests between private service providers and future pensioners make the service providers vulnerable; a divide also found in other neoliberal reforms.
拉丁美洲比较政治中越来越多的文献强调了政策反馈效应如何有助于解释该地区新自由主义改革的韧性。这些作品强调私人行为者/利益集团来解释新自由主义政策的连续性。尽管如此,鉴于他们对连续性的关注,这些作品几乎没有探索新自由主义反馈不能阻止变革的其他例子。本文介绍了一个例子,在这个例子中,受新自由主义改革青睐的强大的私人行为者无法抵抗变革。秘鲁国会2016年通过的一项法案为个人养老金领取者在退休时提取其所有累计储蓄的95.5%打开了大门。在新冠肺炎紧急情况(2020-2021年)期间,国会批准的改革进一步削弱了这些养老基金的私人管理者。该案例表明,私人服务提供者和未来养老金领取者之间的利益冲突如何使服务提供者变得脆弱;其他新自由主义改革也存在分歧。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Journal of Politics in Latin America
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